14Th Plenary Session
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The Outbreak and Development of the 'Troubles'
Heritage, History & Memory Project (Workshop 3) The outbreak and development of the ‘Troubles’ A presentation by Prof. John Barry followed by a general discussion compiled by Michael Hall ISLAND 115 PAMPHLETS 1 Published March 2019 by Island Publications 132 Serpentine Road, Newtownabbey BT36 7JQ © Michael Hall 2019 [email protected] http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/islandpublications The Fellowship of the Messines Association gratefully acknowledge the support they have received from the Heritage Lottery Fund for their Heritage, History & Memory Project and the associated publications Printed by Regency Press, Belfast 2 Introduction The Fellowship of the Messines Association was formed in May 2002 by a diverse group of individuals from Loyalist, Republican and Trade Union backgrounds, united in their realisation of the necessity to confront sectarianism in our society as a necessary means of realistic peace-building. The project also engages young people and new citizens on themes of citizenship and cultural and political identity. In 2018 the Association initiated its Heritage, History & Memory Project. For the inaugural launch of this project it was decided to focus on the period of the 1960s, the Civil Rights Movement, and the early stages of the ‘Troubles’. To accomplish this, it was agreed to host a series of six workshops, looking at different aspects of that period, with each workshop developing on from the previous one. The format for each workshop would comprise a presentation by a respected commentator/historian, which would then be followed by a general discussion involving people from diverse political backgrounds, who would be encouraged to share not only their thoughts on the presentation, but their own experiences and memories of the period under discussion. -
From Deference to Defiance: Popular Unionism and the Decline of Elite Accommodation in Northern Ireland
From Deference to Defiance: Popular Unionism and the Decline of Elite Accommodation in Northern Ireland Introduction On 29 November, 2003, The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), the party that had governed Northern Ireland from Partition in 1921 to the imposition of Direct Rule by Ted Heath in 1972, lost its primary position as the leading Unionist party in the N.I. Assembly to the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) of Reverend Ian Paisley. On 5 May, 2005, the electoral revolution was completed when the DUP trounced the UUP in the Westminster elections, netting twice the UUP's popular vote, ousting David Trimble and reducing the UUP to just one Westminster seat. In March, 2005, the Orange Order, which had helped to found the UUP exactly a century before, cut its links to this ailing party. What explains this political earthquake? The press and most Northern Ireland watchers place a large amount of stress on short-term policy shifts and events. The failure of the IRA to show 'final acts' of decommissioning of weapons is fingered as the main stumbling block which prevented a re-establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly and, with it, the credibility of David Trimble and his pro-Agreement wing of the UUP. This was accompanied by a series of incidents which demonstrated that the IRA, while it my have given up on the ‘armed struggle’ against the security forces, was still involved in intelligence gathering, the violent suppression of its opponents and a range of sophisticated criminal activities culminating in the robbery of £26 million from the Northern Bank in Belfast in December 2004. -
February 2004
Nations and Regions: The Dynamics of Devolution Quarterly Monitoring Programme Northern Ireland Quarterly Report February 2004 The monitoring programme is jointly funded by the ESRC and the Leverhulme Trust Devolution Monitoring Programme Northern Ireland report 18 February 2004 • Assembly election ends in triumph for DUP, SF • Result means continued suspension of devolution • Review of Belfast agreement opens amid low expectations • Ministers continue business-as-usual decision-making 2 Contents 1. Summary Robin Wilson ..............................................4 2. The ‘peace process’ Rick Wilford & Robin Wilson ..................5 2.1 The post-election scene ......................................................................................5 2.2 The review...........................................................................................................5 2.3 Prospects ...........................................................................................................13 3. Devolved government Robin Wilson ............................................16 3.1 Does it matter? .................................................................................................16 3.2 Programme for Government ..........................................................................16 3.3 Community relations .......................................................................................17 4. The assembly Rick Wilford & Robin Wilson ................20 5. The media Robin Wilson ............................................21 -
A Commentary on the Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland
