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Censorship and Propaganda in Northern Ireland During the Second World War

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Censorship and Propaganda in Northern Ireland During the Second World War DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Censorship and propaganda in Northern Ireland during the Second World War Campbell, Conor Award date: 2018 Awarding institution: Queen's University Belfast Link to publication Terms of use All those accessing thesis content in Queen’s University Belfast Research Portal are subject to the following terms and conditions of use • Copyright is subject to the Copyright, Designs and Patent Act 1988, or as modified by any successor legislation • Copyright and moral rights for thesis content are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners • A copy of a thesis may be downloaded for personal non-commercial research/study without the need for permission or charge • Distribution or reproduction of thesis content in any format is not permitted without the permission of the copyright holder • When citing this work, full bibliographic details should be supplied, including the author, title, awarding institution and date of thesis Take down policy A thesis can be removed from the Research Portal if there has been a breach of copyright, or a similarly robust reason. 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Sep. 2021 Censorship and propaganda in Northern Ireland during the Second World War Conor Fitzgerald Campbell BA (Hons), MPhil, MA Thesis submitted to the school of History, Anthropology, Philosophy and Politics of Queen’s University Belfast in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy July 2018 Contents Abstract ii Abbreviations iii Terminology iv Acknowledgements v Introduction 1 Chapter 1: Censorship 27 Chapter 2: The Ulster Office 87 Chapter 3: The Government Press Office 133 Chapter 4: Non-official publicity 191 Conclusion 247 Appendix 258 Bibliography 262 i Abstract This thesis examines propaganda and censorship in Northern Ireland during the Second World War. Press control is an underexplored route through which to investigate Ulster unionism in the mid-twentieth century, as most media studies of Northern Ireland focus on the period of the troubles or inter-war period. This thesis seeks to redress this gap, and to provide a novel route through which to understand and analyse the behaviour of the Unionist government and nature of unionist political culture during the war. This research is based primarily on governmental records and focusses on printed propaganda and newspapers. It demonstrates that the Northern Irish government developed and professionalised their publicity machinery in the period leading up to and during the conflict. This publicity machinery has been largely neglected in histories of Northern Ireland, and this thesis explores its creation as well as how it operated. It highlights how the government’s publicity machinery, originally designed to enhance the trade prospects of Northern Ireland, was gradually altered to reinforce the province’s constitutional position and to positively promote its industrial, agricultural, and military output in the United Kingdom and further abroad. This research also demonstrates the nature of the Unionist government’s relationship with the British government in regards to the operation of devolution and the introduction of British administrative bodies into Northern Ireland. It challenges the perception that Ulster unionists were inarticulate in this period, while also highlighting the severity of their local censorship legislation and arguing that the government discriminated against local minorities in its application. The extent of Unionist self-belief in the righteousness of their cause is explored, as is the nature of the Northern Irish government’s relationship with external figures who propagandised on their behalf or with their encouragement. This research also offers broader insights into unionist culture, the nature of devolution, and the functioning of Northern Irish democracy under the Stormont regime in the mid-twentieth century. ii Abbreviations BBC British Broadcasting Corporation BC British Council CASPAs Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Acts COM Northern Irish Ministry of Commerce CPC Cabinet Publicity Committee CPI Communist Party of Ireland CPNI Communist Party of Northern Ireland GPO Government Press Office HA Northern Irish Ministry of Home Affairs ILP Independent Labour Party IRA Irish Republican Army IWW Irish Worker’s Weekly MoI Ministry of Information MP Member of Parliament PSC Ulster Unionist Council Propaganda Sub-Committee RIO Regional Information Office of the Ministry of Information RUC Royal Ulster Constabulary UK United Kingdom UO Ulster Office UPL Ulster Protestant League USA United States of America UUC Ulster Unionist Council UUP Ulster Unionist Party