Political Leadership in India V M Sirsikar The central leadership after Pandit Nehru represents a new trend towards collectivism and better co-ordination between the parliamentary and organisational wings of the Congress. The State Chief Ministers played an important role in the succession battle; their importance in national poli tics is likely to grow in the years to come. This development reflects the growing strength of the different regions of the country. The central leadership will also be more responsive to popular pressure than hitherto as the people, who tole rated the lapses of Pandit Nehru, would be now more exacting in their demands. Within the Congress Party itself, the rank and file are likely to become more articulate and critical, leading to a greater demoralisation of the party-machine than obtains now. The opposition parties may increase their pressure on the leadership through alliances or mergers. The same could be said about other organised interests and their efforts to influence Government policy. THIS brief paper attempts a study would yield political power have to national freedom, unity and the subli of political leadership in the post- be initiators in social change. Is the mating influence of the non-violent independence period in India. The leadership capable of shouldering the struggle against the imperial power, re paper is based on current literature on responsibility? On the quality of men sulted in throwing up a 'national' political leadership in India in the will depend the answer. leadership, neither interested in section form of books, journals, research Our argument involves certain al, regional or group interests nor in papers and on personal observation. broad assumptions. It needs no proof personal advancement. On the other Leadership is a phenomenon which that the Indian National Congress— hand, it could be demonstrated that pervades every human associational a party which is in power since Inde there was a certain social pressure on activity, but it assumes a certain cru pendence both at the Centre and in the leadership to be 'national' in its cial significance in an emergent demo the States (with a few minor excep outlook. No one could hope to be a cracy which boasts of the largest tions) is the most important political 'national' leader and still strive for his electorate in the world and also de institution in India. Attention, there- sectional interests. Their identification sires to modernise in a short period fore, has to be focussed on the Con with the abstract entity of the Indian of time. The very future of this vast gress leadership at the national and nation was complete. The function of experiment depends on the continuous State level. This does not mean that this 'national' leadership was to subli and steady flow of leaders who can there are no non-Congress leaders mate the parochial caste, communal be depended upon for the task of worth the name. The paper is mainly and narrow regional loyalties into a 'attending to the arrangements of the descriptive and not normative in its broad stream of national loyalties for society'. approach. It attempts to be as objec the freedom struggle. tive as is possible for a contemporary The participation in the freedom Indian student seeking to describe the struggle demanded from the leaders a Crisis of Leadership leadership situation in the country. certain amount of voluntary sacrifice of It is common place to say that India No attempt is made to suggest quick their personal careers, properties and faces a crisis of leadership, The short solutions to this basic problem. It is even family life. Under Gandhiji's in age of leadership is a result of the felt that the political leadership of a fluence they had to live an ascetic life absence of social conditions and ar country is the product of interacting of self-imposed poverty and denial of rangements which would promote forces, of history, of competing ideo worldly pleasures. All this resulted in potential leaders. Thus it becomes logies, of cultural heritage and of the making the leaders very much goal- urgent to think of the processes, pro social structure of that community. oriented, and the service (of the people) motive became the dominant note. With blems and influences that shape the Thus it is thought that there could be the general sentiment in favour of re emergence of new leaders. Leadership no "western" or mechanical solution nunciation of power, the power motive is as urgent a social problem in India to the leadership problem in India. could not be much in evidence. Or it as the paucity of economic resources, This does not mean that the Indian could be argued that the power instinct technical know-how and trained situation is in any way 'unique', but remained suppressed till 1947. It may bureaucrats. The problem assumes it is radically different. greater significance as the leadership even be pointed out that in that period, acceptance of a political career auto is expected to undertake the triple res Period of National Leadership ponsibility of strengthening democratic matically divorced the person in ques It is not an easy task to survey the institutions in a mass society, of mod tion from the sources of wealth-getting. developing leadership situation