Index Adams, Gerry, 159, 182 Blease, William, 83 Agnew, Kevin, 72, 73, 106, 111, 136, Bloody Friday, 182 137 Bloody Sunday, 26, 36, 38, 147, 181 Aiken, Frank, 22 Boal, Desmond, 156 Alliance Party, 80, 82, 89-92, 97, 184 Bogside, Derry, 43, 112, 144, 169, American Committee for Ulster Jus- 171, 178, 180 tice, 35, 36 border, the, 39, 89, 90, 160, 172 American Congress for Irish Free Sordes Poll, 75, 183 dom, 51 Boyd, Andrew, 136, 179 American Irish Action Committee, Boyle, Kevin, 85, 126, 132, 133, 134 148 Boyle, Louis, 169 Amnesty International, 21 Bradford, Roy, 6, 94, 160 Anglo-Irish Agreement, 186 Brett, Charles, 25, 83 Antrim, 86 British Army, 38, 41, 93, 95, 101, Arbuckle, Victor, 174 109, 117, 160, 165, 172-84 passim Armagh: 117, 127, 132, 155, 179; British Government, 50, 51, 99, 106, committee for Civil Rights, 113, 116, 187 114; Civil Rights Assn, 131 Brockway, Fermer, 27, 181 Atkins, Sir Humphrey, 186 Brown, Rev. John, 82 Avebury, Lord see Lubbock brutality, army and police, 21, 36-7, 112, 139, 142, 147, 170, 178, 181, Bacon, Alice, 32 see also violence Ballymurphy, 176, 177 B-Specials, 29, 42, 87, 105, 109, 117, Ballyshannon, 170 120, 138, 163, 169-74 passim, 182 Barr, lvan, 129, 136 Bunbeg, 78 Beattie, Desmond, 178 Bunting, Ronald, 85-8 passim, 114, Beattie, Rev. William, 97 121, 155, 164, 170 Belfast: 29, 31, 51, 67, 77, 82, 86, 93, Burntollet, 87, 88, 122, 142, 155, 164, 125, 127, 129, 142, 148, 159-64 169 passim, 169, 171-2, 176, 179, 182; Burntollet, 87 Crumlin Rd Prison, 89; Civil Burton, Richard, 92 Rights Assn, 132; Bryson Street, Byrne, Maurice, 12, 16, 55, 70 179 Byrne, Paddy, 27, 28 Belfast Newsletter, 36 Belfast Telegraph, 13, 19, 30, 38, 100, Callaghan, James, 28, 32, 39, 93, 119, 150-51 129, 173, 187 Bell, lvor, 182 Calvert, Harry, 33, 44, 46-7 Bell, Martin, 119, 120 Cameron Enquiry/Report, 114, 156, Benn, John, 40 169 Bennett, Jack, 104 Campaign for Democracy in Ulster, Bennett, William, 121 27-30, 31, 52, 143 237 Campaign for Social Justice in N.l. -
Introduction Chapter 1 Chapter 2
Notes Introduction 1. For example, before Walker (2004a) the last book that was written on the UUP was by John Harbinson (1973). Hume (1996) also contains some inter esting data but is far from comprehensive. The DUP has had more recent analysis but Bruce (1989) and Smyth, C. (1987) are now over fifteen years old and the party has developed significantly since those books were written. Chapter 1 1. Alvin Jackson has encountered similar difficulties in analysing Unionist historiography. He made the distinction between 'Unionist historians' and 'Historians of Unionism'; one of the key distinctions was a declaration of interest Oackson, 1996, 121). 2. He cites Ronan Bennett and Robert Ballagh, although these are not the only examples that could be utilised, and Ruth Dudley Edwards quotes prominent journalist and writer Tim Pat Coogan as remarking at a conference that Unionists had no culture (Dudley Edwards, 2000, 351). 3. Advert in back of Hume (1996). 4. Ulster Review, Issue 18, Winter 1995/1996. 5. Although one Unionist called his book 'intellectual Lundyism', Alex Kane quoted in Jardin (1997). 6. The book won the prestigious Christopher Ewart-Biggs Memorial Prize. 7. See http://www.sluggerotoole.com/archives/2005/05/david_trimbles.php and http://www.sluggerotoole.com/archives/2005/05/uup_insiders_pl.php accessed 13 May 2005. Chapter 2 1. This would appear to have been at the request of the British, and not Irish, government. See Cochrane (1997, 129-31) for a discussion on an offer made to Molyneaux on Privy Council terms to sign the Agreement in August 1985. 2. For the classic account of Unionist resistance to the third Home Rule bill, see Stewart (1967). -
Civil Rights and Civil Responsibilities
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives CIVIL RIGHTS AND CIVIL RESPONSIBILITIES HOW THE UNIONIST PARTY PERCEIVED AND RESPONDED TO THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN NORTHERN IRELAND 19681968----19721972 Master thesis in historhistoryy submitted at the UniversityUniversity of Bergen May 2010 His 350 Eirik Søreide Klepaker DDDepartmentDepartment of archaeoloarchaeology,gy, history, cultural studies and religion Front picture found at: http://www.nicivilrights.org/wp- content/uploads/2008/12/burntollet20march.jpg ii Thanks to Sissel Rosland, for giving me assistance and motivation when it was exceedingly needed. My Mum and Dad My fellow students iii iv Contents List of abbreviations...............................................................................................................vii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 1 Subject outline and previous research................................................................................ 1 Main questions ................................................................................................................... 4 Political and religious labels .............................................................................................. 4 Sources ............................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter outline .................................................................................................................. -
Leverhulme-Funded Monitoring Programme
