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Modalities of Resistance in Lovelace's Dragon Can 'T Dance and Thelwell's Harder They Come

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Modalities of Resistance in Lovelace's Dragon Can 'T Dance and Thelwell's Harder They Come The Harder Dragon: Modalities of Resistance in Lovelace's Dragon Can 't Dance and Thelwell's Harder They Come. Brian Meeks, Department of Government The University of the West Indies Mona, Jamaica Paper presented for the panel: 'The Politics of Race and Culture in the Caribbean'. 24thAnnual CSA Conference, Panama City, Panama, May, 1999 Some kind of new critical writing in depth needs to emerge to bridge the gap between history and art. Wilson Harris Crossing the Chasm In a memorable sequence in his essay 'History, Fable and Myth in the Caribbean and the Guianas', Wilson Harris discusses the novelty and specificity of the uniquely Caribbean limbo dance. Though it undoubtedly possessed African characteristics, the limbo, in its contracting motion - reminiscent of the cramped limbs of the Middle Passage - was in form and message demonstrative of a new and liberating Caribbean ethos: The limbo dance therefore implies, I believe, a profound art of compensation which seeks to re-play a dismemberment of tribes.. .and to invoke at the same time a curious psychic re-assembly of the parts of the dead god or gods. And that re-assembly which issued from a state of cramp to articulate a new growth - and to point to the necessity of a new kind of drama, novel and poem - is a creative phenomenon of the first importance in the imagination of a people violated by economic fates1 Harris highlights the limbo and later on, Haitian vodun, in order to initiate a devastating broadside against Caribbean historians and, by implication, social scientists. Beginning with J.J. Thomas' celebrated critique of Froude's Nineteenth Century observations on the region, Harris supports Thomas' trenchant attack on Froude's racially motivated conservatism. But, he contends, does Thomas' critique 'overwhelm' Froude, as C.L.R. James, in an introduction to the volume, suggests? In the end, he proposes that both Froude, the apologist for slavery and colonialism and Thomas, the opponent, were captives of the same positivist prison, which excluded the entire universe of the imagination: 1 Wilson Harris, 'History, Fable and Myth in the Caribbean and the Guianas', in Andrew Bundy (ed.) Selected Essays of Wilson Harris: The Unfinished Genesis of the Imagination, Routledge, London and New York, 1999, p.159. In this connection we must note that both Thomas and Froude shared a common suspicion of Haitian vodun and other primitive manifestations which signified for them a 'relapse into obeahism, devil-worship and children-eating'. Therefore they consolidated an intellectual censorship of significant vestiges of the subconscious imagination which they needed to explore if they were to begin to apprehend a figurative meaning beyond its real one2. Highlighting Eric Williams and Elsa Goveia, but sparing none of the then new generation of Caribbean historians, he further argues that their emphasis on the devastating effects of imperialism, without a concurrent grasp of the creative potential inherent in the people, left a deeply pessimistic and paralyzing image of a West Indies 'utterly deprived' and 'gutted by exploitation7'. The answer, he concluded, for the creation of an empowering Caribbean sensibility and ethos, was to bridge the gap between history and art. The responses to Harris' heartfelt plea - perhaps also in typical Caribbean fashion - have been few. Of significance, however, is Denis Benn's comment in the Conclusion of his important study The Growth and Development of Political Ideas in the Caribbean: 1774- 1983. Benn recognizes the 'legitimacy' of an intellectual exercise to search for the inner meaning of Caribbean reality, but concludes that the socio-political problems of the Caribbean "...cannot be resolved simply by an appeal to the artistic imagination".4 In a revealing elaboration, Benn argues that Harris ". ..overstates the potentialities of the artistic imagination and elevates it almost to the level of scientijicprinciple " and concludes strongly that the discovery of a submerged cultural heritage .may enable us to endow a de.facto situation of economic dispossession with a figurative meaning, but it cannot alter the reality of that condition and the consequences deriving therefrom6 'ibid. p. 156. ibid. p.159. Dennis Benn, The Growth and Development of Political Ideas in the Caribbean: 1774-1983, Institute of Social and Economic Research, Mona, Jamaica, 1987, p. 167. ibid. p.167. 