The Origins of Overthrow Hegemonic Expectations, Emotional Frustration, and the Impulse to Regime Change

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Origins of Overthrow Hegemonic Expectations, Emotional Frustration, and the Impulse to Regime Change The Origins of Overthrow Hegemonic Expectations, Emotional Frustration, and the Impulse to Regime Change Payam Ghalehdar Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Florence, 20 March 2015 European University Institute Department of Political and Social Sciences The Origins of Overthrow Hegemonic Expectations, Emotional Frustration, and the Impulse to Regime Change Payam Ghalehdar Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of Political and Social Sciences of the European University Institute Examining Board Prof. Christian Reus-Smit, University of Queensland (supervisor) Prof. Jennifer Welsh, European University Institute Prof. Roland Bleiker, University of Queensland Prof. Michael Cox, London School of Economics © Payam Ghalehdar, 2015 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Acknowledgments I remember quite vividly how I was glued to the TV on February 5, 2003, when Colin Powell, George W. Bush's first Secretary of State, presented the US case for regime change in Iraq in his much-anticipated speech to the United Nations Security Council. Owing to its significance, the meeting was broadcast live on German TV, a fate not shared by many other UNSC meetings. It was that time, when I was, like many others, closely following the unfolding events eventually leading to the invasion of Iraq a month later, that stoked my interest in a topic that I have remained fascinated by ever since, and embarked on researching in 2010 when I decided to do a PhD; a decision I have hardly ever regretted. I owe a debt of gratitude to my supervisor, Christian Reus-Smit, without whom my interest in regime change would have remained as raw and diffuse as it was when I entered the EUI in September 2010. I am grateful for his decision to supervise me and to continue to do so even after his departure from the EUI in 2013. It was him who gave me enough creative space to develop my own ideas and arguments, never imposing his own analytical framework or theoretical lens and always encouraging me to think big. It was him who allowed me to benefit from his vast experience in producing sound and convincing research. It was him who from across continents made me meet deadlines I would surely not have failed to miss. In short, it was him who showed me how to write a dissertation, guiding me through each and every step from the research question to the obligatory cover letter attached to the final version of the thesis. Whatever flawed result I offer in the following pages would not even have been half as good without his guidance and mentorship. I would also like to extend my gratitude to the members of my thesis committee: Jennifer Welsh, Roland Bleiker, and Michael Cox. They provided incisive and constructive feedback on my final draft, feedback I hope to be able to do justice to in future revisions. I should add that I appreciate Jennifer's kind and useful assistance with regard to career prospects, and I will not forget Roland's simple, but eye-opening piece of advice he shared with me in March 2014 on what it takes to be a successful academic. We will see how much of it I really understood. Beyond my thesis committee, I would like to thank Pascal Vennesson and Adrienne Héritier for being the first EUI faculty members guiding me through the PhD program in the initial weeks. I also owe thanks to Olivier Roy who proved very helpful in preparing my research i visit to Washington, DC. Finally, I am grateful to Daniel Deudney, Walter Carlsnaes, and Stefan Seidendorf for having introduced me to international relations during my years as an undergraduate, to Klaus Schönhoven for having ignited my interest in international history, and to Berthold Rittberger for having taught me how to do research. Much of the interest I have had in regime change and military intervention was triggered by John M. Owen's book called Clash of Ideas in World Politics , for which I would like to give him credit. The European University Institute is a unique institution and I could not have possibly known how lucky I was when I was admitted to its PhD program in 2010. Apart from the regular ways in which the quality of graduate schools is typically measured, there are other indicators testifying to the immeasurable value of the EUI. What makes it truly special is its negation of conventions, for better or worse. Not belonging to any one specific national tradition, research-related or otherwise, there is no better place for creative and innovative thinking than the EUI. In the words of my friend Bosko, "the most wonderful thing about the EUI is that it actually doesn't belong to anyone", as "the institution [the EUI] is what we make of it".1 Thanks to the generous scholarship of the DAAD, the German grant authority, I have been lucky enough to benefit