The Electoral College: Options for Change and 117Th Congress Proposals
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Macro Report Version 2002-10-23
Prepared by: Institute of Social and Political Opinion Research (ISPO), KULeuven, Belgium Date: 15/01/2005 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report Version 2002-10-23 Country (Date of Election): Belgium 13 June 2003 NOTE TO THE COLLABORATORS: The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project- your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (i.e. electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and will be made available with this report to the CSES community on the CSES web page. Part I: Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, prior to the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all".) Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 4 SP.a 3 Agalev 2 PS 3 MR 3 Ecolo 2 1a. What was the size of the cabinet before the election?………17…………………………… 2. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, after the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all"). Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 5 SP.a 5 Spirit 1 PS 5 MR 4 FDF 1 2a. What was the size of the cabinet after the election? ……20……………………………… 2Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report 3. Political Parties (most active during the election in which the module was administered and receiving at least 3% of the vote): Party Name/Label Year Party Ideological European Parliament International Party Founded Family Political Group Organizational Memberships (where applicable) A. -
Before the Federal Election Commission in Re
BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION IN RE: CHRISTOPHER VAN HOLLEN, JR., DEMOCRACY 21, THE CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER, MUR 7024 I Respondents. RESPONSE OF RESPONDENTS DEMOCRACY 21 AND THE CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER Christopher E. Babbitt Adam Raviv Kurt G. Kastorf Arpit K. Garg* Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP 1875 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 663-6000 Fax: (202) 663-6363 Attorneys for Democracy 21 and The Campaign Legal Center * Admitted to practice only in New York. Supervised by members of the firm who are members of the District of Columbia bar. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 1 SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT 3 ARGUMENT , 5 I. DEMOCRACY 21 AND CLC'S PRO BONO LEGAL SERVICES WERE NOT A "CONTRIBUTION" AS DEFINED UNDER § 8(A)(I) OF FECA 5 A. Structural Challenges To Generally Applicable Campaign Finance Laws And FEC Regulations Are Not "For the Purpose Of Influencing" Federal Elections 5 B. Neither Democracy 21 Nor CLC Provided Legal Services For The Purpose Of ®4 Influencing Van Hollen's Election 8 4 1. Neither Democracy 21 nor CLC undertook activities involving express § advocacy or solicitation intended to influence Van Hollen's election 9 2. The "totality of the circumstances" does not compel a different result 9 3. The litigation and rulemaking have a "significant non-election related" aspect 13 C. Cause of Action's Theory of Indirect Benefit is Both Incorrect And Disruptive.. 14 1. • The FEC has already rejected Cause of Action's indirect, reputation-based argument 14 2. Van Hollen's standing allegations do not change this analysis 16 3. -
In America, Why Does Proportional Voting Have to Attack Political Parties?
In America, why does proportional voting have to attack political parties? Jack Santucci⇤ April 5, 2018 Abstract This chapter traces the early history of proportional-representation advocacy in the United States, asking why reformers embraced the single transferable vote (STV). This “ranked-choice” bargain was not easy to strike. Arriving at it appears to have involved resolving several disagreements: over the appropriateness of direct-democracy reforms, faddish interest in majority-preferential voting around the election of 1912, how much weight should be given to administrative factors (e.g., propensity for voter error), and whether proportional voting ought to permit parties to present themselves on ballots. Most of these issues came to a head in Los Angeles, where, in 1913, the United States’ first-ever referendum on proportional voting failed. The reform coalition fractured along class lines. By 1915, these issues were e↵ectively resolved, with STV’s first passage and enshrinement in the Model City Charter. Note to readers: subsequent chapters cover (a) the adoption of STV in 23 more cities, (b) how parties adapted to it, (c) and why it was repealed in all but one by 1962. ⇤I write here as an independent scholar. Contact: [email protected]. 1 Writing in 1939 for the American Political Science Review, Harold Gosnell had a sensible idea. Cities with proportional representation (PR), he argued, would be better o↵under his “list system with single candidate preference.” The ballot would contain party-written lists of candidates. The voter would vote by marking an “X” next to their favorite candidate. The sums of votes for parties would determine their shares of seats, and the sum of votes for each candidate would determine whether they got one of their party’s seats. -
