The Outbreak and Development of the 'Troubles'
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A Short History of Irish Memory in the Long Twentieth Century
Thomas Bartlett (ed.), The Cambridge History of Ireland Irish Memory in the Long Twentieth Century (Cambridge, 2018), vol. IV: 1800 to Present would later be developed by his disciple Maurice Halbwachs, who coined the term collective memory ('la memoire collective'). By calling attention to the social frameworks in which memory is framed ('les cadres sociaux de la 23 · memoire'), Halbwachs presented a sound theoretical model for understand ing how individual members of a society collectively remember their past. 3 A Short History of Irish Memory in The impression that modernisation had uprooted people from tradition and the Long Twentieth Century that mass society suffered from atomised impersonality gave birth to a vogue GUY BEINER for commemoration, which was seen as a fundamental act of communal soli darity, in that it projected an illusion of continuity with the past.4 Ireland, outside of Belfast, did not undergo industrialisation on a scale comparable with England, and yet Irish society was not spared the upheaval On the cusp of the twentieth century; Ireland was obsessed with memoriali of modernity. The Great Famine had decimated vernacular Gaelic culture sation. This condition reflected a transnational zeitgeist that was indicative of and resulted in massive emigration. An Irish variant of fin de siecle angst over a crisis of memory throughout Europe. The outcome of rapid modernisa degeneration fed on apprehensions that British rule would ultimately result tion, manifested through changes ushered in by such far-reaching processes in the loss of 'native' identity. The perceived threat to national culture, artic as industrialisation, urbanisation, commercialisation and migration, raised ulated in Douglas Hyde's manifesto on 'The Necessity for De-Anglicising fears that the rituals and customs through which the past had been habitually Ireland' (1892), stimulated a vigorous response in the form of the Irish Revival remembered in the countryside were destined to be swept away. -
Miscellaneous Notes on Republicanism and Socialism in Cork City, 1954–69
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES ON REPUBLICANISM AND SOCIALISM IN CORK CITY, 1954–69 By Jim Lane Note: What follows deals almost entirely with internal divisions within Cork republicanism and is not meant as a comprehensive outline of republican and left-wing activities in the city during the period covered. Moreover, these notes were put together following specific queries from historical researchers and, hence, the focus at times is on matters that they raised. 1954 In 1954, at the age of 16 years, I joined the following branches of the Republican Movement: Sinn Féin, the Irish Republican Army and the Cork Volunteers’Pipe Band. The most immediate influence on my joining was the discovery that fellow Corkmen were being given the opportunity of engag- ing with British Forces in an effort to drive them out of occupied Ireland. This awareness developed when three Cork IRA volunteers were arrested in the North following a failed raid on a British mil- itary barracks; their arrest and imprisonment for 10 years was not a deterrent in any way. My think- ing on armed struggle at that time was informed by much reading on the events of the Tan and Civil Wars. I had been influenced also, a few years earlier, by the campaigning of the Anti-Partition League. Once in the IRA, our initial training was a three-month republican educational course, which was given by Tomas Óg MacCurtain, son of the Lord Mayor of Cork, Tomas MacCurtain, who was murdered by British forces at his home in 1920. This course was followed by arms and explosives training. -
In Defense of Propaganda: the Republican Response to State