from this community in many different ways, and to grow not only as a graduate student, but also as a person. I owe special thanks to my closest friends Bosko and Milena Tripkovic, Alexis Galan, Kristian Voss, Trajche Panov, and Andrea Warnecke, who, wittingly or unwittingly, taught me to become a better version of myself, and were there for me when I needed their advice, reassurance, or company. Our regular lunch meetings that more often than not led to heated discussions about random subjects, will stick in my mind for some time to come. I must thank Moritz Deutschmann, Rana Sajedi, Noelle Richardson, Nicole Jenne, Ewan Mellor, Kasia Granat, Maciej Borowicz, Sarah Auster, Kivanc Atak, Alejandro Garcia, Oliver Westerwinter, Kevin Köhler, David Kleimann, Barbara Badell Sanchez, Markos Vogiatzoglou, Argyri Panezi, Nisida Gjoksi, Jurek Dudek, and Guilherme Sampaio for providing much-appreciated distraction from my thesis, as well as Maja Spanu, Maria Birnbaum, and Patrick Herron for the meetings we had to discuss our work and for giving me the feeling that we were going through the different stages of our dissertations collectively. Last but not least, I am grateful for having been a member of the EUI rowing club. Writing a doctoral thesis requires a lot of discipline. Waking up early in the 1 "Welcome to the European University Institute!", https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X9N_5pVINsc (watch from minute 3:02), accessed on February 20, 2015. ii morning for an outing on the quiet Arno was not only one of the best ways to start the day, but also a constant reminder that life is beautiful when body, mind, and soul are in balance. This thesis equally benefited from two research stays away from the EUI: one at the George Washington University in Washington, DC and one at the University of Queensland in Brisbane. At GWU, I was fortunate enough to spend the third year of my doctoral research as a visiting scholar at the Elliott School's Institute for Security and Conflict Studies, one of the most vibrant places in the field of international relations and security studies. There, I was given the opportunity to present parts of my work in the institute's weekly workshop and to receive incisive comments. I would like to thank all participants of the workshop, especially Charles Glaser, the institute's director, as well as Henry Nau, Alexander Downes, Stephen Biddle, Martha Finnemore, Elizabeth Saunders, Michael Barnett, Harris Mylonas, and Lindsey O'Rourke, who were all kind enough to provide advice and comments in one-on-one meetings. At the University of Queensland, I was a visiting PhD researcher at the School of Political Science & International Studies from February to April 2014, where I presented the first draft of my theory chapter in the History and Theory Reading Group. I would like to express my gratitude to the reading group's participants for their insightful comments, and to Emma Hutchison for her useful advice on how to grasp emotion both empirically and conceptually. A special 'thank you' goes out to Lorenzo Cello, Nico Taylor, Linda Mantovani, Emily Tannock, Bronwyn Crook, Nienke van der Have, Meru Sheel, and Dyonne Pennings for helping me get my work-life balance right. Many people contributed to this thesis without being in the spotlight. I would like to take this opportunity to thank Maureen Lechleitner and Gabriella Unger for their administrative assistance and for putting up with my occasional sloppiness. I owe many thanks to the EUI library staff, especially to Ruth Gbikpi and Jiri Vankat, for their excellent service and good- morning smiles, and the library staff at the Library of Congress, the National Security Archive, and the Lyndon B. Johnson Presidential Library. In the most fundamental sense, this thesis would not have been possible without my parents and my sister, without their unconditional love and never-ending support. I thank my sister for being the backbone of my moral and intellectual rectitude and my parents for instilling in me the intellectual curiosity that guided this project. More importantly, I am forever indebted to them for giving me and my sister the opportunity to realize our hopes and dreams, sparing us from the heavy burden of the sense of displacement they themselves have had to bear ever iii since their hopes and dreams turned into a bitter nightmare. In terms of perseverance, integrity, and steadfastness, they are my ultimate role models. I wish I could make them half as proud as I am of them. iv Abstract Why has regime change, defined as military intervention aimed at forcibly transforming a target state’s domestic political authority structure, been a long-standing practice in US foreign policy, used roughly two dozen times since 1900 despite its limited success in producing peace, stability and/or democracy? Extant theories fail to provide sound answers.
Recommended publications
  • The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
    THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion.
