Reviving Heritage in Post-Soviet 2000:17). While heritage in all of its Eastern Europe: A Visual complexity incorporates both tangible Approach To National Identity objects and the intangible ideas that surround them, it is generally thought by heritage scholars that national heritage Frances W Harrison strictly involves the tangible1 . Referring specifically to what archaeologist Laurajane Introduction Smith describes as the “monumental” (2006: Since the dissolution of the Soviet 29); the tangible aspect of heritage is often Union, countries across Eastern Europe have characterized by what is known as gained their independence. This Authorized Heritage Discourse (AHD). The independence however, has come at a cost focus of AHD constitutes historical as each former Soviet republic has struggled legitimacy of groups with power, along with to strengthen its unique national identity and the incentive to produce objects and places heritage. I focus on the Baltic States, that are aesthetically pleasing for the public Belarus and Ukraine to demonstrate the (Smith 2006: 29). The message of Stalinism diverse responses to change; as countries was visually successful in its time because emerging from years of Sovietization. In this of this monumental influence and article, I argue that visual symbols of proliferation in public spaces. cultural heritage are inherently controversial In the early 20th century starting with in Eastern Europe because they reflect Vladimir Lenin and exemplified under Soviet ideology and preserve its memory. Joseph Stalin, totalitarian art and socialist Places of public gathering, monuments and realism were administered by the human performance, which contain key government at the national level. The symbols about peoples’ heritage, are pivotal incentive was to promote a sense of factors in restructuring notions of national uniformity among the diverse peoples identity. Although symbols of the Soviet era coalesced into the USSR, which would have been partially dismantled since the unconsciously lend allegiance to the collapse of communism, I argue that these communist state (Groys 2005:113). visual reminders make a strong contribution Sovietization in the Eastern Bloc countries to incorporating Soviet heritage into national utilized a manipulative environment by identity today. I examine how interpretations combining visual messages with an enforced of imagery by the public are complex and political ideology. Aesthetics in designing often controversial, and illustrate the urban landscapes and the utilization of difficulties of maintaining a strong national propagandist imagery were intended to unify unity in the post-Soviet era. any political controversies felt by oppressed populations. Lenin’s initial idea was to Visual Heritage in Soviet and Post-Soviet educate masses of people without the need Eastern Europe for literacy, and he encouraged this Constructing national identity was phenomenon by visually altering public remarkably successful during Stalinism because its foundation was heavily built upon symbols of Soviet heritage. From an 1 See Harrison, Rodney. 2010. Understanding the anthropological point of view, heritage Politics of Heritage. New York: Manchester refers to the contemporary and selective use University Press and Smith, Laurajane. 2006. Uses of of the past and exists at the local, national Heritage. New York: Routledge for further discussion and multinational levels (Graham et al. of the tangible sphere of national of heritage. spaces. Lenin passed the “Plan for realm and thus “heritage knowledge” further Monumental Propaganda”, a decree that influences how visual, tangible objects are allowed him to tear down tsarist monuments socially evaluated (2010:11). In this view I and rename streets and cities that no longer am primarily concerned with the represented what he thought to be monumental objects of national and nationalistically important (Wanner 1998: multinational heritage, but as loci for multi- 176). vocal, subjective interpretation. Although What began during Lenin’s influence the focal point of AHD scholarship is the was amplified to a much greater degree tangible sphere, the meaning of heritage and under Stalin’s totalitarian regime. Monu- thus nationalistic ideas is socially negotiated ments to Lenin were intentionally re- over time and space, and can either separate characterized with more aggressive facial or bind people together. This is why visual expressions and body language, and statues reinforcement has so much credence in of Stalin exhibited paternalistic yet times of crisis; creating what cultural intimidating features. Stalin was the face of historian Robert Hewison calls a “nostalgic “socialist paternalism”, a term that impulse” to memorialize heritage objects as anthropologist Katherine Verdery (1996:25) historically significant (1987:47). The describes as a contract made between the