Biographies BIOGRAPHIES 327
Biographies BIOGRAPHIES 327 ALDRICH, John Herbert Articles 1. “A method of scaling with applications to the 1968 and 1972 U.S. presidential elections.” American Political Born Science Review, 11(March):1977 (with Richard September 24, 1947, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, USA McKelvey). Current Position 2. “The dilemma of a paretian liberal: some consequences Pfizer-Pratt University Professor of Political Science, Duke of Sen’s theorem,” and “Liberal games: further thoughts University, Durham, North Carolina, 1997–. on social choice and game theory.” Public Choice, 30(Summer):1977. Degrees 3. “Electoral choice in 1972: a test of some theorems of B.A., Allegheny College, 1969; M.A., Ph.D., University of the spatial model of electoral competition.” Journal of Rochester, 1971, 1975. Mathematical Sociology, 5:1977. 4. “A dynamic model of presidential nomination Offices and Honors campaigns.” American Political Science Review, Co-Editor, American Journal of Political Science, 14(September):1980. 1985–1988 (with John L. Sullivan). 5. “A spatial model with party activists: implications for President, Southern Political Science Association, electoral dynamics,” and “rejoinder.” Public Choice, 1988–1989. 41:1983. Fellow, Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral 6. “A downsian spatial model with party activism.” Sciences, 1989–1990. American Political Science Review, 17(December):1983. Fellow, Bellagio Center, 2002. 7. “Southern parties in state and nation.” Journal of Heinz Eulau Award (best article in the American Political Politics, August:2000. Science Review), 1990 (with Eugene Borgida and John L. 8. “Challenges to the American two-party system: Sullivan). evidence from the 1968, 1980, 1992, and 1996 presi- Gladys Kammerer Award (best book on U.S. -
Head of State Selection Process: Graphic Illustration
Head of State selection process: Graphic Illustration Explanation • Indirect election (assembly): The head of state is elected by members of the assembly. In some cases, a supermajority is absolutely required (e.g. Ethiopia); in all other cases a majority is sufficient in the final round. In Lebanon, a supermajority minimum turnout is required, which means the minority can veto by staying away from the vote. • Indirect election (assembly + regional/local representatives): The head of state is elected by the combination of assembly members and local and/or federal unit assemblies or their delegates. • Direct election (alternative vote): Voters have ranked ballot. If no candidate has more than half of first-preference votes, the lowest-voted candidate is eliminated and has votes redistributed according to preferences expressed on ballots. This is repeated until some candidate has a majority (50%+1) of the votes, and that candidate is elected. • Direct election (majority runoff): The head of state is directly elected. A candidate with a majority (50%+1) in the first round is elected; if no candidate receives a majority of votes in the first round, a decisive second round is held between first- and second-placed candidates. • Direct election (plurality): The head of state is directly elected; the candidate with most votes is elected. This includes countries with ‘fused’ legislative-executive elections where the leader of the party with the most votes, sometimes subject to two rounds, becomes president (e.g. Angola). • Direct election (modified two-round): The head of state is directly elected. A candidate with a predefined proportion of the vote (e.g. -
Split Ticket Voting in Mixed Member Proportional Systems: the Hypothetical Case of the Netherlands Gschwend, Thomas; Kolk, Henk Van Der
www.ssoar.info Split ticket voting in mixed member proportional systems: the hypothetical case of the Netherlands Gschwend, Thomas; Kolk, Henk van der Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: SSG Sozialwissenschaften, USB Köln Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Gschwend, T., & Kolk, H. v. d. (2006). Split ticket voting in mixed member proportional systems: the hypothetical case of the Netherlands. Acta Politica, 41(2), 163-179. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-257925 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. -
A Reappraisal of the Seventeenth Amendment, 1890-1913