in a ernising the masses and of initiating Austerity was thus in part, the con country like India, with vast popula and performing developmental work. sequence of lack of such opportunities. tion and cultural variations, in a few The role of political leadership in India pages. Certain obvious limitations are has an added significance as the people there. What is attempted here is to Two Traditions look to the state as an agency of view the leadership situation in the social change. The dependence on state There is no doubt that there is a post-1947 period within its social sett- initiative to undertake any new pro tradition of renunciation in Indian cul ing. gramme or policy is noticeable even ture. However, this does not consti at the lowest level Thus those who It can be stated that the urge for tute a massive factor in any field of 517 March 20, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
518 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY Match 20, 1965 national activity today. In the prc- father-figure. Pandit Nehru had ac from a broad-based national move independence period, achievements in quired a world personality even before ment into a closely-knit political politics, education or any other national independence. This fact together with party. And those who controlled the activity were possible only on a sacri his aristocratic origins, his legendary party-machine—like Sardar Patel, S K fice basis and hence the national move sacrifice, his revolutionary background Patil and others—were typically con ment threw up men, organizations and and his love for the masses who adored servative in their socio-economic out traditions of this type. The sacrifice him, contributed to his charismatic look. tradition meant lack of specialized hold over the country and its politics. Beginning of Nehru Era knowledge but the material costs were The 1947 Cabinet contained a few less and there was an unflinching pur non-Congress and non-party leaders. The second period coincides roughly suit of ideals with a zeal. With in This had become necessary to give a with the start of the First Five-Year dependence there has been a catacly national character to the cabinet which Plan, the coming into force of the smic change in the psychology of the was mainly composed of Congressmen. new Constitution, the death of Sardar leaders, though the psychology of the The overall picture was that of the Patel, the rise of the Jan Sangh, and people is still to some extent glued to Congress monopoly of power through- the beginning of the 'Nehru era'. The the pre-independence traditions. This cut the country. The non-Congress emergence of Pandit Nehru as ,the fact explains the wide gap in the ex elements remained in the government leader' had certain implications for pectations from, and the fulfillment of on the sufference of the Congress the Government, the party and the these by the leaders. leadership. The country was passing people. It was alleged by the critics, It can be argued that in the Indian through the ordeal of partition, facing that though the country had adopted leadership there are mainly two xradi- the enormous problems created by the the 'cabinet' system of government, in tions — the Congress and the non- massive inflow and outflow of refugees practice it was more of a "presiden- Congress. The Congress tradition con and the post-war shortages. The leader tialist" system. This, however, did not tinued in that party and the Socialist ship at the Centre was able to tide mean that the Cabinet did not meet parties, while the non-Congress tradi over these difficulties. There were, no or transact business. It meant two tion is to be found in the C P I and doubt, stresses and strains, heart-burn things. The domination of the Cabinet the rightist parties like the Jan Sangh ings and whisper-campaigns, charges by the towering personality of the and the Swatantra. The common and counter-charges amongst the top Prime Minister. It also meant that factor about the non-Congress tradition Congress leaders, specially between important policy decisions were made was that this leadership was mostly Maulana Azad and Sardar Vallabhai outside the Cabinet. There were, no away from the national struggle. (A Patel (K L Panjabi, "The Indomitable doubt, instances when Cabinet mem few of the leaders of the Swatantra Sardar" and Maulana Azad, "India bers differed from the Prime Minister party were veteran Congressmen and Wins Freedom,'). But these did not and had the courage to challenge him. hence the statement does not apply to reach explosive proportions. Credit Some of them even had the courage these individuals, who, however, do not must be given to Pandit Nehru for re to leave the Cabinet. But these in represent the bulk of the Swatantra conciling the divergent elements. stances were rare. Pandit Nehru was leadership. The same may be true of never primus inter pares; he always remained unus inter pares, those nationalist communists who parti Period of Consolidation cipated in some of the national move The consequences of this for the ment *). This fact to some extent in This period could be regarded as a period of consolidation in many senses party were extremely important. Be fluences the relationship of the opposi fore