monumental objects of heritage installed Soviet Father; the Communist Party and his under communism sought to create a Children; the subjects of Soviet ideology. collective identity, but they offer disparate Citizens of the USSR would have their basic notions of national identity in contemporary needs met by this father figure, so long as discourse. In the following pages I explore they paid head to his political message and visual symbols of Soviet heritage and Soviet did not seek an alternative source (1996:25). remembrance in Eastern Europe to To have Stalin’s image in public spaces illuminate the controversies of national served as a reminder to fear deviation from identity. this contract. Constructivist architecture, charact- Communism Enclosed: An Outdoor Museum erized in part by the aesthetic in Lithuania homogenization of public buildings, also To demonstrate the concept of visual flourished under Stalinism. No building was heritage, the southernmost of the Baltic to stand out against the other, an ideal that States illustrates how national identity has incorporated the destruction or conversion been rekindled in the post-Soviet era. of historical buildings to fit the profile Stalin Lithuania has an extensive history of stressed (Groys 2005:117). These changes freedom and independence and was once a are reflective of Stalin’s goal to homogenize vast political territory that stretched over millions of people into one dominant much of Eastern Europe. After enduring national identity, an effort which has had a intermittent occupation from Polish, German lasting effect on how people view and Russian forces, Lithuania was the first themselves and the Soviet era today. of the Baltic States to declare its When considering AHD as independence from the USSR, and has since discussed, its tangible sphere has been fighting to reclaim its forgotten history significantly shaped collective notions of (Misiunas and Taagepera 1993:323-4). In heritage because of its strong publicity. the post-Soviet era, research has shown that According to archaeologist Rodney Harrison the Lithuanian people have taken initiative however, differential access to the public in defining who they are as a nation by recuperating traditions and historical figures encourage longings for a time when food suppressed under communism. According to variety was limited but nevertheless stable, anthropologist Gediminas Lankauskas, these in the minds of many the Soviet-style meals emblems of heritage are symbolic of are a success. For others, the nostalgic café Lithuania’s pre-Soviet values and have ironically represents the Soviet political reappeared in the community as ceremonies, menu as distasteful. museum exhibits and memorials to the The additional elements of Grūtas country’s heroic, medieval rulers (2006:33). Park are meant to symbolize what founder The visual impact has been significant, but a Malinauskas described as “tools…to memorialization of considerable controversy brainwash” (Anusaite 2007:1), they engage demonstrates how Lithuania has visitors in an encapsulating experience in acknowledged its recent Soviet past. order to understand at least a glimpse of Grūtas Park is an outdoor museum what Soviet communism was like. The and recreational park in southern Lithuania. monuments in particular, which were once The park displays more than eighty Soviet- politically imposing in public Lithuanian era monuments of Lenin, Stalin and spaces, have become neutralized in their communist party leaders. Designed in the current position at Grūtas Park. When a style of socialist realism and emulating a monument is neutralized, it is stripped of its Soviet gulag, the park is intended to have its political significance it once maintained as a visitors, in the words of its founder Viliumas centerpiece in public spaces. In this way, the Malinauskas, “understand what dictatorships park allows people who lived under are capable of and what tools they use to communist rule to look at the Soviet regime brainwash people” (Anusaite 2007:1). The from a different angle, to critique it without statues are situated along a two-kilometer suffering any form of repercussion pathway in which visitors are guided (Lankauskas 2006:37-38). The fact that the through a space reflective of Siberia. park draws on memory and visual entities Imitative watchtowers and remnants of for a constructive purpose exemplifies concentration camps confine the former visitors as participants in a material and Soviet idols to a place of exile. The statues ideational relationship. Additionally, Grūtas are also no longer on pedestals or the focal Park’s location in Druskininkai, a rural town point of aesthetic design that would have surrounded by forest, is the complete attracted attention in an urban setting. opposite of the Soviet statues’ former Ultimately, the goal of the monument setting, making them all the less powerful. exhibit