'ibid p.168. Benn's spirited, positivist response, seems however, flawed on three related counts. First, Harris never suggests a substitution of the creative imagination for the empirical work of the 'historian', but rather, a convergence of the two. Thus, Benn has created a strawman sufficiently and necessarily weak in order to be easily knocked down. Second, he seems to misread the essence of the appeal. Harris is not proposing the invention or excavation of new principles of scientific analysis, which is what is implied in Benn's somewhat manichean dichotomy. What, rather, he appeals for, is a search for the underpinnings of a Caribbean civilization, the recognition of a self-generated creativity, which will allow Caribbean intellectuals to use the tools of scientific inquiry more effectively. Third, Benn, therefore, in his knockout punch, misses the potential at the heart of Harris' comments, and that is, posing it as a question, how might the creative imagination, operating, as it were, in a universe of its own, be harnessed to the greater intellectual purpose of understanding and transforming the Caribbean? Modern Anglo-Caribbean social science has proceeded, over the past four decades, in either willful opposition to, or blissful ignorance of, Harris' remarks. Caribbean political scientists, in particular, have operated in the mainstream Anglo-European empirical tradition, or, when they were occasionally on the Left, with a Marxism possessing strong overtones of economic determinism. One searches with some despair through the oeuvres of Carl stone7,Trevor Munroe, Selwyn Ryan, Pat Emmanuel, Neville Duncan and other patriarchs of the discipline, to find even the occasional, sustained reference to literature, music, or popular culture. The exception, which proves the rule, is of course, Rex Nettleford, whose work has always operated within an enviable and exemplary multi-disciplinary frame~ork.~ ' Though it is true that Stone toward the end of his life sought to move away from his strong empircist- behaviouralist moorings to take matters of culture into greater account. See Brian Meeks, 'The Implicit Theory in Carl Stone's Practical Political Science', Social and Economic Studies, vo1.45 no.1, 1996, pp.1- 26. 8 See, in particular, Rex Nettleford, Mirror, Mirror: Identity, Race and Protest in Jamaica, William Collins, London, 1970, Caribbean Cultural Identity: The Case of Jamaica, Institute of Jamaica, 1978, and Inward Stretch: Outward Reach, Macmillan, London, 1993. And in more recent times, the atmosphere, certainly at the University of the West Indies has become more receptive to the idea that the creative imagination must have a central place in social analysis. Thus, the Reggae Studies Unit at Mona, the Institute of Cricket at Cave Hill and the Carnival Studies Unit at St. Augustine, are all part of a welcomed if belated, recognition of the central importance of the popular arts in society and social analysis; the Department of Government at Mona has introduced courses linking sports and music to Caribbean politics9; the new journal Small Axe has dedicated itself to an inter-disciplinary critique of the Caribbean condition; a recent issue of the more established and establishment journal Social and Economic studies1' has been devoted entirely to Reggae studies; and, in the wider sphere of Caribbeanists, new studies" are appearing with increasing frequency which seek to read and understand the Caribbean condition through the lens of popular culture. If Harris is to be taken seriously, if it is admitted that there is, indeed, benefit in the closing of the cleavage between 'history' and the arts, what, approaching the question from the perspective of someone steeped in the arcane disciplines of the empirical social sciences, does this imply? What, in other words, can social scientists bring to the study of literature, music, dance, the theatre and plastic arts, which is not already being done with all the advantages of tradition and a certain thoroughness, by the literary and other critics themselves? I suggest four sources as a process of working toward a methodological approach which can begin to answer this question. he blurb for the course 'Sports, Politics and Society' (GT21M) for example, begins with the statement that 'This course exposes students to the sphere of sport as a legitimate area for social science research and analysis', and the course 'Popular Jamaican Music: 1962-1982' (GT23M) begins with the statement that 'This course explores the folk and popular music as socio-political , cultural and philosophical instruments and expressions in the making of the African Diaspora in the Americas'. See Welcome to the Department of Government, UWI, Mona, 1995, p.57 and Course handout, Clinton Hutton, GT23M - Popular Jamaican Music 1962-1982; Roots Lyrics as Socio-Political and Philosophical Text, Mona, 1998, p. 1. lo See Caroline Cooper (ed.) 'Special issue on Reggae Studies', Social and Economic Studies vo1.47 no. 1, March, 1998. 11 See, for example, Richard Burton, Afro-Creole: Power, Opposition and Play in the Caribbean, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and
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