independence, the President, and tion parties to the Congress The of the term. The integration of States was achieved peacefully (except in case the Working Committee decided the desertions from and to the Congress main policies. But the situation radi are again mostly from and to the of Kashmir and Hyderabad). There was a realignment of ideological forces in cally changed after the Congres had Socialist parties. The C P I and the assumed power and the responsibility Jan Sangh have succeeded in creating the country. The Congress Socialists left the Congress to set up the Socialist of governing the country. Acharya a greater doctrinal and party-loyalty Kripalani resigned his presidentship in amongst their respective followers, Party in 1948. The initiative for the break came from the Congress which protest, against the neglect he suffered. adopted stricter rules for member All the major decisions were now with Well-Trained Team ship which prevented dual membership. the Prime Minister and his Cabinet and Today it can be rightly said that The Socialists had no choice. Even the President was not even formally India was fortunate enough to have at before the Congress Socialists, the consulted. The exit of Purushottamdas the start, a well-trained team of leaders Communists had been expelled from Tandon from the presidentship of the under the able stewardship of Pandit the Congress. The Gandhians, mainly party, a few years later 'was with so Nehru. The role of Mahatma Gandhi the Sarvodayaites, claiming to detest brazen a display of expediency' that as the friend, philosopher and guide of the increasing power struggle, left the it was commented on by the press and this team came to an abrupt end with Congress to undertake non-political the public. his assassination in 1948. The sudden constructive work. Vinoba Bhave and The enormous concentration of removal of the charismatic father-figure the 'Bhoodan' workers could be cited power in the hands of Pandit Nehru from the national scene, though much as the examples. Thus the Congress was now complete, with the taking lamented, was in a sense instrumental consolidated as an organisation. But over of the presidentship of the party. in projecting Pandit Nehru as the new in the process it became more con He was leader of the House, Chair , The term 'national movement' is servative and less idealistic than it man of the Planning Commission, used here with a limited connota was before the attainment of inde Chairman of the Atomic Energy Com tion of a struggle against the pendence. This was not unexpected as mission, Minister for External Affairs, foreign rule. the Congress was transferring itself in addition to being the Prime Min- 519 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY March 20, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY March 20, 1965
ister. The immediate result of this mass-base than those of the earlier strength. The Chinese aggression was the enfeeblement of the party's period. The 'new leaders', it is claimed, brought about many changes in the organisational wing. The "process of belong to the ,new middle class,—the internal political situation. It signifi 'de-Patelisation' of the party-machine representatives of the newly-educated, cantly affected the unquestioned sup was in progress. The once mighty, rich, middle castes, mainly of the remacy of Pandit Nehru. Within the highly coveted office of the president peasant stock coming from rural Congress there was articulate opposi ship went now abegging. Pandit Nehru areas. There is evidence available to tion to him—a fact unknown before. continued to hold the twin responsibi prove that many of the leaders are The consequences were, the exit of lity of leading the Government and heavily dependent on the support of Krishna Menon, perhaps much against the party. The successors to the party the particular caste/clan dominant in Pandit Nehru's wish, and a significant presidentship were for all practical their constituency. change in Indian foreign policy. Pub purposes, chosen and nominated by lic opinion, specially of the vocal sec him. tion, asserted itself in this case, The A fatal consequence of this process Power Shifts to the States three prestige bye-elections to the Lok was the reluctance of other leaders in Sabha returned Lohia, Acharya Kripa- The pendulum of power started the Government to use their initiative lani and Minoo Masani and thus in shifting from Delhi to the States in and take risks. S K Patil referred to creased qualitatively the combined this period. The Chief Ministers began this when he compared Pandit Nehru opposition in the Lok Sabha. This was asserting their independence. This to a banyan tree under whose heavy a further proof of the decline in the tendency gathered strength with the shadow smaller plants did not get a Congress prestige—specially the influ decline in the popularity of the cen chance to grow. The effect on the ence of Pandit Nehru. K D Malavia, a tral leadership and weakening of the people was to encourage them to look party-organisation. close associate of Krishna Menon, and upon Pandit Nehru as the infallible a pronounced leftist, had to resign in With the achievement of indepen leader who would bring them to the the Serajuddin Affair. This was