is to render Soviet ideology as if in a Monuments have often been used for mock retribution, or as if “naked” in order to political purposes, and those erected during expose the oppression it yielded (Grūto Soviet communism were designed to Parkas 2004:1). homogenize diverse national identities under In addition to the statues, the late a single ideology. This is a major reason USSR is further evoked through why Grūtas Park is so controversial, because reenactments of Soviet ceremonies and the monuments serve as a reminder of the holidays, museum exhibits of Soviet relics Soviet regime. Many Lithuanians see the and iconography, and a café where faux Red visual irony of Grūtas Park as disrespectful Pioneers; members of a pro-Soviet youth to the memory of citizens who suffered or group, serve “nostalgic” dishes from the were killed by communists, and want the communist era (Grūto Parkas 2004). contents of the park destroyed (Anusaite Whether or not these dishes are meant to 2007:2). Like many of the other former Eastern Bloc countries, Lithuania’s current discourse about fascism and communism socioeconomic instability as a transitional (2009:101). state also comes into question when visiting What is intriguing about Hedvig Grūtas Park. Its viewers are exposed to the Turai’s argument for Statue Park is the conformity yet perceived stability of the theory she draws on to compare Fascism and Soviet System, and encouraged to Communism. The monuments in the park contemplate the adversities of both visually provoke recollections or perceptions communism and Western ideals of about the Nazi and Soviet regimes in which capitalism. The rapid pace of change in the crimes of the former are equated with Lithuania has produced socio-economic hot memories and the latter equated with stress, and it has been psychologically cold memories2 (Turai 2009:99). Turai taxing for much of the population (Groudis suggests that contemporary, hot memories of 2009:3B). Fascism and events such as the Holocaust The question of what to do with are equivalent to an “open wound” because monuments that have caused negative they are more difficult to forgive and move experiences for people has not yielded easy on. Conversely, the events implemented or unified answers in the post-Soviet under Stalinism in this hot-cold concept are republics. Thousands of monuments were thought to be cold memories, or “closed” dismantled following the break-up of the (2009:99) because recalling the communist USSR, but not all of them were destroyed. past can be more ambiguous or neutral Stanford Levinson describes the destruction depending on the topic. This is especially of monuments as a way of forgetting, which true of a country like Hungary where the is hardly an act that will bring about any Nazis had greater presence during World form of resolution (1998:69). Outdoor War II than did the Communist Party. museums such as Grūtas Park have provided The concept of cold memory is also an alternative solution for statues that no not suggesting that Stalin is free of blame; longer recognize the authority of the Soviet committing genocides and implementing regime. A park of similar significance, oppressive political policies are certainly Statue Park resides on the outskirts of emotional memories, but are often Budapest, Hungary. Like Grūtas Park in the understood through closed mentalities. south of Lithuania, its location in an Turai references the common knowledge isolated, socially unknown area is also that there is a specific “etiquette” for intentionally neutralized, a “place without discussing Nazism and Hitler because of spirit” according to art historian Hedvig how delicate and traumatic the topics are, Turai (2009:97). Rather than forgetting, while discussions of communism do not Statue Park actively remembers the past in have the same level of caution (2009:99). It order to learn from and to ascertain that is evident in both Statue Park and Grūtas similar situations do not occur in the future. Park however that as visitors, viewing the The outdoor museum houses monuments of monuments will inevitably make people both the Nazi and Soviet ideologies, which uncomfortable and uncertain of what is brings two historically powerful regimes to considered appropriate behavior (Hwang mind when visitors walk through the exhibit.