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal College of Arts and Sciences 3-30-2009 The Rapid Sequence of Events Forcing the Senate's Hand: A Reappraisal of the Seventeenth Amendment, 1890-1913 Joseph S. Friedman University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej Recommended Citation Friedman, Joseph S., "The Rapid Sequence of Events Forcing the Senate's Hand: A Reappraisal of the Seventeenth Amendment, 1890-1913" 30 March 2009. CUREJ: College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania, https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/93. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/93 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rapid Sequence of Events Forcing the Senate's Hand: A Reappraisal of the Seventeenth Amendment, 1890-1913 Abstract For over 125 years, from the ratification of the Constitution ot the passage of the Seventeenth Amendment in 1913, the voting public did not elect U.S. senators. Instead, as a result of careful planning by the Founding Fathers, state legislatures alone possessed the authority to elect two senators to represent their respective interests in Washington. It did not take long for second and third generation Americans to question the legitimacy of this process. To many observers, the system was in dire need of reform, but the stimulus for a popular elections amendment was controversial and not inevitable. This essay examines why reform came in 1911 with the Senate’s unexpected passage of the Seventeenth Amendment, which was ratified twenty-four months later in the first year of Woodrow Wilson’s presidency. -
Electoral College
The Electoral College Members of the Constitutional Convention explored many possible methods of choosing a president. One suggestion was to have the Congress choose the president. A second suggestion was to have the State Legislatures select the president. A third suggestion was to elect the president by a direct popular vote. The first suggestion was voted down due to suspicion of corruption, fears of irrevocably dividing the Congress and concerns of upsetting the balance of power between the executive and the legislative branches. The second idea was voted down because the Framers felt that federal authority would be compromised in exchange for votes. And the third idea was rejected out of concern that the voters would only select candidates from their state without adequate information about candidates outside of the state. The prevailing suggestion was to have a College of Electors select a president through an indirect election. The Facts: The Electoral College is comprised of 538 electors Each state is allotted a number of electors equal to the number of its U.S. Representatives plus its two senators (Washington, D.C. has three electors) The political parties of each state submit a list of individuals pledged to their candidates for president that is equal in number to the number of electoral votes for the state to the State’s chief election official Whichever presidential candidate gets the most popular votes in a State wins all of the Electors (known as “winner takes all”) for that state except for the states of Maine and Nebraska which award electoral votes proportionately Electors are not required to vote for the candidate they pledged to vote for Changing the system would require amending the Constitution Assignment: Use the information provided in addition to your knowledge to write a persuasive essay in which you argue whether the Electoral College is the best method of electing a President. -
Učinci Personalizacije Izbornih Sustava Na Političke Stranke
Učinci personalizacije izbornih sustava na političke stranke Vujović, Zlatko Doctoral thesis / Disertacija 2019 Degree Grantor / Ustanova koja je dodijelila akademski / stručni stupanj: University of Zagreb, The Faculty of Political Science / Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Fakultet političkih znanosti Permanent link / Trajna poveznica: https://urn.nsk.hr/urn:nbn:hr:114:008971 Rights / Prava: Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International Download date / Datum preuzimanja: 2021-10-07 Repository / Repozitorij: FPSZG repository - master's thesis of students of political science and journalism / postgraduate specialist studies / disertations Fakultet političkih znanosti Zlatko Vujović Učinci personalizacije izbornih sustava na političke stranke: sustavi stranačkih lista s preferencijskim glasovanjem DOKTORSKI RAD Zagreb, 2018. godina Fakultet političkih znanosti Zlatko Vujović Učinci personalizacije izbornih sustava na političke stranke: sustavi stranačkih lista s preferencijskim glasovanjem DOKTORSKI RAD Mentorica: prof. dr. sc. Mirjana Kasapović Zagreb, 2018. godina Faculty of Political Science Zlatko Vujović Impact of personalisation of Electoral Systems on Political Parties: List Proportional Systems with Preferential Voting DOCTORAL DISSERTATION Supervisor(s): prof. dr. sc. Mirjana Kasapović Zagreb, 2018 year 1 Informacija o mentorici Mentorica: prof. dr. sci. Mirjana Kasapović Mirjana Kasapović, profesorica komparativne politike na Fakultetu političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Objavila je deset znanstvenih monografija - pet samostalnih i pet u suautorstvu s jednim ili dva autora - te oko 80 radova u znanstvenim časopisima i drugim znanstvenim publikacijama u Hrvatskoj, Njemačkoj, Velikoj Britaniji, SAD-u, Poljskoj, Mađarskoj, Bugarskoj i drugim zemljama. Za dvije knjige —Bosna i Hercegovina – Podijeljeno društvo i nestabilna država (2005) i Politički sustav i politika Izraela (2010) — dobila je državne nagrade za znanost. Napisala je brojne publicističke i stručne radove. -
The Electoral College System for the Election of the President of the United States on Trial
