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Political Leadership in India

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Political Leadership in India Political Leadership in India V M Sirsikar The central leadership after Pandit Nehru represents a new trend towards collectivism and better co-ordination between the parliamentary and organisational wings of the Congress. The State Chief Ministers played an important role in the succession battle; their importance in national poli­ tics is likely to grow in the years to come. This development reflects the growing strength of the different regions of the country. The central leadership will also be more responsive to popular pressure than hitherto as the people, who tole­ rated the lapses of Pandit Nehru, would be now more exacting in their demands. Within the Congress Party itself, the rank and file are likely to become more articulate and critical, leading to a greater demoralisation of the party-machine than obtains now. The opposition parties may increase their pressure on the leadership through alliances or mergers. The same could be said about other organised interests and their efforts to influence Government policy. THIS brief paper attempts a study would yield political power have to national freedom, unity and the subli­ of political leadership in the post- be initiators in social change. Is the mating influence of the non-violent independence period in India. The leadership capable of shouldering the struggle against the imperial power, re­ paper is based on current literature on responsibility? On the quality of men sulted in throwing up a 'national' political leadership in India in the will depend the answer. leadership, neither interested in section­ form of books, journals, research Our argument involves certain al, regional or group interests nor in papers and on personal observation. broad assumptions. It needs no proof personal advancement. On the other Leadership is a phenomenon which that the Indian National Congress— hand, it could be demonstrated that pervades every human associational a party which is in power since Inde­ there was a certain social pressure on activity, but it assumes a certain cru­ pendence both at the Centre and in the leadership to be 'national' in its cial significance in an emergent demo­ the States (with a few minor excep­ outlook. No one could hope to be a cracy which boasts of the largest tions) is the most important political 'national' leader and still strive for his electorate in the world and also de­ institution in India. Attention, there- sectional interests. Their identification sires to modernise in a short period fore, has to be focussed on the Con­ with the abstract entity of the Indian of time. The very future of this vast gress leadership at the national and nation was complete. The function of experiment depends on the continuous State level. This does not mean that this 'national' leadership was to subli­ and steady flow of leaders who can there are no non-Congress leaders mate the parochial caste, communal be depended upon for the task of worth the name. The paper is mainly and narrow regional loyalties into a 'attending to the arrangements of the descriptive and not normative in its broad stream of national loyalties for society'. approach. It attempts to be as objec­ the freedom struggle. tive as is possible for a contemporary The participation in the freedom Indian student seeking to describe the struggle demanded from the leaders a Crisis of Leadership leadership situation in the country. certain amount of voluntary sacrifice of It is common place to say that India No attempt is made to suggest quick their personal careers, properties and faces a crisis of leadership, The short­ solutions to this basic problem. It is even family life. Under Gandhiji's in­ age of leadership is a result of the felt that the political leadership of a fluence they had to live an ascetic life absence of social conditions and ar­ country is the product of interacting of self-imposed poverty and denial of rangements which would promote forces, of history, of competing ideo­ worldly pleasures. All this resulted in potential leaders. Thus it becomes logies, of cultural heritage and of the making the leaders very much goal- urgent to think of the processes, pro­ social structure of that community. oriented, and the service (of the people) motive became the dominant note. With blems and influences that shape the Thus it is thought that there could be the general sentiment in favour of re­ emergence of new leaders. Leadership no "western" or mechanical solution nunciation of power, the power motive is as urgent a social problem in India to the leadership problem in India. could not be much in evidence. Or it as the paucity of economic resources, This does not mean that the Indian could be argued that the power instinct technical know-how and trained situation is in any way 'unique', but remained suppressed till 1947. It may bureaucrats. The problem assumes it is radically different. greater significance as the leadership even be pointed out that in that period, acceptance of a political career auto­ is expected to undertake the triple res­ Period of National Leadership ponsibility of strengthening democratic matically divorced the person in ques­ It is not an easy task to survey the institutions in a mass society, of mod­ tion from the sources of wealth-getting. developing leadership situation in a ernising the masses and of initiating Austerity was thus in part, the con­ country like India, with vast popula­ and performing developmental work. sequence of lack of such opportunities. tion and cultural variations, in a few The role of political leadership in India pages. Certain obvious limitations are has an added significance as the people there. What is attempted here is to Two Traditions look to the state as an agency of view the leadership situation in the social change. The dependence on state There is no doubt that there is a post-1947 period within its social sett- initiative to undertake any new pro­ tradition of renunciation in Indian cul­ ing. gramme or policy is noticeable even ture. However, this does not consti­ at the lowest level Thus those who It can be stated that the urge for tute a massive factor in any field of 517 March 20, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY 518 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY Match 20, 1965 national activity today. In the prc- father-figure. Pandit Nehru had ac­ from a broad-based national move­ independence period, achievements in quired a world personality even before ment into a closely-knit political politics, education or any other national independence. This fact together with party. And those who controlled the activity were possible only on a sacri­ his aristocratic origins, his legendary party-machine—like Sardar Patel, S K fice basis and hence the national move­ sacrifice, his revolutionary background Patil and others—were typically con­ ment threw up men, organizations and and his love for the masses who adored servative in their socio-economic out­ traditions of this type. The sacrifice him, contributed to his charismatic look. tradition meant lack of specialized hold over the country and its politics. Beginning of Nehru Era knowledge but the material costs were The 1947 Cabinet contained a few less and there was an unflinching pur­ non-Congress and non-party leaders. The second period coincides roughly suit of ideals with a zeal. With in­ This had become necessary to give a with the start of the First Five-Year dependence there has been a catacly­ national character to the cabinet which Plan, the coming into force of the smic change in the psychology of the was mainly composed of Congressmen. new Constitution, the death of Sardar leaders, though the psychology of the The overall picture was that of the Patel, the rise of the Jan Sangh, and people is still to some extent glued to Congress monopoly of power through- the beginning of the 'Nehru era'. The the pre-independence traditions. This cut the country. The non-Congress emergence of Pandit Nehru as ,the fact explains the wide gap in the ex­ elements remained in the government leader' had certain implications for pectations from, and the fulfillment of on the sufference of the Congress the Government, the party and the these by the leaders. leadership. The country was passing people. It was alleged by the critics, It can be argued that in the Indian through the ordeal of partition, facing that though the country had adopted leadership there are mainly two xradi- the enormous problems created by the the 'cabinet' system of government, in tions — the Congress and the non- massive inflow and outflow of refugees practice it was more of a "presiden- Congress. The Congress tradition con­ and the post-war shortages. The leader­ tialist" system. This, however, did not tinued in that party and the Socialist ship at the Centre was able to tide mean that the Cabinet did not meet parties, while the non-Congress tradi­ over these difficulties. There were, no or transact business. It meant two tion is to be found in the C P I and doubt, stresses and strains, heart-burn­ things. The domination of the Cabinet the rightist parties like the Jan Sangh ings and whisper-campaigns, charges by the towering personality of the and the Swatantra. The common and counter-charges amongst the top Prime Minister. It also meant that factor about the non-Congress tradition Congress leaders, specially between important policy decisions were made was that this leadership was mostly Maulana Azad and Sardar Vallabhai outside the Cabinet. There were, no away from the national struggle. (A Patel (K L Panjabi, "The Indomitable doubt, instances when Cabinet mem­ few of the leaders of the Swatantra Sardar" and Maulana Azad, "India bers differed from the Prime Minister party were veteran Congressmen and Wins Freedom,').
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