Turai states that the monuments are not 2 placed in the park as artwork; a motive some Turai adapts this metaphor from the work of historian Charles S. Maier. See Maier, Charles S. statue museums use to “avoid “Hot Memory…Cold Memory: On the Political Half- responsibility”, but to visually provoke life of Fascist and Communist Memory”, Transit N.22 (2002). 2009:71). One of the most important national identity. Despite the fact that elements of Grūtas Park is the position Soviet-era monuments are contentious no visitors take when being reminded of a matter where they are on display in post- recent, grievous history. Visually engaging Soviet countries, the public exhibitions serve the monuments out of their original, Soviet a constructive purpose because they allow context reverses the role of authority; the the past to be open for discussion. viewer becomes empowered by confronting the repressive regime (Lankauskas 2006:37). A Country Divided: Contested Monuments It is a reasonably similar environ- in Ukraine ment at Statue Park, with the additional Soviet-era statues are not limited to dynamic of some monuments that have Grūtas Park and Statue Park, but still commemorated the Soviets’ victory over the permeate much of the post-Soviet landscape Nazis (Levinson 1998:72). Although Hedvig in Eastern Europe. In Ukraine, there is little Turai reflects on the use of irony in both neutralized space for the contemplation of parks, she criticizes Grūtas Park for utilizing communist leaders; monumental statues “easy, mocking solutions” to address the continue instead to be the source of much recent Soviet past, while Statue Park’s tension in occupying central public spaces. solutions for acknowledging Fascism and Essentially, the nation has been politically Communism possess a more intellectual divided between the more democratically- attitude (2009:101). Turai is incorrect in her moving west and the eastern region, which statement here because the pursuit of both shares strong ties with Russia and is heavily parks is to actively remember the past, influenced by the Communist Party. In the however offensive or controversial it is to do footsteps of the Soviet use of aesthetics to so. Statue Park and Grūtas Park are unique meet political ends, a “war of monuments” places in post-socialist countries where after of sorts is currently taking place in Ukraine the fall of communism, imagery symbolic of (Etkind 2011:1). Today’s Communist Party oppression has more space for critique. As is still actively involved in adding to or long as the ability to remember rather than refurbishing the more than two thousand forget is apparent, the parks are positively monuments that continue to occupy space in constructive. And while there may be more central and eastern Ukraine. Ukrainian room for laughter in Grūtas Park, by nationalists have been characterized drawing on memory to alleviate unsettled negatively as “hooligans” or even as far as issues, laughter is just as well one of the best “terrorists” in response to the damages they remedies (Lankauskas 2006:34). have inflicted upon a number of monuments Engaging with monuments in these to Lenin and Stalin (Union 2009). sanctioned, neutralized spaces has allowed One such Lenin monument, located people to learn from the past and to in Kiev’s Besarabsky Market, has been the conceptualize hopes for the future. The target of several rounds of vandalism and monuments themselves are neutralized political anguish. In early 2009, a nationalist because they are situated outside of an area group damaged the face and hand of the of any political or social relevance, and in Lenin monument. Several months later, the that context do not make a biased statement. Communist Party held a ceremony for the Having the freedom for dialogue about the unveiling of the restored monument, which past generates ideas about heritage and, was promptly splattered with red paint by likely stirring ideas about what heritage used Ukrainian nationalists (Interfax-Ukraine to mean, aids in the reconstruction of 2009). Besarabsky Market is clearly a site of competing identities and contradictory Soviet region, freedom from communist feelings about the communist past. influence is not readily apparent. On the border of Russia in Ukraine’s While the sociopolitical division of eastern region, the city Kharviv possesses Ukraine is not limited to an “east-west one of the largest public squares in the dichotomy” (Wanner 1998:17), the eastern world. Like many public locations and region is characterized by a linguistically street names subject to being renamed since Russian, and extensively pro-communist the Soviet era, the square was renamed from population. (Yekelchyk 2007:199) Reflect- Dzerzhinsky Square to Freedom Square ively, the grand monuments of Soviet and after Ukraine’s independence in 1991 communist leaders such as the one in (Ukraine 2011:1). According to anthrop- Freedom Square dominate the landscape. ologist Catherine Wanner (1998), the This is not the case in cities across western renaming of the square and reconfiguration Ukraine however. The region is largely of its physical surroundings, which include made up of ethnic and nationalistic constructivist architecture, has caused many Ukrainians; who have been forward in Kharkiv residents to become psycho- recent years in presenting their Ukrainian, if logically disoriented. She further asserts that not “anti-Soviet” (Wanner 1998:126-8) many locals of Kharkiv feel ambiguous