IN DEFENSE OF PROPAGANDA: THE REPUBLICAN RESPONSE TO STATE CREATED NARRATIVES WHICH SILENCED POLITICAL SPEECH DURING THE NORTHERN IRISH CONFLICT, 1968-1998 A thesis presented to The Honors Tutorial College Ohio University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation from the Honors Tutorial College with a Degree of Bachelor of Science in Journalism By Selina Nadeau April 2017 1 This thesis is approved by The Honors Tutorial College and the Department of Journalism Dr. Aimee Edmondson Professor, Journalism Thesis Adviser Dr. Bernhard Debatin Director of Studies, Journalism Dr. Jeremy Webster Dean, Honors Tutorial College 2 Table of Contents 1. History 2. Literature Review 2.1. Reframing the Conflict 2.2.Scholarship about Terrorism in Northern Ireland 2.3.Media Coverage of the Conflict 3. Theoretical Frameworks 3.1.Media Theory 3.2.Theories of Ethnic Identity and Conflict 3.3.Colonialism 3.4.Direct rule 3.5.British Counterterrorism 4. Research Methods 5. Researching the Troubles 5.1.A student walks down the Falls Road 6. Media Censorship during the Troubles 7. Finding Meaning in the Posters from the Troubles 7.1.Claims of Abuse of State Power 7.1.1. Social, political or economic grievances 7.1.2. Criticism of Government Officials 7.1.3. Criticism of the police, army or security forces 7.1.4. Criticism of media or censorship of media 7.2.Calls for Peace 7.2.1. Calls for inclusive all-party peace talks 7.2.2. British withdrawal as the solution 7.3.Appeals to Rights, Freedom, or Liberty 7.3.1. Demands of the Civil Rights Movement 7.3.2. -
From Deference to Defiance: Popular Unionism and the Decline of Elite Accommodation in Northern Ireland
From Deference to Defiance: Popular Unionism and the Decline of Elite Accommodation in Northern Ireland Introduction On 29 November, 2003, The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), the party that had governed Northern Ireland from Partition in 1921 to the imposition of Direct Rule by Ted Heath in 1972, lost its primary position as the leading Unionist party in the N.I. Assembly to the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) of Reverend Ian Paisley. On 5 May, 2005, the electoral revolution was completed when the DUP trounced the UUP in the Westminster elections, netting twice the UUP's popular vote, ousting David Trimble and reducing the UUP to just one Westminster seat. In March, 2005, the Orange Order, which had helped to found the UUP exactly a century before, cut its links to this ailing party. What explains this political earthquake? The press and most Northern Ireland watchers place a large amount of stress on short-term policy shifts and events. The failure of the IRA to show 'final acts' of decommissioning of weapons is fingered as the main stumbling block which prevented a re-establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly and, with it, the credibility of David Trimble and his pro-Agreement wing of the UUP. This was accompanied by a series of incidents which demonstrated that the IRA, while it my have given up on the ‘armed struggle’ against the security forces, was still involved in intelligence gathering, the violent suppression of its opponents and a range of sophisticated criminal activities culminating in the robbery of £26 million from the Northern Bank in Belfast in December 2004. -
14Th Plenary Session
BRITISH-IRISH INTER-PARLIAMENTARY BODY COMHLACHT IDIR-PHARLAIMINTEACH NA BREATAINE AGUS NA hÉIREANN _____________________________________________ TWENTY-FIRST PLENARY SESSION 9 and 10 October 2000 Lettermore Suite, Galway Bay Hotel, Galway _________________________________________________________________ OFFICIAL REPORT (Final Revised Edition) (Produced by the British-Irish Parliamentary Reporting Association) Monday, 9 October 2000 The sitting was opened in public at 9.35 am in the Lettermore Suite, Galway Bay Hotel, Galway, with Mr Michael O'Kennedy in the Chair. 1. MICHAEL AND NICHOLA COLVIN The Co-Chairman (Mr Michael O'Kennedy): The meeting is now in public session. It is my sad duty to note with great personal regret, and on behalf of all of you, the tragic death of our colleague Michael Colvin and his dear wife Nichola some weeks after our last meeting in February. Over the years we have lost a number of colleagues whom we all miss personally. It reflects the growing relationship, personal and otherwise, between the members of this Body that we feel such a great personal sense of loss. On this occasion, the tragic deaths of Michael and Nichola greatly affected us all and was a major shock, coming so soon after his involvement at our last meeting, his vigorous and consistent participation as Chairman of Committee B and the very personal relationships he developed with his colleagues on that committee and with us all in this Body. It is fair to say that those of us on the Irish side would not normally meet an authentic, truly traditional Tory MP like Michael Colvin. Such a person would not be part of our normal social experience. -