inter dence, the 'noble cause' motivation promised land. This attitude made preted as a victory of the rightists in ceased to be decisive. But the elec them very indulgent towards him. the Cabinet. tions, the plums of office, the chances of improving one's socio-economic The debate on 'after Nehru who' in Socialist Turn status, attracted the 'new men of this last phase of Pandit Nehru's lite The next phase in the developing power'. Only after independence did indicated the extreme anxiety felt in leadership situation began with the politics in Max Weber's phrase, be the party, in the country and outside inclusion of the 'left forces' in the come a vocation in India. Those who about the peaceful succession. It also Cabinet. Pandit Nehru's leaning to wanted to live 'off politics made a pointed to the close of the Nehru era wards the left was tolerated by the significant emergence on the political —already his charisma was wearing rightists in the Congress. But the in stage specially at the State and local thin, with the Chinese aggression. creasing importance of the leftists, levels. In contra-distinction TO the since the Avadi Resolution on the 'national, leaders of the earlier period, The Rise of Kamaraj Socialistic pattern of society, and the the political support of the 'new, emphasis in the Second Plan on phy leaders has certain limiting factors. It- This leads us to the present phase sical planning was not much to the has now a distinctive regional colour which can be conveniently termed as liking of the rightists. (The influence with the over-tones of caste and a the 'Kamaraj era'. The era began with of Professor Mahalanobis in giving this bargaining quality. This bargaining the 'Kamaraj plan' to revitalise the slant to the Plan was hotly discussed.) quality emerges because of the grow party by asking senior Congress lead This period witnessed the exit from ing strength of interest groups in ers both from the Centre and the the Congress of a few top conserva Indian politics, specially at the State States to step down from the office and tive leaders like C Rajagopalachariar level. There are now visible signs of devote themselves to party work. and K M Munshi who were later ins interlinking of business and industrial Kamaraj, a bachelor, with no family trumental in launching the Swatantra interests and political leadership, spe ties, a whole-time politician, with no party. The more decisive influence on cially of the ruling party. This could vices and a simple life, but with in the leadership situation was, however, be regarded as a new trend. This nate appreciation of the mechanics of the reorganisation of States on lin might be owing to the fact that the real politics in a democracy, became guistic basis. The total effect of this political leadership now controls the a symbol of sacrifice and was the first momentous change was to strengthen business and industrial sectors, to follow the principle of 'party before regionalism, and to encourage local through licensing, exchange controls, post'. leadership having linguistic and re and such other mechanisms. The 'Kamaraj plan, gave an opportu gional homogeneity. The last phase of the development of nity to Pandit Nehru to drop from his With the linguistic States the leader- the leadership situation started with Cabinet six of his colleagues, including ship became more rural in composition the 1962 General Election. The growth pronounced rightists like Moravji Desai than in the composite States. The of the rightist parties in this election and S K Patil. This was alleged to be identification of this leadership was was sufficiently perceptible. This swing the attempt to restore ideological with more concrete realities like the to the right in Indian politics might balance in the Cabinet, (caused by the caste or the linguistic group. This was have influenced the Congress itself. exit of Menon and Malavia). The oust an important change as it meant that The rightists in the party were ing of six Chief Ministers resulted in gradually the urban-centred leadership strengthened. Though the Congress new power alignments in those States, of the highly educated high caste continued to rule at the Centre and The plan succeeded because those who elites would be displaced by the 'new in the States, the opposition parties, were sacrificed, accepted the decision , leaders'. These leaders have a stronger both of the right and left increased in without recrimonious public debate. 521 March 20, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