heritage. toward political changes and their In the city of L’viv, located in the subsequent meaning in the community heart of western Ukraine, a refurbishing of (1998:181). The key focus of Freedom national identity has taken place. Although a Square is the Lenin monument, an inherent small, quaint city compared to Kiev and contradiction, which commands the Kharviv, the dominance of a new visual entranceway into the square. heritage has taken root in L’viv. In the The monument was erected in 1963, center of L’viv there was once a monument and while it continues to dominate the of Lenin, but in 1992 that monument was attention of the park, its audience is taken down and replaced with a new icon; characterized by multiple histories and Taras Shevchencko. Shevchenko, who lived experiences in response to the Soviet Union. from 1814 to 1861, never actually visited In order for a monument to represent its L’viv but his image represents something political vision successfully, it has to appeal greater than himself (Yekelchyk 2007:138). to the public by being persuasive and in a He was a poet, often referred to as the way that fosters unity without conformity Ukrainian Bard, who represents a symbol of (Miles 2006:58). Similar to the other former Ukrainian national identity. Shevchenko’s Soviet republics, monuments were certainly position in Ukraine’s history has been utilized for being visually persuasive and to tampered with for the Soviet cause. even cause fear from what is being Historian Serhy Yekelchyk describes how represented by it. Since the collapse of the during the Soviet era, communists used his USSR, many Ukrainians appreciate image to portray him as a supporter of monuments as a reminder of a past to learn Soviet culture and by extension its political from rather than to forget. Catherine Wanner agendas (2007:138). The Soviets erected references a Ukrainian informant who monuments of Shevchenko across Ukraine stated, “We should keep all of these horrible specifically to unify Ukrainian and Soviet monuments as a reminder of our history” identity. Over time, the location of his (1998:174). Yet with a Lenin monument in monuments became meeting places for Kharkiv’s Freedom Square; in a largely pro- Ukrainian nationalist groups, who by then had accepted him as a spiritual “father”, to demonstrating the values held by fight against Soviet imposition (2007:138- Ukrainians, and the direction in which they 140). It is in this way that a pre-Soviet, wanted to steer their country in the future. Ukrainian-born icon such as Taras Shevchenko, refurbishes and reassesses No Space for Remembering: Social what it means to be united under a free Repression in Belarus Ukraine. While there is much externalized The ability of the Ukrainians to have tension and controversy over political issues freedom of expression is clearly shown in and their materialized symbols in Ukraine, their ability to redefine visual symbols. Yet there is little tolerance for anti-Soviet since their independence in 1991 Ukrainians expression in the country’s northern have had more leisure to express their neighbor; Belarus. Since 1994 President discontent in the political arena. In 2004, the Alexander Lukashenka, as part of a first democratic elections since Ukrainians government of former communists, has gained their independence took place. The administered a dictatorship in the model of presidential elections were held between the Soviet ideology and nostalgia (Szporer supporters of Viktor Yushchenko and Viktor 2000:474). As one of the most politically Yanukovych; the polls resulted with and socially repressed states in Europe; Yanukovych in the lead (Yekelchyk Belarus and its sense of national identity is 2007:216). Evidence proving that the considerably tied to Russia and the former election was disturbed by massive fraud was USSR (Szporer 2000:476-7). Their promptly revealed to the public (Bilaniuk historical relationship arises from the Slavic 2005:195). The results had immediate and origin myth of Kieven Rus, which in enduring effects for the Ukrainian people addition to defining Russians, defined who saw this as political corruption. Ukrainians as the little Russians and A second round of voting was Belarusians as white Russians among the organized in late 2004 with Yanukovych’s Slavic nationalities (Wilson 1997:184). In party ready to announce him as the winner. contemporary discourse, Belarus’ identity In protest against the corruption, thousands on the national scale is so deeply tied to this of Ukrainians and supporters from other conceptual origin that the country hardly has countries gathered in Kiev’s Independence a distinct national identity of its own Square for what was called the Orange (Szporer 2000:477, Wilson 1997:183-5). Revolution (Yekelchyk 2007:216-217). Lukashenka’s policy does not only stress its Dressed and carrying imagery in relationship with Russia, but ties