A Commentary on the Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland
Index Adams, Gerry, 159, 182 Blease, William, 83 Agnew, Kevin, 72, 73, 106, 111, 136, Bloody Friday, 182 137 Bloody Sunday, 26, 36, 38, 147, 181 Aiken, Frank, 22 Boal, Desmond, 156 Alliance Party, 80, 82, 89-92, 97, 184 Bogside, Derry, 43, 112, 144, 169, American Committee for Ulster Jus- 171, 178, 180 tice, 35, 36 border, the, 39, 89, 90, 160, 172 American Congress for Irish Free Sordes Poll, 75, 183 dom, 51 Boyd, Andrew, 136, 179 American Irish Action Committee, Boyle, Kevin, 85, 126, 132, 133, 134 148 Boyle, Louis, 169 Amnesty International, 21 Bradford, Roy, 6, 94, 160 Anglo-Irish Agreement, 186 Brett, Charles, 25, 83 Antrim, 86 British Army, 38, 41, 93, 95, 101, Arbuckle, Victor, 174 109, 117, 160, 165, 172-84 passim Armagh: 117, 127, 132, 155, 179; British Government, 50, 51, 99, 106, committee for Civil Rights, 113, 116, 187 114; Civil Rights Assn, 131 Brockway, Fermer, 27, 181 Atkins, Sir Humphrey, 186 Brown, Rev. John, 82 Avebury, Lord see Lubbock brutality, army and police, 21, 36-7, 112, 139, 142, 147, 170, 178, 181, Bacon, Alice, 32 see also violence Ballymurphy, 176, 177 B-Specials, 29, 42, 87, 105, 109, 117, Ballyshannon, 170 120, 138, 163, 169-74 passim, 182 Barr, lvan, 129, 136 Bunbeg, 78 Beattie, Desmond, 178 Bunting, Ronald, 85-8 passim, 114, Beattie, Rev. William, 97 121, 155, 164, 170 Belfast: 29, 31, 51, 67, 77, 82, 86, 93, Burntollet, 87, 88, 122, 142, 155, 164, 125, 127, 129, 142, 148, 159-64 169 passim, 169, 171-2, 176, 179, 182; Burntollet, 87 Crumlin Rd Prison, 89; Civil Burton, Richard, 92 Rights Assn, 132; Bryson Street, Byrne, Maurice, 12, 16, 55, 70 179 Byrne, Paddy, 27, 28 Belfast Newsletter, 36 Belfast Telegraph, 13, 19, 30, 38, 100, Callaghan, James, 28, 32, 39, 93, 119, 150-51 129, 173, 187 Bell, lvor, 182 Calvert, Harry, 33, 44, 46-7 Bell, Martin, 119, 120 Cameron Enquiry/Report, 114, 156, Benn, John, 40 169 Bennett, Jack, 104 Campaign for Democracy in Ulster, Bennett, William, 121 27-30, 31, 52, 143 237 Campaign for Social Justice in N.l. -
The 'Incorruptible Inheritors of 1916': the Battle for Ownership of the Fiftieth
The ‘incorruptible inheritors of 1916’: the battle for ownership of the fiftieth anniversary of the Easter Rising Desmond Greaves, writing in Marxism Today in April 1966, noted that while the tinsel dangled and Dublin streets were bright with green white and orange flags, the bourgeoisie was busy giving its own account of 1916: ‘Philistine professors who never expressed a republican sentiment in their lives, are producing learned papers, well-documented from official sources. One would almost be led to believe that the Easter Rising was what put into power the class and government who are in power today.’1 Greaves was not the only person to express concern that the commemoration of the Rising had political implications in the present.2 Many of the commemorative practices in 1966 implicitly supported the view that the independent state and its government were an extension of the revolutionary project. Seán Lemass, who had been Taoiseach since 1959, embedded the rhetoric of patriotism into economic arguments and, in claiming for himself and Fianna Fáil the legacy of the Easter Rising, he was also casting the mantle of the Easter leaders over the party’s economic policies. The 1960s was a decade of social and economic transition, and references to the past were an important means of asserting legitimacy and finding stability in the present. In Ireland in 1966 this meant asserting ownership of the Easter Rising. The official message of the commemoration Seán Lemass acknowledged that the commemorative year would prompt many people to ask what the leaders of 1916 would think of Ireland in 1966 if they could come back to view it. -
Introduction Chapter 1 Chapter 2
