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E-Politics in Singapore the Superhighway to Freedom?

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E-Politics in Singapore the Superhighway to Freedom? Comunicación e Xuventude ISBN-13 978-84-690-7016-1 CHRISTINE DORAN E-Politics in Singapore The Superhighway to Freedom? Política electrónica en Singapur A autoestrada cara a liberdade? Resumo: Singapur está recoñecida amplamente como unha das sociedades tecnolóxi- camente máis avanzadas e interconectadas, con ambicións por desenvolver aínda máis as tecnoloxías da información e comunicacións durante a próxima década. Este artigo explora as conexións entre a internet e a política, examinando a natureza da regulación gobernamental do aceso á rede así como os efectos da adopción ávida da internet polos habitantes de Singapur na conducción da política no estado insular. A pesar da aproximación xeralmente autoritaria do goberno cara os medios e a conti- nuada imposición de certos controis sobre a rede, argumentase o potencial de inter- net na contribución ao proceso de democratización da política en Singapur. Palabras-chave: internet; política electrónica; democracia; Singapur; tecnolo- xía da información; comunicacións; democracia electrónica. Abstract: Singapore is widely acknowledged to be one of the most technologically advanced and highly networked societies in the world, with ambitions to develop in- formation and communications technologies even further over the next decade. This article explores the connections between the internet and politics, examining the na- ture of government regulation of access to the web, and the effects of Singaporeans’ avid adoption of the internet on the conduct of politics in the island-state. Despite the generally authoritarian approach of the government to the media and the continuing imposition of some controls over the net, it is argued that the internet shows potential for contributing to the democratisation of Singaporean politics. Keywords: internet; e-politics; democracy; Singapore; information technology; communications; e-democracy. INTRODUCTION This article considers the rising importance of the internet in Singa- porean politics and focuses on the question of whether increasing use of the net as a technique of political activity can contribute to democrati- sation and, more generally, to an opening up of Singaporean society. The article begins by documenting the rapid adoption of the internet by 130 Christine Doran, E-Politics in Singapore the people of Singapore, and the – increasingly unsuccessful – attempts by the Singaporean government to regulate its use. The effects of the internet on recent Singapore politics are then examined. Within this broad ambit, the article considers in particular the relationships betwe- en Singaporean e-politics and the issues of Youth and Gender. It should be emphasised that many of the striking recent developments in the po- litical deployment of the web have been driven by Singaporean youth; this article will highlight some of this e-activism by young people. The use of modern communications technologies has also opened the way for gen- der issues to be accorded a higher political profile in Singapore. It will be argued that, on balance, the net offers significant potential for raising the chances of greater democracy and freedom in Singaporean society. INTERNET USAGE The internet arrived in Singapore in 1994, when a public internet service was launched. By 1995 2.8% of the population were internet users. This grew rapidly to 32.4% in the five years to 2000, at which ti- me Singapore was ranked 18th in the world with a total of 1,200,000 users. By 2002 Singapore had passed the milestone of 50% of the popula- tion online. In September 2005 there were 2,421,800 internet users out of a population of 4,425,720. There are over 60 personal computers in use per 100 people (Global Virtual University, 2006). In addition to per- sonal computers, the internet became accessible from the growing number of cyber cafes that sprang up across the city, and the govern- ment also established internet clubs at several state-run community centres. Singapore was also an early adopter of broadband technology. Benefiting from strong cooperation between government and industry, there are now hundreds of broadband access points in Singapore – in homes, offices, educational institutions and internet cafes. Singapore is therefore characterised by a high rate of internet con- nectivity, especially compared to most other nations in the Asian re- gion. In 2005 Singapore was listed first among a short-list of the “five most wired nations in the world,” taking into account such variables as internet connections, the e-business climate, technology infrastructure and the policy environment (Rane, 2005). A survey in 2001 found that computer ownership and access to the internet was much the same across the three main ethnic groups in multiethnic Singapore – the Chi- nese, Malays and Indians (Dawson, 2001). 42% of internet users in Singa- pore are female, so there is a gender divide, though not an especially marked one. However, it is worth noting that there is a significant ge- neration divide in active use of the internet, with only about 46% of adults online compared to 71% of local Singaporean students (Kuo, Christine Doran, E-Politics in Singapore 131 2002). Moreover, compared to the older generation, Singaporean youth also make more extensive and sophisticated use of a range of internet functions, including downloading movies, music and graphics, online gaming and other multi-media tools. As in other countries, considerable media attention has been given to the phenomenon of internet addic- tion, an affliction said to be suffered especially by Singaporean youth. REGULATION OF THE INTERNET: BRIEF HISTORY By the 1990s, when the internet arrived in Singapore, the govern- ment of Singapore had already established a formidable reputation for strict censorship of traditional print and broadcast media (George, 2000). How, then, would it greet the advent of the new information and communications technology? One commentator aptly described the in- ternet as “a nightmare scenario of every government censor” because it has “no physical existence and recognizes no national barriers” (Cole, 1996: 8). Would the Singaporean government attempt to exert the same degree of control over the internet as it had succeeded in imposing on other media? And what effective means were at its disposal? Perhaps surprisingly, from the early days of public internet access, the Singaporean government proclaimed that it did not intend to “over- regulate” the internet. Significantly, awareness of the economic potential of the internet induced the authorities to opt for a “lighter” touch in ma- naging the new technology. The government recognised that the internet would be a key tool for transforming Singapore into an internationally competitive information hub, a strategy they identified as the basis for economic growth in the 21st century. There was also another factor at work. The initial response of the Singapore authorities to the arrival of the internet can be gauged by comments made by Lee Kuan Yew, then Senior Minister following his resignation as Prime Minister in 1990. Lee opined that the “top three to five percent of a society can handle this free-for-all, this clash of ideas”; on the other hand, for the majority of the population such access to diverse ideas would be socially and politically destabilising (Gardels, 1996). This was a reflection of Lee’s intellectual elitism, which had already been clearly expressed on other political issues as well (Doran, 1996: 157). At first, then, the Singaporean government took the position that access to the internet would be restricted to a social elite and that its political impact would therefore be contained. From 1995 the Singapore Broadcasting Authority (SBA) was empowe- red to regulate internet content and manage Singapore’s internet po- licy. In 2003 this task was transferred to the Media Development Autho- rity (MDA) following the adoption of the Media Development Authority of Singapore Act. The approach of the MDA to internet regulation conti- 132 Christine Doran, E-Politics in Singapore nued the “light touch” and “maximum flexibility” approach previously pursued by the SBA: MDA fully supports the development of the Internet and oversees the regulation of Internet content in Singapore. In regulating the Internet, MDA adopts a balanced and light-touch approach to ensure that mini- mum standards are set for the responsible use of the Internet while gi- ving maximum flexibility to the industry players to operate. MDA also encourages industry self-regulation and public education efforts to complement its light-touch regulatory approach (MDA, 2006). According to the authorities, the internet is lightly regulated to pro- tect national unity and social values by means of the prohibition of of- fensive content, especially pornography and material which might incite ethnic or religious conflict. Under Singapore’s Broadcasting Act, internet services are provided by three major Internet Service Providers (ISPs): SingTel’s SingNet, StarHub and Pacific Internet. These ISPs are subject to regulation by the Media Development Authority to block websites containing material that might be a threat to public security, national defence, racial and reli- gious harmony and public morality. Under the Broadcasting Act, ISPs and those with websites posting political or religious content are required to register with the MDA under a class licence scheme. Both service and content providers must comply with an Internet Code of Practice. From the beginning government controls
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