    [Show full text]
  • DISARMAMENT and INTERNATIONAL SECURITY COMMITTEE Background Guide a CANADA INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS Tenth Annual Session | May 28-30, 2021
    CAIMUN 2021 DISARMAMENT AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY COMMITTEE Background Guide A CANADA INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS Tenth Annual Session | May 28-30, 2021 Dear Delegates, Othman Mekhlouf My name is Lincoln Lee, and I am excited to welcome you to the Disarmament and Secretary-General International Security Committee at CAIMUN 2021 alongside your chairs Nick Liu and Jan Peng. This year, we will discuss two widely relevant issues: Interventions in Foreign Warfare and Threats to Global Energy Security. As stakeholders in each topic, I encourage you to research the topic thoroughly and represent your countries Angel Yuan accurately so as to build a high quality of debate. Director-General Even after four years of Model UN, I still remember my frst conference where Nikki Wu every one of my speeches was accompanied by a trembling voice. I barely kept my Chief of Staff composure in front of what looked like a room full of prying eyes and struggled to stay relevant in the fast-paced debate. After several conferences, however, I found the true value of Model UN. Through this activity, I learned to overcome my fears, fnd a passion for politics, and most importantly, met new people who are now my Matthew Leung Director of Logistics mentors and best friends. To delegates feeling nervous about speaking out in front of a large crowd, I encourage you to make an active effort to come up to the podium as much as possible. MUN has been, without exaggeration, life-changing for me, and I Madeline Kim hope you’ll fnd the same benefts I have.
    [Show full text]
  • Statement of Mr Sarkout Mahmoud Kurdish Organizations Network Coalition for the International Criminal Court (KONCICC)
    Statement of Mr Sarkout Mahmoud Kurdish Organizations Network Coalition for the International Criminal Court (KONCICC) www.koncicc.org 25th Session of the Conference of the States Parties The Hague, The Netherlands Mr. Chairman, Director-General, Representatives of Government, States Parties, NGOs, Distinguished Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen: It is a great privilege to contribute to this conference on behalf of Kurdish Organizations Network Coalition for the International Criminal Court. The Anfal genocide was committed during the Al-Anfal campaign led by Ali Hassan al-Majid, on the orders of President Saddam Hussein, against Iraqi Kurdistan in northern Iraq in the final stages of the Iran–Iraq War. The term, “Anfal,” means "the spoils," and was taken from the title of Sura 8 (al-Anfal) in the Qur'an. As a planned process, it was one of the main strategic methods to exterminate Kurds and eliminate the roots of Kurds. It was to destroy and ruin the demographical Kurdistan and Kurdish culture. The campaigns were characterized by mass summary executions and the mass disappearance of many tens of thousands of noncombatants, the vast majority civilians; the widespread use of chemical weapons; the wholesale destruction of some 2,000 villages, including homes, schools, mosques, churches and wells; the arbitrary arrest and jailing in conditions of extreme deprivation of thousands of women, children and elderly people; the forced displacement of hundreds of thousands of villagers; and the destruction of the environment and the rural Kurdish economy and infrastructure. Only 13 victims survived from Anfal, and 9 out of 13 are alive today. Anfal was committed from February 23 to September 6, 1988 in eight stages and damaged more than 31 Assyrian and Christian villages.
    [Show full text]
  • Information Note Mm3.7.2
    MM3.7.2 INFORMATION NOTE Date: February 25, 2019 Request to Raise the Flag of Kurdistan on the Courtesy Flag Pole at Toronto City Hall Summary of the Request Councillor Jim Karygiannis received a request from Sartip Kakaee, Chairman of Kurdish House Toronto, to raise the Kurdish flag at City Hall to mark the 31st anniversary of the Halabja chemical attack. Councillor Karygiannis sent the request on to the Strategic Protocol and External Relations office for follow up. Response ● The request does not meet the stated City of Toronto criteria for a flag raising on the courtesy flag pole. ● The flag identified is an official symbol of the sub-national Kurdistan Region of Iraq, and is therefore not a flag of a nation recognized by Global Affairs Canada. ● Council may choose to bring awareness to violent world events through a member announcement or a proclamation. ● The City has other programs and services that enable groups to commemorate and raise awareness for events of importance. Global Affairs Canada perspective The Government of Canada is committed to the unity and diversity of the Republic of Iraq and it supports Iraq’s territorial integrity. This position is well known to the Government's Iraqi interlocutors, including in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. Canada has a constructive partnership with the federal government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government. The Government of Canada favours a peaceful dialogue in good faith, so as to resolve their differences through continued negotiations. The Government of Canada respects that the Kurdistan Regional Government already enjoys certain decision making powers for itself within the Iraqi federal system.
