Baltic Way 1989 Achieving the Unthinkable - Documentary by Kristine S
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Conde, Jonathan (2018) an Examination of Lithuania's Partisan War Versus the Soviet Union and Attempts to Resist Sovietisation
Conde, Jonathan (2018) An Examination of Lithuania’s Partisan War Versus the Soviet Union and Attempts to Resist Sovietisation. Masters thesis, York St John University. Downloaded from: http://ray.yorksj.ac.uk/id/eprint/3522/ Research at York St John (RaY) is an institutional repository. It supports the principles of open access by making the research outputs of the University available in digital form. Copyright of the items stored in RaY reside with the authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full text items free of charge, and may download a copy for private study or non-commercial research. For further reuse terms, see licence terms governing individual outputs. Institutional Repository Policy Statement RaY Research at the University of York St John For more information please contact RaY at [email protected] An Examination of Lithuania’s Partisan War Versus the Soviet Union and Attempts to Resist Sovietisation. Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Research MA History at York St John University School of Humanities, Religion & Philosophy by Jonathan William Conde Student Number: 090002177 April 2018 I confirm that the work submitted is my own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the works of others. This copy has been submitted on the understanding that it is copyright material. Any reuse must comply with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 and any licence under which this copy is released. @2018 York St John University and Jonathan William Conde The right of Jonathan William Conde to be identified as the Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 Acknowledgments My gratitude for assisting with this project must go to my wife, her parents, wider family, and friends in Lithuania, and all the people of interest who I interviewed between the autumn of 2014 and winter 2017. -
The Day Holding Hands Changed History Occupation and Annexation of the Baltic States Was Illegal, and Against the Wish of the Respective Nations
The day holding hands changed history occupation and annexation of the Baltic states was illegal, and against the wish of the respective nations. So at 19:00 on 23 August 1989, 50 years after the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was signed, church bells sounded in the Bal- tic states. Mourning ribbons decorated the national flags that had been banned a year before. The participants of the Bal- tic Way were addressed by the leaders of the respective national independence movements: the Estonian Rahvarinne, the Lithuanian Sajūdis, and the Popular Front of Latvia. The following words were chanted – ‘laisvė’, ‘svabadus, ‘brīvība’ (freedom). The symbols of Nazi Germany and the Communist regime of the USSR were burnt on large bonfires. The Baltic states demanded the cessation of the half-century long Soviet occupation, col- onisation, russification and communist genocide. The Baltic Way was a significant step to- wards regaining the national independ- ence of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia, and a source of inspiration for other region- al independence movements. The live chain was also realised in Kishinev by Ro- manians of the Soviet-occupied Bessara- bia or Moldova, while in January 1990, Ukrainians joined hands on the road from Lviv to Kyiv. Just after the Baltic Way campaign, the Berlin Wall fell, the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia began, and the Ceausescu regime in Romania was overthrown. On 23 August 1989, approximately two doomed to be forcedly incorporated into million people stood hand in hand be- the Soviet Union until 1991. The Soviet Un- Recognising the documents of the Baltic tween Tallinn (Estonia), Rīga (Latvia) ion claimed that the Baltic states joined Way as items of documentary heritage of and Vilnius (Lithuania) in one of the voluntarily. -
Transforming Socio-Natures in Turkey Landscapes, State and Environmental Movements
Transforming Socio-Natures in Turkey Landscapes, State and Environmental Movements Edited by Onur İnal and Ethemcan Turhan First published 2020 ISBN: 978-1-138-36769-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-42969-9 (ebk) 9 Coal, ash, and other tales The making and remaking of the anti- coal movement in Aliağa, Turkey Ethemcan Turhan , Begüm Özkaynak, and Cem İskender Aydın (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) 9 Coal, ash, and other tales The making and remaking of the anti-coal movement in Aliağa, Turkey Ethemcan Turhan, Begüm Özkaynak, and Cem İskender Aydın Situated 50 kilometers north of Turkey’s third-largest city, Izmir, Aliağa is home to shipbreaking and smelting facilities, oil refineries and massive coal-fired power plants. Aliağa Bay – located on the Aegean coast, with abundant scenic land- scapes, pristine waters, and archaeologically important sites – was initially desig- nated as a heavy industrial development zone by the 1961 Constitution. This was followed by the establishment of state-owned heavy industries, particularly dur- ing the 1980s; namely, PETKİM (petrochemicals) and TÜPRAŞ (oil refinery), despite the potential to develop tourism in the region. Small and medium-scale industries, such as shipbreaking, iron-steel smelting, and cement manufacturing flourished around these two large state-owned facilities, complementing them and serving the domestic and international strategic interests of Turkish gov- ernments and industrial groups. Industrial clustering around iron, steel, and cement was later supplemented with fossil fuel–based energy production facili- ties. Accompanying the years of state-led industrialization, a strong working class grew alongside the facilities in the region. The lack of cumulative impact studies coupled with a diverse set of state-led polluting investments was influential in turning Aliağa and its environs into an “ecological sacrifice zone” (Lerner, 2010). -