Nations and Regions: The Dynamics of Devolution Quarterly Monitoring Programme Northern Ireland Quarterly Report August 2001 The monitoring programme is jointly funded by the ESRC and the Leverhulme Trust Devolution monitoring programme Northern Ireland report August 2001 • Sectarian tensions and violence worsen • Sinn Féin and DUP gain in June elections • Trimble resignation effected in July • Talks fail at Weston Park • Arms move held out but withdrawn • IRA suspected of FARC link • Government pursues policing reform 1 Contents 1. Summary Robin Wilson........................................................................................ 3 2. Political context Robin Wilson ............................................................................. 5 2.1 Introduction: deepening division......................................................................... 5 2.2 Trimble forces a crisis......................................................................................... 6 2.3 (Another) last chance .......................................................................................... 8 2.4 De-decommissioning......................................................................................... 10 2.5 Policing.............................................................................................................. 12 2.6 Bungle in the jungle .......................................................................................... 13 3. Devolved government Robin Wilson.................................................................. -
9353 Connor Connections
CONNOR CONNECTIONS NEWS Vital role of the Diocesan Reader olidays, illness and vacancies mean Diocesan Readers with cassock, surplice and blue Hpreaching scarf are a familiar sight in many parish prayer desks and pulpits. A survey of the workload of Diocesan Readers in Connor produced returns from 27 Readers indicating they had either read the service of Morning or Evening Prayer and/or preached at 1176 services in a one year period. Dennis Grattan of St Brigid’s, Glengormley, who has served 43 years, Eleven had been involved in 50 services while four had receives a gift from been involved in more than 70 services, leading and Bishop Harper. preaching at three services on certain Sundays which sometimes involved considerable travel. This is a Over the past few years Mrs Bobby Moore, Robert significant contribution to the worship of the church and Simpson, Harold Sharp and Andrew Ker have been also in individual parishes. ordained while Readers presently in training include Helen MacArthur, Michael High, John McClure, Graham Many Readers have also served for a considerable time. Nevin and William Patton. Dennis Grattan of St Brigid’s, Glengormley, has served for 43 years; Dr Wilfred Mulryne will complete 35 years’ A recent innovation in the Reader ministry in Connor service this year. Bob Fryer will complete 31 years’ diocese has been the introduction of Parish Readers. service while other long servers include Jim Neill, 29 Candidates are selected in the usual way, but undergo a years, Jack Hassard and Dennis Fullerton, 26 years, and much shorter training course. Parish Readers are not Mr Robert Harper, 25 years. -
“Ingredients for Cooperation”: Irish Tourism in North-South Relations, 1924–1998
Eric G. E. Zuelow “Ingredients for Cooperation”: Irish Tourism in North-South Relations, 1924–1998 Until recently, two views of the relations between the governments of Northern Ireland and those of the Irish Free State and, later, the Republic of Ireland, have predominated. One view holds that contact between Belfast and Dublin was at best “cursory and truculent”; the second view imagines that there was no con- tact at all.1 Michael Kennedy’s recent monograph Division and Consensus: The Politics of Cross-Border Relations in Ireland (2000) demonstrates that neither of these traditional views is correct. The two governments actually used indirect contacts, secret government meetings, and behind-closed-door exchanges between civil servants to maintain far more interaction than previous accounts suggest. Tourism played an important, if largely ignored, role in these contacts. The industry was actually a model of cooperative success and a source of dia- logue almost from the introduction of Partition. Tourist authorities quietly collaborated on a variety of matters and tourism officials lobbied both Irish governments to establish a formal, public relationship on matters of common interest. The story of North-South tourism collaboration from 1924 to the estab- lishment of “Tourism Brand Ireland” initiative in the late 1990s demonstrates that tourism developers cared little about the border, and believed that eco- nomic interests trumped the question of reunification. Between 1924 and 1959, tourism developers proved that successful cross-border collaboration was pos- sible; the industry in effect modeled the type of North-South relationship that Seán Lemass first officially proposed in 1959.A major topic of conversation during the 1965 Lemass-O’Neill meeting—the first time two heads of govern- ment in Ireland had met face-to-face—tourism continued to be an important area of cross-border collaboration, even during the “Troubles.”Yet,tourism was not immune to the conflict that has infected Irish politics throughout much of the past century. -
Ulster Unionist Dimension in the Usa 2004