    [Show full text]
  • ECHOES of GENOCIDE FINDING JUSTICE | from ANFAL to ISIS | SURVIVOR STORIES ECHOES of GENOCIDE CONFERENCE on the 30 Th ANNIVERSARY of the HALABJA GENOCIDE
    ECHOES OF GENOCIDE FINDING JUSTICE | FROM ANFAL TO ISIS | SURVIVOR STORIES ECHOES OF GENOCIDE CONFERENCE ON THE 30 th ANNIVERSARY OF THE HALABJA GENOCIDE HOSTED BY THE KURDISTAN REGIONAL GOVERNMENT REPRESENTATION IN THE UNITED STATES THE NEWSEUM - WASHINGTON, D.C. MARCH 13, 2018 CONTENTS STATEMENTS ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF HALABJA 2 WHAT IS GENOCIDE 16 TEN STAGES OF GENOCIDE 18 BROTHERHOOD OF THE SHAKEN 20 THE POLITICS OF GENOCIDE 22 PESHMERGA UNDER ATTACK 28 THE LAST ‘FIRMAN’ 32 YEZIDI WOMEN’S EXPERIENCES WITH THE PRESS 36 REMNANTS OF IRAQ’S CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY 40 STORIES OF SURVIVAL 46 FOLLOW THE MONEY 54 PURSUING SADDAM’S CHEMICAL FIXER 58 A LEGAL MAZE 61 SPONSORS 64 Cover photograph courtesy of REZA, rezaphoto.org; Illustration (left) by Lukman Ahmad STATEMENTS ON THE 30th ANNIVERSARY OF THE HALABJA GENOCIDE were aimed at eliminating the Kurdish SOMETHING WE CAN national identity. We can never forget NEVER ESCAPE that, for decades, a systematic attempt NECHIRVAN BARZANI was made to eradicate the Kurdish Prime Minister people from the state of Iraq. It is Kurdistan Regional Government something that we can never escape; it lives on in our memories, our literature, our culture, and our politics. It is a part I warmly welcome you all, especially of all that we think and do. Every day in those who have come from far away our region, families sit at dinner with and abroad to participate in this empty seats at the table, once filled by important conference. You are here loved ones who were slaughtered by the for a valuable and noble purpose.
    [Show full text]
  • Timeline: Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament in the Middle East Compiled by Amanda Tapp
    Timeline: Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament in the Middle East Compiled by Amanda Tapp 1949: The Israel Defense Forces find 1960s: Steps to establish a nuclear sources of uranium in the Negev desert. weapons-free zone in the Middle East begin. The Committee for the 1950s: Iran’s nuclear program begins Denuclearization of the Middle East (a with U.S. assistance as part of the “Atoms group of Israeli intellectuals) proposes for Peace” program, which began under the idea first in 1962, publicly stating U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s that the development of nuclear weapons administration. This collaboration “constitute[s] a danger to Israel and to would come to a halt with the toppling peace in the Middle East,” urging the of the Shah of Iran in the 1979 Iranian United Nations to intervene “to prevent Revolution. military nuclear production”. 1953: Iran launches a civilian nuclear May 1961: The U.S. Atomic Energy program initiative with the aim of Commission (AEC) sends inspectors reaching nuclear cooperation agreements to Dimona. The results affirm that with other nuclear-capable states. Dimona only had a research reactor and was not capable of producing weapons- 1955: The United States agrees to sell grade plutonium. This is reaffirmed by a Israel a small nuclear research reactor. second inspection in September 1962. 1957: Israel begins work on the Negev 1963: Israel agrees to buy 100 tons of Nuclear Research Facility, a large reactor uranium ore from Argentina in a secret in the desert near Dimona, which would agreement in response to rising tensions become the foundation for Israel’s between the United States and Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolutions, Coups, and Regrets/ U.S. Intervention in Latin America
    University of Hawai‘i at Hilo HOHONU 2019 Vol. 17 in general was complex and changed rapidly as events Revolutions, Coups, and unfolded. The revolution is perceived in the modern eye Regrets: as simplistic and the motivations obvious. However, that viewpoint reveals a lack of understanding of the Cuban U.S. Intervention in Latin Revolution and the subsequent political quagmire. What follows will display this Cuban quagmire in all of its America during the Cold War. complexities. Paul Edward Fontenot The government of Fulgencio Batista emerged From the Monroe Doctrine to the construction of in Cuba after a coup in 1952. Only seven years later the Panama Canal, the United States has been involved however, revolutionary forces under Fidel Castro in many of the most important events in Latin America, overthrew the authoritarian and oppressive Batista and the history of Latin America is closely tied to that of regime. The insurgency against Batista developed a the United States. With the relation that Latin America reputation inside and outside of Cuba as freedom currently shares with the U.S. in mind, one would not fighters resisted the repressive Batista regime. Batista’s find it shocking that the United States intervened all allies declined as the insurgency gained more ground over Latin America during the Cold War. The United and defeat loomed. Even the United States had all but States rigged the elections in numerous Latin American abandoned him by 1958. The Eisenhower administration countries, assassinated political figures in others, and did not want to openly support Castro nor openly even toppled governments all in the name of preventing condemn Batista, but they knew a losing horse when the spread of Communism or protecting their economic they saw one.