FORMAL ALLIANCES, 1815&Mdash;1939
FORMAL ALLIANCES, 1815—1939 A Quantitative Description By J. DAVID SINGER and MELVI N SMALL University of Michigan 1. Introduction selves. Finally, we will describe as com- Although there are many types of rela- pletely as is possible and necessary the tionship and interaction between and coding and classifying procedures, such among nations, very few of them leave the that others might either replicate the data- sort of ’trace’ which makes them vulner- making operation, or, at least, know ex- able to systematic observation. To ’get at’ plicitly wherein their understanding and indicators of interdependence, interpene- our results differ. tration, hostility, cooperation, threats, or political distance phenomena, for example, 2. The basic sources of information, is a costly and time-consuming enterprise Since our need was for a classified cata- whose results might turn out to be either log of formal alliances that did not, to methodologically unreliable or theoreti- our knowledge, exist, the problem was to cally uninteresting. But one type of inter- identify the sources from which such in- nation relationship which leaves a rela- formation could be compiled for the 125- tively reliable trace and which is full of year period under investigation. Basically, theoretical implications is the formal alli- two types of sources are available. The ance. It is, therefore, surprising that we preferable one, because there is more rele- have seldom gone beyond the anecdotal vant information in a single volume, is treatment of a very few such relationships, -
The Commandant's Introduction
The Commandants Introduction By Michael H. Clemmesen his issue of the Baltic Defence Re- It seems now to have been generally members seem to have realised this fact. view marks a change in the editorial recognized that the Alliance has to be To succeed, the transformation must line that is symbolised by the changed reformed thoroughly to remain relevant take the alliance forward and change it cover. The adjustment is not only caused to the leading member state. The U.S.A., from being a reactive self-defensive alli- by the fact that the three Baltic states have involved as she is in the drawn-out War ance. The outlined new NATO is a po- succeeded in being invited to NATO as Against Terror that was forced upon her litically much more demanding, divisive, well as to the EU and now have to adapt by the 11 September 2001 attacks, is not and risky framework for military co-op- to the new situation. It is also based on impressed by the contribution from most eration. Its missions will include opera- the realisation that the two organisations of the European allies. Only a small tions of coercion like the one against will change their character when the inte- progress has been made in the Yugoslavia with regard to Kosovo as well gration of the new members takes place. enhancement of the force structures of as pre-emptive Out-of-NATO area crisis The implementation of the new editorial the European members since the 1999 response operations military activism line will only come gradually. -
Contentious Politics and Repertoire of Contention in Ukraine: the Case of Euromaidan
Гомза І. А. Політика незгоди і репертуар політики незгоди в Україні на прикладі Євромайдану 55 Гарань О. В. у чоМу пРичиНи НеВдач поМаРаНчеВої РеВолюції? У статті аналізуються причини невиконання обіцянок лідерів Помаранчевої революції щодо реформ в Україні. Підкреслюючи вплив стосунків у трикутнику ЄС – Україна – Росія, автор у той же час наголошує на первинності впливу внутрішніх чинників. Ключові слова: Помаранчева революція, демократизація, ЄС – Україна, Україна – Росія. Матеріал надійшов 06.11.2013 УДК [321.02:316.485.22](477)=20 I. Gomza CONTENTIOUS POLITICS AND REPERTOIRE OF CONTENTION IN UKRAINE: THE CASE OF EUROMAIDAN The article introduces the paradigm of contentious politics to study the Euromaidan events in Ukraine, describing the mechanisms of contention politics in the events of November 2013 – February 2014. Special attention is paid to the repertoire of contention, which remained rigid during 1991–2013, but has evolved after January 19, 2014 due to structural reasons. Keywords: contention, collective action, protest, Euromaidan. The political turmoil quivering Ukraine in intervention, or even suggesting Ukraine to be a November 2013 – February 2014 is defined by “failed state” [2]. observers and participants in different ways: as a In this article, I argue that a coherent “protest” [2; 23], a “revolution” [5; 22], a “riot” comprehension of the events in Ukraine in [4; 6], an “insurgency” [1; 3; 10] etc. All those November 2013 – February 2014, also known as the qualifications tend to be misleading, because “Euromaidan”, requires introducing of a value-free application of a particular notion depends on notion. Hereafter I argue that introducing the notion political partisanship of its author. -