iii Terminology Throughout this thesis ‘unionist/unionism’ will refer to the broader Irish political movement to maintain Ireland or Northern Ireland within the UK. ‘Unionist/Unionism’ will refer to the Ulster Unionist Party. Éire refers to the 26-county state that is now the Republic of Ireland. This title is used as it was the legal term for the Southern state during the Second World War. Its potentially confusing English translation, Ireland, has not been used. The term ‘Northern Ireland’ is used to refer to the six counties of the island of Ireland that are part of the UK. ‘Ulster’ is generally avoided as a term for the six-county state. As this thesis deals in parts with the theory of nationalism, as opposed to the specific Irish variant, ‘Irish nationalist/nationalism’ will refer to the Irish political movement, while ‘nationalist/nationalism’ will be used to refer to the broader ideological concept. iv Acknowledgements I have been exceptionally fortunate in both my professional and personal support while completing this project. In particular my primary supervisor, Professor Fearghal McGarry, has provided extensive feedback and measured advice throughout. I have had two secondary supervisors over the course of my thesis, Professor Keith Jeffery (who sadly passed away in early 2016) and Dr Marie Coleman, both of whom provided constructive criticism and guidance at all of our many meetings. Special mention should also be made of Dr Manu Braganca who was for a period my third supervisor before he took a position at University College Dublin. Our multiple extensive meetings early in the project helped clarify and develop many of the core themes of the thesis. Many others have contributed to this research. Professor Graham Walker, Professor Richard English, and Dr Gillian McIntosh all took time out of their schedules to talk about aspects of the work, and Dr Sam Manning generously proofread important sections of it. I visited too many different institutions to credit them all, but the staff at the Public Record Office of Northern Ireland deserve thanks for their patience in investigating my various enquiries. I must also thank my parents for their unwavering support throughout my academic career and, finally, thanks to Jess. This project was funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council through the Northern Bridge Doctoral Training Partnership. v Introduction So long as we live there will always be the danger of Home Rule or merging into the Free State. We will never get rid of it. One has only to go to England to see the extraordinary apathy towards us by people who should be our friends. We do not understand this apathy in England towards us… All we want is to live our lives as God has placed us here. Yet, we have this continual menace at our doors - a menace which will last as long as we live.1 So said the Northern Irish Minister of Home Affairs Richard Dawson Bates to the Victoria Women’s Unionist Association in March 1938 after a hard-fought Stormont election. His fears were understandable: the parliament to which he had just been elected had only existed for seventeen years, and Europe was sliding towards war. Northern Ireland was a state born out of conflict and insecurity about its place within the United Kingdom (UK), an insecurity that still very much defined Unionist political culture. Dawson Bates’s comments were ‘in no way surprising’, according to the staunchly unionist Belfast News Letter. ‘Ignorance begets apathy’, they argued, but ‘What, however, has the Ulster Government or the Ulster Unionist Party done to counteract it?’2 The Unionist government’s attempts to counter this ignorance, as well as to control alternative narratives, is the subject of this thesis. Press control is an underexplored route through which to investigate Ulster unionism in the mid-twentieth century. The messages that the Northern Irish government restricted and promoted provide rich sources for analysing unionist identity. This research challenges perceptions of unionist culture as historically inarticulate, but also demonstrates the Unionist government’s attempts to curb the expression of alternative visions of the Northern Irish state. Throughout the Second World War, the Unionist government became increasingly alert to the possibilities and power of propaganda. While unionists had previously engaged in propaganda when necessary, this period saw the Unionist government increasingly realise that consistent 1 Irish News, 30 Mar. 1938, cited in Thomas Hennessey, A history of Northern Ireland 1920- 1996 (Dublin, 1997), p. 77. 2 Belfast News Letter, 31 Mar. 1938. 1 presentation of their case to the British people and further abroad was necessary to ensure the survival of their state. The study of censorship and propaganda reveals both a community’s insecurities, as well as what they considered to be their greatest strengths.
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