Notes Introduction 1. For example, before Walker (2004a) the last book that was written on the UUP was by John Harbinson (1973). Hume (1996) also contains some inter esting data but is far from comprehensive. The DUP has had more recent analysis but Bruce (1989) and Smyth, C. (1987) are now over fifteen years old and the party has developed significantly since those books were written. Chapter 1 1. Alvin Jackson has encountered similar difficulties in analysing Unionist historiography. He made the distinction between 'Unionist historians' and 'Historians of Unionism'; one of the key distinctions was a declaration of interest Oackson, 1996, 121). 2. He cites Ronan Bennett and Robert Ballagh, although these are not the only examples that could be utilised, and Ruth Dudley Edwards quotes prominent journalist and writer Tim Pat Coogan as remarking at a conference that Unionists had no culture (Dudley Edwards, 2000, 351). 3. Advert in back of Hume (1996). 4. Ulster Review, Issue 18, Winter 1995/1996. 5. Although one Unionist called his book 'intellectual Lundyism', Alex Kane quoted in Jardin (1997). 6. The book won the prestigious Christopher Ewart-Biggs Memorial Prize. 7. See http://www.sluggerotoole.com/archives/2005/05/david_trimbles.php and http://www.sluggerotoole.com/archives/2005/05/uup_insiders_pl.php accessed 13 May 2005. Chapter 2 1. This would appear to have been at the request of the British, and not Irish, government. See Cochrane (1997, 129-31) for a discussion on an offer made to Molyneaux on Privy Council terms to sign the Agreement in August 1985. 2. For the classic account of Unionist resistance to the third Home Rule bill, see Stewart (1967). -
Civil Rights and Civil Responsibilities
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives CIVIL RIGHTS AND CIVIL RESPONSIBILITIES HOW THE UNIONIST PARTY PERCEIVED AND RESPONDED TO THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN NORTHERN IRELAND 19681968----19721972 Master thesis in historhistoryy submitted at the UniversityUniversity of Bergen May 2010 His 350 Eirik Søreide Klepaker DDDepartmentDepartment of archaeoloarchaeology,gy, history, cultural studies and religion Front picture found at: http://www.nicivilrights.org/wp- content/uploads/2008/12/burntollet20march.jpg ii Thanks to Sissel Rosland, for giving me assistance and motivation when it was exceedingly needed. My Mum and Dad My fellow students iii iv Contents List of abbreviations...............................................................................................................vii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 1 Subject outline and previous research................................................................................ 1 Main questions ................................................................................................................... 4 Political and religious labels .............................................................................................. 4 Sources ............................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter outline .................................................................................................................. -
GLASNEVIN CEMETERY BEING a RECORD of IRELAND's Hcflqms DEAD in DUBLIN CITY and COUNTY ALSO V LACES of HISTORIC INTEREST
THE GLASNEVIN CEMETERY BEING A RECORD OF IRELAND'S HcflQMS DEAD IN DUBLIN CITY AND COUNTY ALSO V LACES OF HISTORIC INTEREST PRICE b|? NATIONAL GRAVES ASSOCIATION, 41 PARNELL SQUARE. FOREWORD The National Graves Association deserves praise and congratulations for its effort in making available this permanent record of Patriot Graves in and around Dub lin, and of the places where many met their deaths in the struggle for national liberty. It is to be hoped that this initial effort is the first instalment of what will be a permanent All-Ireland record. The work deserves the fullest support of all who wish the sacrifices made to be properly recorded, ‘ and it is certain to receive due recognition, not only in Ireland, but amongst our people abroad. I would appeal especially to Eepublicans to give this project their active support. While we profess a reverence for the names and memories of our heroes and martyrs, we sometimes fall short in giving positive evidence of this feeling, as is shown by neglect of many of their resting-places, or of the spots where they met their deaths at the hands of the enemy. Many of the graves of our National Dead are unmarked; some are only vaguely known, while others are entirely unknown. The graves of the soldiers of the Eepublic of Ireland, who gave their lives in recent times, are sometimes untended. Such neglect is contrary to the general belief which credits us with great reverence for our dead. This is a lapse from duty which the National Graves Association is seeking to have remedied. -