his Yushchenko’s campaign color of orange, ideology specifically to the concept of masses of people gathered in the square for Soviet Russia, so much so that even Belarus non-violent sit-ins and strikes each day until is more pro-Soviet than Russia in the post- Yushchenko was successfully brought into Soviet era (Titarenko 2000:233). office as Ukraine’s first democratically Belarus’s capital city Minsk, elected president. The symbolism of Kiev as exemplifies this influence. Independence both the capital of Ukraine and a central Avenue, praspekt Nezalezhnasci, connects point in between a divided country makes the Minsk House of Government where a the protest of the Orange Revolution a monument of Lenin stands proudly in front, national moment for Ukraine. Taking place to Victory Square at the opposite end in the in Independence Square, the Orange city’s center. Victory Monument stands at Revolution was a political statement the square’s center, which does not represent Belarusian victory or independence makes little room for embracing a specifically, but is a memorial to the victory Belarusian identity detached from the of Soviet leaders in the defeat of Nazi former USSR. Germany. The monument is decorated with a replica of the Order of Victory, one of the Theoretical Reflections: Heritage as highest recognitions given to soldiers in the Performance Red Army who served with distinction Speaking out in the name of (Bates 2007). Beneath the monument in the independence requires the realization that city’s metro underpass is another memorial, national, ethnic and personal values have which also honors the Soviet party for been rejected in favor of a repressive liberating the Belarusians from the Nazis. regime. For people to reflect on their Pro-Soviet expression in Minsk is heritage and externalize nationalistic evident at the national level, which is made meaning is a profound accomplishment, clear by the city’s visual organization and especially after years of enforced monumental decorations. The aesthetics of Sovietization. The repression of ethno- the city and its governmental choice of nationalism as well as cultural values has whom to commemorate is reflective of spurred many people to participate in public Lenin’s original plan to “educate” the urban movements that oppose political occupation. masses through socialist imagery (Wanner To further my analogies discussed so far in 1998:176). The presidency of Alexander this article, I utilize the ideas of symbolic Lukashenka has proven difficult to speak out anthropologist Victor Turner. His theory of against in Belarus, especially in the capital performance pertains to social roles in the of Minsk. Following the reelection of context of interactive, human behavior. For Lukashenka on December 19th 2010, riots Turner these social roles are recognized in broke out in front of the House of public and are often dramatic in nature; Government (RT 2010). Thousands of resembling a theatrical drama itself or a protestors believing the election to be significant event initiated by a group of undemocratic and fraudulent gathered people (Turner 1988:81). outside of the building carrying flags, some The activity and discourse taking trying to break into the building. Many of place around visual symbols of Soviet the protestors were beaten by riot police, and ideology exemplify Turner’s theory of about 600 people were detained for performance. Visitors to museums hosting participating in “mass disturbances” (BBC Soviet-era monuments perform a reciprocal 2010). Lukashenka accused demonstrators exchange of ideas with the exhibit; of “banditry”, and refused to acknowledge interpretations are made of what is seen and any criticism that the election was returned with personal thoughts and undemocratic (BBC 2010). emotions. A city aesthetically designed on Like many of its East European the basis of a rejected ideology reflects a neighbors, the future in Belarus is politically controversial process of slow change or and economically unstable. Rather than stagnation. And massive crowds gathering breaking free from communist control and a together in opposition of a corrupt Soviet mentality, many Belarusians have presidential election are intrinsically experienced “social inertia” in regards to engaged in performance. They are actors in moving forward (Titarenko 2000:246). Still a social setting designed to generate ideas in more are afraid in speaking out against response to imagery, and by harboring oppression in fear of Lukashenka, which diverse perspectives of what is being experienced, people recognize a sense of national identity is also a performance. identity. Furthermore, a visual approach to this goal, A component of Victor Turner’s in light of Turner is communicatively performance theory is the concept of expansive. National identity cannot be communitas; described as a transitional state realized or properly