There was not even an idea of revolt as tentative indications about the exacting in their demands. Within the against the leadership. Events followed developing situation. party itself, the rank and file would in rapid succession with the failing become more critical and articulate. health of the Prime Minister. After the The age of 'the Children of Revolu Indirectly, this might be a gain as it Bhubaneshwar session, Lai Bahadur tion' as Pandit Nehru said, is coming would democratise the party-machine. Shastri, who had resigned under the to an end. This is but natural, since Kamaraj plan, was recalled to the after 17 years of independence the The opposition parties may increase Cabinet, to share the work of the ranks of the freedom fighters are grow their pressure on the leadership cither Prime Minister. Kamaraj emerged as a ing substantially thin. In the earlier through united alliances or mergers. strong man from the south who had phases, jail-going was correlated to re The same could be said about the the backing of the southern States and markable social performance and growth of organised interests and their who, unlike his predecessors in office leadership. This criteria will not efforts, open and clandestine, to in (of presidentship of the party), was now be available. Leadership based on fluence policies. determined to use his influence in the tradition of sacrifice, dedication and shaping things after the departure of austerity would be replaced by the new Pandit Nehru's leadership represent Pandit Nehru. leaders who represent their hold on ed certain values in Indian politics their regions, either due to caste or in like, secularism, modernism, scientism, Can it be now assumed that the terest group support. Really speaking socialistic planning, non-alignment, and organizational wing would exorcise a the problem of substituting the tradi democracy. Though the present leader co-ordinate authority in the selection tion of sacrifice and dedication., by a ship could be depended upon to follow of the highest office? Or can it be tradition of specialisation is the basic- these values by and large, yet their regarded as merely a resultant of many issue. Specialisation means more emotional commitment to these values accidental factors that Kamaraj project material cost but more specialised is different from that of Pandit Nehru. ed himself beyond his capacity in gett knowledge of political organization and It is very likely that the internal and ing Lai Bahadur Shastri through the administrative skills. But to build up foreign policies would be less idealistic ingenuous method of "consensu," and a tradition of specialization demands and more down to the earth. avoiding a direct confrontation? The permeation of appropriate cultural values among the people. As yet no power of Kamaraj is a result of many The functioning of democratic insti solution has been found. This does factors, principally his unchallenged tutions depends on the international!- not: mean that the present Central supremacy in Madras, a state where the sation of democratic values by the leadership lacks either in the sacrifice secessionist O K and D M K move community. Though such a claim can tradition or administrative experience. ments were posing a threat to the unity not be made for the whole commu But if no conscious efforts were made of the country. The strategic import nity it could be said that the leader to train a cadre of leaders specialised ance of the southern States in Indian ship, the intelligentsia and the bureau in political organisation and adminis politics, which the populous northern cracy have a workable loyalty to de trative skills, it would mean that the States dominate by virtue of their vot mocratic institutions. The smooth tran country would suffer from the demerits ing strength — a fact resented by the sition, contrary to the alarmist fears of both traditions. With the dedica south — cannot be overlooked. The in certain quarters, from the Nehru tion-sacrifice tradition becoming scarce support which Kamaraj received was era, demonstrates this workable loyalty the material costs would increase, while from different sections of the party- and its efficacy. Barring an unforeseen in the absence of specialisation, there some of the party bosses, most of the catastrophe, the Indian leadership can would be less expertise and there would middle cadre of leadership and the be trusted to operate the democratic also be a decline in the zealous pur general rank and tile. Every one of apparatus in a satisfactory manner. them might have supported Kamaraj for suit of ideals. It is necessary to remedy this situation. bis own motives and sometimes for contradictory purposes. With the passing away of Pandit Kamaraj, with the help of his sup Nehru the chapter of charismatic porters, was able to smoothen out the leadership seems to have come to a succession issue in favour of Lal close. The Central leadership at pre Bahadur Shastri. This proved that the sent represents a new trend towards lessons he had learnt in the 'real poli collective leadership and better co ties' of his region, Tamilnad, were use ordination between the two wings of ful on a larger canvass. It is necessary the party—the parliamentary and the to point out that the much-feared and organisational. The Chief Ministers expected 'split' in the party did not were influential in the battle for suc occur. Part of the credit must be cession. The role and influence of the given to those who were left out of State Chief Ministers will be more power. significant in years to come. This might be regarded as a consequence of the strength of regionalism. Conclusions This brief survey of leadership situa The Central leadership will be tion in India does not entitle us to more responsive to popular pressure draw any inferences of a general char as people who tolerated the lapses of acter. What follows is to be regarded Pandit Nehru would be now more
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