ULSTER UNIONIST DIMENSION IN THE USA Prioritising Neutrality or Leverage, Third Party mediation with a reluctant actor: The U.S. government and Ulster Unionists as a case study By Elodie Aviotte PhD 2004 ULSTER UNIONIST DIMENSION IN THE USA Prioritising Neutrality or Leverage, Third Party mediation with a reluctant actor: The U.S. government and Ulster Unionists as a case study By Elodie Aviotte, DEUG, Licence, Maîtrise For the Degree of PhD Dublin City University School of Law and Government Supervisor: Dr. John Doyle October 2004 I hereby certify that this material, which I now submit for assessment on the programme of study leading to the award of a Ph.D. is entirely my own work and has not been taken from the work of others save and to the extent that such work has been cited and acknowledged within the text of my work. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In memory of Alain Janey, my grand-father, without whom, all of this would never have been possible. To my family and friends who constantly supported me. This thesis is theirs as without them, the road to achievement would have been considerably more difficult. I would like to thank Dr. John Doyle, my Ph.D. supervisor, for his guidance and hard work during all those years. I would also like to express my deepest gratitude to Prof. David E. Schmitt for showing me the way when I did not know which direction to take. 1 am very grateful to all the people who helped me, all the interviewees and those who contributed to make this thesis feasible by providing crucial material or the right context at the right time. -
Manifesto Ulster Unionist Party the Ulster Unionist Party Will DELIVER
Manifesto Ulster Unionist Party The Ulster Unionist Party will DELIVER. We are delivering on all the important issues for you and will continue to do so on: • the maintenance of the Union • peace and democracy • greater prosperity • improved quality of life • better services • good education • better health services. • We will protect your rights and the rights of children now and in the future. page one Rt Hon David Trimble with David Burnside Jeffrey Donaldson with Rt Hon John D Taylor Election 2001 We are advocates for the Union. Key priorities for the next Parliament Unionism is not based on any sense of must be: elitism or particular religious belief. It is • to enhance the role of Ulster Unionism based on a sense of Britishness - a shared at the heart of British political life bond and a shared history with the rest of the United Kingdom. It is inclusive: all • to deliver strengthened local democratic the peoples of the British Isles and all accountability through a more effective Northern Ireland Assembly sections of the community in Northern Ireland have contributed to, and • to deliver a culture of lawfulness participated in, that history. throughout Northern Ireland The Union offers all the people of • to deliver a stronger Northern Ireland economy and greater prosperity Northern Ireland the best prospect of peace and fair play because it unites us all into a • to deliver a better quality of social, genuinely plural, liberal, democratic state, cultural and environmental life capable of accomodating social, cultural and religious diversity, and offering • to deliver better technical and vocational education while maintaining high opportunity to all. -
Resistance, Obstruction and Agenda-Setting: the Hidden Politics of the Northern Ireland Settlement
RESISTANCE, OBSTRUCTION AND AGENDA-SETTING: THE HIDDEN POLITICS OF THE NORTHERN IRELAND SETTLEMENT Cillian McGrattan IBIS Discussion Paper No. 5 RESISTANCE, OBSTRUCTION AND AGENDA-SETTING: THE HIDDEN POLITICS OF THE NORTHERN IRELAND SETTLEMENT Cillian McGrattan No. 5 in the Discussion Series: Breaking the Patterns of Conflict Institute for British-Irish Studies University College Dublin IBIS Discussion Paper No. 5 ABSTRACT RESISTANCE, OBSTRUCTION AND AGENDA-SETTING: THE HIDDEN POLITICS OF THE NORTHERN IRELAND SETTLEMENT This paper examines Ulster unionism’s responses to and its increased disaffection from political developments in Northern Ireland since the 1990s. I suggest that Ulster unionist politics—and, by way of extrapolation, Northern Irish politics— cannot be understood without taking into account the “soft” or “hidden” face of political power. I argue that this aspect of political dynamics has been under- researched and under-appreciated in Northern Ireland and outline an alternative narrative of the “peace process” as the product of resistance and agenda-setting activities. This changed perspective requires a re-conceptualisation of the role played by unionist politics, which are seen to embody a paradox of alienation and powerlessness operating alongside the effective prevention of specific British government and Irish nationalist policy proposals. I conclude with the suggestion that the “peace process” occurred largely despite rather than because of elite intervention. Publication information Prepared for presentation at the annual meeting of the Specialist Group on British and Comparative Territorial Politics of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, University of Oxford, 7-8 January 2010. The assistance of the Irish Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences in supporting the project of which this paper is a part is gratefully acknowledged.