Chapter 6 Hong Kong
CHAPTER 6 HONG KONG Key Findings • The Hong Kong government’s proposal of a bill that would allow for extraditions to mainland China sparked the territory’s worst political crisis since its 1997 handover to the Mainland from the United Kingdom. China’s encroachment on Hong Kong’s auton- omy and its suppression of prodemocracy voices in recent years have fueled opposition, with many protesters now seeing the current demonstrations as Hong Kong’s last stand to preserve its freedoms. Protesters voiced five demands: (1) formal with- drawal of the bill; (2) establishing an independent inquiry into police brutality; (3) removing the designation of the protests as “riots;” (4) releasing all those arrested during the movement; and (5) instituting universal suffrage. • After unprecedented protests against the extradition bill, Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam suspended the measure in June 2019, dealing a blow to Beijing which had backed the legislation and crippling her political agenda. Her promise in September to formally withdraw the bill came after months of protests and escalation by the Hong Kong police seeking to quell demonstrations. The Hong Kong police used increasingly aggressive tactics against protesters, resulting in calls for an independent inquiry into police abuses. • Despite millions of demonstrators—spanning ages, religions, and professions—taking to the streets in largely peaceful pro- test, the Lam Administration continues to align itself with Bei- jing and only conceded to one of the five protester demands. In an attempt to conflate the bolder actions of a few with the largely peaceful protests, Chinese officials have compared the movement to “terrorism” and a “color revolution,” and have im- plicitly threatened to deploy its security forces from outside Hong Kong to suppress the demonstrations. -
Nationalisms By, Against and Beyond the Indian State Rahul Rao
Nationalisms by, against and beyond the Indian state Rahul Rao On 26 January 2020, thousands of people cheered as tion for Indian citizenship for the first time, it strikes at four women hoisted the Indian flag in Shaheen Bagh, the root of the Constitution’s commitment to secularism. a predominantly Muslim locality in New Delhi, which The Act follows on the heels of an effort to compile a had become the epicentre of protests against the highly National Register of Citizens (NRC) in the northeastern controversial Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA) that state of Assam, responding to long-running protests by was passed in December 2019. Three of the women re- the state’s majority ethnic Assamese population against ferred to as the dadis (grandmothers) of Shaheen Bagh immigration from neighbouring Indian states as well as – Bilkis (82), Asma Khatoon (90) and Sarvari (75) – were from Bangladesh.3 This registration exercise, justly de- leading figures in the sit-in protest in this locality that scribed as ‘one of the largest purges of citizenship in began soon after the law was passed and that has inspired history’, required all people in the state to demonstrate scores of similar protests in other cities. The fourth, Rad- proof of their citizenship.4 While the Assamese agitation hika Vemula, is the mother of Rohith Vemula, a Dalit stu- has historically been directed at all non-Assamese im- dent whose suicide in January 2016 triggered widespread migrants regardless of religion, India’s ruling Hindu su- protests against caste discrimination. The flag hoisting, premacist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has championed accompanied by the singing of the national anthem and the demand for the NRC (and has promised to conduct other patriotic songs, marked India’s 71st Republic Day, it on a countrywide basis) on the assumption that the which commemorates the coming into force of the In- exercise would disenfranchise mostly Muslims. -
Bringing Solutions to COP21 — a Conversation with Cooperation Jackson's Brandon King
WAGING NONVIOLENCE PEOPLE POWERED NEWS & ANALYSIS Bringing solutions to COP21 — a conversation with Cooperation Jackson’s Brandon King Organizers from the frontlines of the climates crisis are in Paris to build the kind of power that will force governments and corporations to listen. Kate AronoB December 7, 2015 It Takes Roots poster Within the high-stress, low-waste frenzy of the 21st Conference of Parties, or COP21, there are around 100 organizers from the frontlines of the climate crisis and energy extraction in North America. Drawn from the Navajo Nation, the Appalachian Mountains, Harlem and elsewhere, the It Takes Roots delegation is a joint venture of the Grassroots Global Justice Alliance, Indigenous Environmental Network and the Climate Justice Alliance. Its members — some inside and some outside of official UN proceedings — are engaged in a range of efforts back home both against fossil fuel extraction and for the development of community-owned alternatives, as well as a wider-reaching “just transition” away from what they call an extractive economy. The delegates have come to COP21 demanding that the U.S. negotiating team commit to binding emissions cuts; leave fossil fuels in the ground; reject fracking, nuclear power, carbon markets and “other dangerous technologies and false solutions;” strengthen the agreements’ commitment to human and indigenous rights; and support community-rooted solutions. For those understandably cynical about the potential of COP21, the most apparent question might be simply, “Why bother?” Brandon King, a member of the It Takes Roots delegation, is also a lead organizer with Cooperation Jackson. Ater graduating from Hampton University, King worked for two years with the labor union UNITE HERE in New York. -