conveyed without of mind that develops as a response to drawing on historical events and traditions. atypical experiences (Moore 2009:247). The Metaphorically people are bound together mentality that communitas evokes is directly with these elements, especially during a involved with effecting change. According period of liminality as suggested above. In to Turner it is a “law of natural wholeness” the transition from the collapse of the USSR in which separate, dynamic entities interact into the post-Soviet era, national identity is with one another and figuratively create a such a contested issue because there is now sense of wholeness (Turner 1988:83). There space to identify as more than Soviet. In are individual performances, and there are forging a renewed sense of national identity, collective performances that together visual reminders of peoples’ heritage can embody human process. By making a effectively communicate who people are in a performance in a public arena, especially reflexive way. Soviet heritage has become during what is referred to as a liminal or part of how people form identity in Eastern transitional period, ideas are generated that Europe today because several generations appeal to a wider audience. Performance lived through it, and it is not an easy concept theory’s notion of liminality is especially to erase or separate from. applicable to the transitional experience of To demonstrate the public character the former USSR and its republics. of human performance as it applies to Turner (1988) also states that his heritage and national identity, Turner (1988) theory of performance is self-reflective, and describes a final component to his theory of can be applied to the concept of constructing performance. I agree that meaning is created a sense of national identity. Performance is in public spaces, at least with the exchange reflective on an individual level in a way of ideas at the national level. Furthermore, I that allows a person, through social contend that certain circumstances render a performance, to learn more about oneself. performance, symbolic icon, or heritage site Performance allows a group of human of great or little worth. For Turner, beings, whether a few people, a community performance is public because it is a social or entire nation to learn more about role that allows people to be self-reflexive themselves as an entirety by interacting with based on what others are doing. However, or observing other groups (Turner 1988:81). he describes performance as a structure that Without making an individual or collective has a beginning, middle, and an end (Moore performance in public, the ideas put forth by 2009:251). He clearly states that the that performance cannot be scrutinized or meaning generated from social learned from. The point here is to performances is “bound up with termin- communicate important ideas through ation”, and that the significance or value of cultural performances, which Turner something is not evident or relevant until (1988:82), expresses can be just as effective after it is over and passed (Turner 1988:97). in a non-verbal and, I suggest, visual format. I disagree with Turner’s assertion If performance is dynamically self- that performance is conclusive. Meaning is reflexive, then the act of drawing from ideas not condemned to termination, nor does it about heritage in pursuit of expressing become important after the fact. Rather I draw on the ideas of anthropologist James participants are examples of Turner’s self- Fernandez to support the concept that the reflexivity, but this concept does not meaning of heritage and national identity is terminate in the way he suggests. In the constantly at play and in flux. Rather than following section, I demonstrate that by termination, people fight for their identities engaging in practices of heritage and through imagery and support it through what expressing national identity, human Fernandez calls the “play of tropes”, or a performance is a continuous process. series of metaphors that are constantly interacting with one another to create In Pursuit of Heritage: Performances of meaning (Moore 2009:300). In response to Freedom Turner and Fernandez in the context of post- Although much of today’s post- Soviet Eastern Europe, meaning is generated Soviet population has experienced economic during performance and it does not cease to instability and pine for the security of a be of importance when it comes to heritage socialist lifestyle, the mentality of East and national identity. This is why Soviet-era Europeans just before the collapse of imagery and contemporary memorialization communism was to externalize nationalistic of these political signifiers continue to sentiment and reclaim independence. I generate meaning into the present day and suggest that Turner’s concept of reinforce the proliferation of nostalgia for a performance and achieving