“Ingredients for Cooperation”: Irish Tourism in North-South Relations, 1924–1998
Eric G. E. Zuelow “Ingredients for Cooperation”: Irish Tourism in North-South Relations, 1924–1998 Until recently, two views of the relations between the governments of Northern Ireland and those of the Irish Free State and, later, the Republic of Ireland, have predominated. One view holds that contact between Belfast and Dublin was at best “cursory and truculent”; the second view imagines that there was no con- tact at all.1 Michael Kennedy’s recent monograph Division and Consensus: The Politics of Cross-Border Relations in Ireland (2000) demonstrates that neither of these traditional views is correct. The two governments actually used indirect contacts, secret government meetings, and behind-closed-door exchanges between civil servants to maintain far more interaction than previous accounts suggest. Tourism played an important, if largely ignored, role in these contacts. The industry was actually a model of cooperative success and a source of dia- logue almost from the introduction of Partition. Tourist authorities quietly collaborated on a variety of matters and tourism officials lobbied both Irish governments to establish a formal, public relationship on matters of common interest. The story of North-South tourism collaboration from 1924 to the estab- lishment of “Tourism Brand Ireland” initiative in the late 1990s demonstrates that tourism developers cared little about the border, and believed that eco- nomic interests trumped the question of reunification. Between 1924 and 1959, tourism developers proved that successful cross-border collaboration was pos- sible; the industry in effect modeled the type of North-South relationship that Seán Lemass first officially proposed in 1959.A major topic of conversation during the 1965 Lemass-O’Neill meeting—the first time two heads of govern- ment in Ireland had met face-to-face—tourism continued to be an important area of cross-border collaboration, even during the “Troubles.”Yet,tourism was not immune to the conflict that has infected Irish politics throughout much of the past century. -
The Rise of Sinn Féin and the First Dáil Part 2
Unit 6: The Rise of Sinn Féin and the First Dáil Part 2 Senior Cycle Worksheets Contents Lesson 5 Exhibiting 1917 Background: Irish Convention and Thomas Ashe 3 Docs I - L: The Death, Funeral and Inquest of Thomas Ashe 4 Comprehension Questions, Docs I, J, K, and L 8 Planning an Exhibition Task 4 9 Exhibition Design Template 10 Lesson 6 Conventions and Conscription Background: Sinn Fein and Volunteers Conventions 11 Documents M-Q: 1917 Conventions and Conscription Crisis 12 Comprehension Questions, Docs M, N, O, P, Q 17 Lesson 7 A Political Revolution: The 1918 General Election Background: German Plot and 1918 General Election 19 Documents R-X: Electioneering material and Maps 20 Comprehension Questions, Docs R,S,T,U,V,W and X 25 Writing an electioneering Speech Task 5 26 Additional Documents 27 Resources for Secondary Schools THE IRISH CONVENTION 1917-1918 Volunteers. Rearrested in August 1917 for making seditious speeches, Ashe was charged under the In July 1917 Lloyd George convened the Irish Defence of the Realm Act (DORA) and imprisoned in Convention in an attempt to to introduce Home Rule Mountjoy jail. He joined a hunger strike by republican on the basis of agreement between nationalists and prisoners seeking ‘political status’ and was mortally unionists. The Prime Minister’s priority that summer injured during forcible feeding in September 1917. was to find a solution to the Irish question in order to satisfy public opinion in America - Britain’s ally against Ashe’s death caused national uproar and sparked Germany since April -and focus entirely on the war protests and demonstrations across the country.