Defense of Secret Agreements, 49 Ariz
+(,1 2 1/,1( Citation: Ashley S. Deeks, A (Qualified) Defense of Secret Agreements, 49 Ariz. St. L.J. 713 (2017) Provided by: University of Virginia Law Library Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline Fri Sep 7 12:26:15 2018 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at https://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: Copyright Information Use QR Code reader to send PDF to your smartphone or tablet device A (QUALIFIED) DEFENSE OF SECRET AGREEMENTS Ashley S. Deeks* IN TRO DU CTION ............................................................................................ 7 14 I. THE SECRET COMMITMENT LANDSCAPE ............................................... 720 A. U.S. Treaties and Executive Agreements ....................................... 721 B. U .S. Political Arrangem ents ........................................................... 725 1. Secret Political Arrangements in U.S. Law ............................. 725 2. Potency of Political Arrangements ........................................... 728 C. Secret Agreements in the Pre-Charter Era ..................................... 730 1. Key Historical Agreements and Their Critiques ...................... 730 a. Sem inal Secret Treaties ....................................... 730 b. Critiques of the Treaties ..................................... -
Populism, Identities and Social Movements in Lebanon: from a Sectarian Identity to a Popular One?
Populism, Identities and Social Movements in Lebanon: From a Sectarian Identity to a Popular One? Zeina Tohme Adaime Lebanese University, Beirut, Lebanon Abstract: Populism is a major feature of our times. From western democracies to Asia to the Arab world, the rise of populist movements is characterized by the access to power of two types of populism. The first, known as identity populism and driven by nationalism, led to the emergence of radical right political parties, leaders and nationalists’ move- ments. Another type of populism is the protest populism, a leftwing populism rallying the people against the establishment. Identified by the outburst of popular protest move- ments mobilizing millions of people in the streets, protest populism caused the appear- ance of new leftwing populist parties and leaders with populist and anti-elitist rhetoric forging a popular identity crystallized around the people against the elite. This article discusses the potential of protest populism to counter identity populism and, more particularly, whether Lebanese protests are creating a popular collective identi- ty that could undermine the prevailing sectarian identity driven by a deeply rooted sectari- an populism. At the theoretical intersection of populism, social movements and collective identities, the article explores the benefits and limitations of protest populism in Lebanon to create a popular identity as an alternative to the prevailing sectarianism. Key words: Populism, collective identity, popular identity, sectarianism, social move- ments Abstrait: Le populisme est une caractéristique majeure de notre époque. Des démocra- ties occidentales à l'Asie en passant par le monde arabe, la montée des mouvements populistes se caractérise par l'accès au pouvoir de deux types de populisme. -
The Future of Protest Is High Tech – Just Look at the Catalan Independence Movement 5 November 2019, by Monica Clua Losada
The future of protest is high tech – just look at the Catalan independence movement 5 November 2019, by Monica Clua Losada People across the world are demonstrating their civil resistance. This changed on October 11—the discontent in increasingly creative and disruptive day the Supreme Court sentence against the ways. Catalan leaders was expected—when Tsunami Democràtic released a song: "La Força de la Gent" The past year has seen schoolchildren across the (The Strength of the People). This echoed the spirit world join the Fridays for Future strikes, witnessing of the song "Agafant l'Horitzó" (Let's take the mass walkouts from schools across the globe. In Horizon), which was released prior to the Chile, coordinated fare-dodging protests on public independence referendum of October 1 2017. The transport—also led by school pupils—has now growngroup then started organising protests. into mass unrest against the rising cost of living. During the past two weeks, protests have erupted So far, Tsunami Democràtic has only called three across Lebanon in opposition to rising taxes, of the countless protests we've witnessed since involving road blockades and a human chain Monday October 14, when sentences were across the country to illustrate the unity of the announced against the seven government ministers people. as well as the speaker of the House and two civil society leaders. Something notable about these protests, from Chile to Lebanon to Catalonia, is that protesters The first—and largest—protest was the occupation are mobilising around far more than single issues. of Barcelona airport on the same day the sentences Their primary demands—from economic issues to were announced.