communitas is socialist lifestyle. The Communist Party applicable to the demise of the USSR as performed a political statement under well as events in the post-Soviet era. Stalinism and people are still thinking about A powerful demonstration of human it. agency in utilizing a non-Soviet heritage As discussed above, scholars refer to was the Baltic Way; the organization of a heritage as a form of “the contemporary… pan-national human chain between use of the past” (Graham et al. 2000:17), and Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in 1989 as a “social practice” that is not limited to (Kesekamp 2010:68). While recognizing the the material world (Smith 2006:11-13). cultural diversity and individual nationalities Heritage as a practice is a continuous force, of each state, the political histories were and like national identity it is not something similar enough to unify the three nations that simply ends. When visiting a museum together for the peaceful protest against for example, the participant is physically Soviet occupation. On August 23rd more guided through an entrance and eventually than two million people joined hands in a exits the museum space. Yet, the visitor chain that connected Vilnius, Riga and participates in the museum as a performance Tallinn. The human chain spanned roughly because he or she actively engages with six hundred kilometers (Kesekamp what is on display, and interprets the 2010:68). The initial protest was followed imagery and concepts (West 2010:127). The by candlelit demonstrations in each of the experience continues in the mind of the Baltic capitals, in which people displayed observer. On a greater level, a collective flags and ribbons of symbolic color to honor effort to bring about change, even if people the victims of Soviet oppression (Groudis join in opposition for one day will have a 2009:B3, BalticWay.Net 2008). lasting effect. A historical event that has Thought to have helped with the changed peoples’ lives does not terminate break-up of the Soviet Union, the Baltic but it continues to influence people into the Way was celebrated again on its 20th future. The collective group or individual anniversary in 2009. A relay race entitled “Heartbeat to Baltic” was initiated at one is crucial to understanding how people shape end in Tallinn and the other in Vilnius, so their cultural identities according to national that participants ran the Baltic Way’s values. Especially in countries like the original path and finished at Riga’s Freedom Baltic States, Ukraine and Belarus that have Monument (BalticWay.Net 2008). This experienced political and socioeconomic monument specifically commemorates stress, national identity should be a freedom from the Soviet Union prior to strengthening factor toward stability. As Latvia’s second occupation (Taubman these countries move forward into a brighter 1997:A14). Its choice as the destination for future, much ethnographic research must be reliving and celebrating the Baltic Way done in order to understand peoples’ signifies the strength of visual heritage. The changing relationships with the past. This is use of a common Baltic heritage in place of an important area of inquiry because the a Soviet heritage expressed by AHD physical alterations of heritage sites and directly, if not ironically rejects the Soviet public values are shaped by one another and political agenda and national identity. continue to change over time and space. Furthermore, a chain of youths gathered in While my primary focus has been to Cathedral Square, Vilnius to replicate the demonstrate the power of visual heritage in joined hands and patriotic environment that lieu of Soviet ideology, further research elevated hopes twenty years prior. The should be done on the intangible, local and masses of people that gathered together for a private spheres of heritage and its influence peaceful cause were visually expressive, and on national identity. Visual expressions, if became a form of heritage in practice harnessed in a way that allows people to through reliving and celebrating past events, reconcile with the past, can positively and acknowledging a life lived under rebuild and strengthen notions of national communism. Much of the population is identity in the future. frustrated with the ongoing hardships of rapid change, but the Baltic Way is a References Cited reminder of the unity the three nations felt in Anusaite, Vilma. 2007. “Welcome to Stalin an effort to stand against former Soviet World”. ABC News International. oppression (Groudis 2009:B3). http://abcnews.go.com/International/ Catherine Wanner has suggested that story?id=3591453&page=1 social remembering is important for (accessed March 1, 2011). fostering closure to traumatic events and controversial issues from recent history BalticWay.Net. 2008. “The Baltic Way”. (1998:175). 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