    [Show full text]
  • GWT Coalition-High-Command-And
    Welcome Letter Dear Delegates, On behalf of the Secretariat and all of NAMUN, I am pleased to welcome you to the 2017 North American Model United Nations Conference and am honoured to serve as your chair for the Coalition High Command and Provisional Authority (Iraq). I’m looking forward to meeting you all in person in February, and am anticipating a fantastic conference. With the recent spate of terrorist attacks across America and Europe, and the battles raging across Syria and Iraq, international terrorism and counterinsurgency remain very important topics, and will probably for the immediate future. As such I’m anticipating some fascinating debate and strategies as you tackle this issue staring in 2003. I hope that our committee will be exciting and a rewarding experience for all of you, and I hope that your enthusiasm and knowledge of international terrorism help make this an excellent Integrated Crisis Simulation. Warmest Regards, Shanzae Khan Table of Contents Introduction – 3 Historical Background – 4 Issues – 11 State of Affairs – 14 Suggested Sources – 15 Bibliography – 15 Introduction After the 1991 Gulf War, the United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolution 687 commanded that Iraqi synthetic, organic, atomic, and long range rocket projects be stopped and every such weapon destroyed under UN supervision.1 The UN weapons inspectors inside Iraq verified the dismantlement of many Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) and materials, but there significant compliance issues remained and the inspectors were unable to check every site and verify that Iraq had destroyed all its WMD materiel by their withdrawal in 1998.2 Iraqi-American relations remained quite hostile throughout this period, with no-fly zones imposed over the Northern and Southern parts of Iraq.
    [Show full text]
  • Missed Opportunities: the 9/11 Commission Report and US Foreign Policy
    Missed Opportunities: The 9/11 Commission Report and US Foreign Policy Ted Galen Carpenter The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States (better known as the 9/11 Commission) released its report to much media fanfare in late July 2004.1 The massive (567-page) report covered an array of issues and offered extensive recommendations to reform the bureaucratic apparatus responsible for intelligence gathering, intelligence evaluation, and counterter- rorism measures. It was cautious, thoughtful, and eminently bipartisan. Many of the organizational reforms were soon widely endorsed, although Senator John Kerry, the Democratic Party’s 2004 presidential nominee, went much further than most members of the political establishment when he pledged to implement all of the recommendations in the report if he became president. President George W. Bush praised the commissioners and expressed general support for their product but refrained from committing to a wholesale adop- tion of the recommendations. Much of the document analyzes the failures of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Central Intelligence Agency, and other agencies to antici- pate and thwart the devastating attacks that al Qaeda launched on 11 Sep- tember 2001. Some of the criticisms (the lack of communication between key agencies, the absence of effective screening mechanisms at the borders, and the missing of key clues that a major attack on American soil was imminent) 1. The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States (New York: W. W. Norton, 2004). Ted Galen Carpenter is vice president for defense and foreign policy at the Cato Institute and is the author or editor of sixteen books on international affairs, including Peace and Freedom: Foreign Policy for a Constitutional Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • Overthrow Kinzer.Pdf