California State University, San Bernardino CSUSB ScholarWorks Theses Digitization Project John M. Pfau Library 2003 The electoral college system for the election of the President of the United States on trial Evelyn Hartzell Latham Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Latham, Evelyn Hartzell, "The electoral college system for the election of the President of the United States on trial" (2003). Theses Digitization Project. 2192. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2192 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the John M. Pfau Library at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses Digitization Project by an authorized administrator of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE SYSTEM FOR THE ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES ON TRIAL A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, San Bernardino In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in - Social Sciences by Evelyn Hartzell Latham March 2003 THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE SYSTEM FOR THE ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES ON TRIAL A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of California State University, San Bernardino by Evelyn Hartzell Latham March 2003 Approved by: ABSTRACT The Electoral College system for selection of the chief executive of the United States has been described as undemocratic, archaic, complex, ambiguous, indirect, and dangerous, by the American Bar Association. Other noted scholars, politicians and political scientists have made numerous attempts to amend the Constitution to any number of revision plans, notably the proportional plan, the district plan, and currently, the direct vote plan. -
Macro Report Iceland
Prepared by: Eva Heiða Önnudóttir and Katrín B. Guðjónsdóttir Date: March 2011 Comparative Candidate Survey Macro Questionnaire Draft January 25, 2007 Country: Iceland Date of Election: April 25, 2009 NOTE TO COLLABORATORS: The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CCS project. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CCS website. Part I: Data Pertinent to the Election at which the CCS was Administered (taken from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, version: Module 2, August 23, 2004) 1. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, prior to the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all".) Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios Elections 2007 – February 1, 2009: Social Democratic Alliance 6 Independence Party 6 February 1 – May 10 (minority coalition): Social Democratic Alliance 5 Left Green Movement 5 Not affiliated with a party (not MPs) 2 1 1a. What was the size of the cabinet before the election? 12 cabinets ministers 2. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, after the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all"). Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios Social Democratic Alliance 5 Left Green Movement 5 Not affiliated with a party (not MPs) 2 2a. What was the size of the cabinet after the election? 12 cabinets ministers 3. -
Accountable/ Answerable/ Responsible/ Helpful
T.Y.B.A Pol. Science . (Electoral politics in India) Sem IX Media and Electoral processes. 1. Computerised analysis of voting patterns is known as....................... (Exist poll/ Psephology/ statistics of elections/ election manifesto) 2) In present time --------- media is extensively used by political party’ to attract youth a) print media, b) Social media, c)Radio, d) electronic media 3.................. of whole election process is additional safeguard. (Security/ review/ check/ study) 4. The media should be ................... to the system and to the masses at large. (Accountable/ answerable/ responsible/ helpful) 5.................. of whole election process is additional safeguard. (Security/ review/ check/ study) 6............... are those articles or news appearing in any media for a price in cash or kind as consideration. (Paid news/ paid content/ paid matter/ fake news) 7 ................ is done by political parties during the time of election. (Campaigning/socialisation/ awareness/ participation) 8. ............. to media is harmful, a degree of regulation is required. (Absolute freedom/substantial control/ liberty/restriction) 9.................. can be considered of subtitle to people’s voice (Media/ complaining/Public opinion/ rally) 10. Election commissioner is appointed for .................. years. (Five/ six/ seven/ eight) 47. Election commissioner is appointed for .................. years. (Five/ six/ seven/ eight) 11.................. of whole election process is additional safeguard. (Security/ review/ check/ study) 12.Opinion polls of large-scale samples conducted after the....year.(1970/1980/1990/2000) 13.................. play an indispensable role in the proper functioning of democracy. (Leader/ Pressure group/ media/ Strong Bureaucracy) 14. Chief election officers allowed to do.........of paid news. (review/scrutiny/monitoring/action) 15. Political campaigning done by..........(N.G.O.