    NATIONAL BESTSELLER "A detailed, I)assionateandconvincingbook ... [wilh] lhe pace and grip ofagood lhriller." - TheNew York Tillles BookReview STEPHEN KINZER AUTHOR OF ALL THE SHAH'S MEN OVERTHROW ___________4 _____ 4 __ 111_11 __iii _2_~ __11 __ __ AMERICA'S CENTURY OF REGIME CHANGE FROM HAWAII TO IRAQ STEPHEN KINZER TIM E S BOO K S Henry Holt and Company New York Times Books Henry Holt and Company, LLC Publishers since 1866 175 Fifth Avenue New York, New York 10010 www.henryholt.com Henry Holt® is a registered trademark of Henry Holt and Company, LLC. Copyright © 2006 by Stephen Kinzer All rights reserved. Distributed in Canada by H. B. Fenn and Company Ltd. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kinzer, Stephen. Overthrow: America's century of regime change from Hawaii to Iraq I Stephen Kinzer. -1st ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-8050-8240-1 ISBN-1O: 0-8050-8240-9 1. United States-Foreign relations-20th century. 2. Hawaii-History­ Overthrow of the Monarchy, 1893.3. Iraq War, 2003- 4. Intervention (Internationallaw)-History-20th century. 5. Legitimacy of governments-History-20th century. I. Title. E744.K49 2006 327. 73009-dc22 2005054856 Henry Holt books are available for special promotions and premiums. For details contact: Director, Special Markets. Originally published in hardcover in 2006 by Times Books First Paperback Edition 2007 Designed by Kelly S. Too Printed in the United States of America 791086 Time present and time past Are both perhaps present in time future, And time future contained in time past. -T.
    [Show full text]
  • Latin America Relations After the Inevitable US Military Intervention In
    ARTÍCULO DE INVESTIGACIÓN U.S. – Latin America relations after the inevitable U.S. Military intervention in Guatemala in 1954 Relaciones Estados Unidos - América Latina después de la inevitable intervención militar norteamericana de 1954 en Guatemala Fecha de recepción: Agosto de 2014 Fecha de aceptación: Septiembre de 2014 Gianmarco Vassalli MA in International Cooperation for Development of Universidad de San Buenaventura, Cartagena in agreement with the University of Pavia and BA International Relations with Business Dirección postal: Calle Portobello, San Diego C38 10-15, Apt. B13, Cartagena de Indias, Colombia Correo electrónico: [email protected] Revista INTERNACIONAL de COOPERACIÓN y DESARROLLO VOL. 1, NÚM. 2. ISSN (online): 2382-5014 JULIO – DICIEMBRE, 2014 195 U.S. – LATIN AMERICA RELATIONS AFTER THE INEVITABLE U.S. MILITARY INTERVENTION IN GUATEMALA IN 1954 Abstract The 1954 U.S. intervention in Guatemala is a controversial key matter that still finds different and opposing interpretations in academia. In this article the impact of the U.S. coup in Guatemala on U.S.- Central America socio-political relations will be evaluated, through the critical analysis of different perspectives and attributes on the subject. This work identifies, with reference to academic theories, key motives and interests behind the intervention, in relation to the significance of Guatemalan democratic president Jacopo Arbenz’ s reforms in the wider social context of Central America. The possible wide-scale impact of these reforms with the creation of viable alternative model to American liberal capitalism and consequently of a perceivable potential threat to U.S. intrinsic interests in its hemisphere, will be reflectively explored throughout with the intent of proposing a solution over the 1954 U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Intelligence Analysis and Decision-Making Behind the Overthrow of Guatemalan Democracy
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2017 In Darker Shadows: Intelligence Analysis and Decision-Making behind the Overthrow of Guatemalan Democracy William R. Weber Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Weber, William R., "In Darker Shadows: Intelligence Analysis and Decision-Making behind the Overthrow of Guatemalan Democracy" (2017). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 6928. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/6928 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. In Darker Shadows: Intelligence Analysis and Decision-making Behind the Overthrow of Guatemalan Democracy William R. Weber Thesis submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History James F. Siekmeier, Ph.D., Chair Michelle M. Stephens, Ph.D. David M. Hauser, Ph.D. Department of History Morgantown, West Virginia 2017 Keywords: CIA; Guatemala; Analyst; Intelligence Community; Cold War; Eisenhower; Árbenz; Covert Action, Decision-making Copyright 2017 William R.
    [Show full text]