Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

SOCIETY AND CULTURE AMONG SHIA MUSLIMS: STUDY OF KASHMIR VALLEY

THESIS

SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF Doctor of Philosophy IN SOCIOLOGY

BY SHAHNAWAZ HUSSAIN BHAT

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF: PROF. (DR.) SYED ZAINUDDIN Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA)-202002

2019 ANNEXURE-ΙΙΙ

Title of the Thesis: SOCIETY AND CULTURE AMONG SHIA MUSLIMS: STUDY OF KASHMIR VALLEY

Candidate’s Name: Shahnawaz Hussain Bhat

The undersigned hereby assigns to the Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh copyright that may exist in and for the above thesis submitted for the award of the Ph.D. degree.

Signature of the Candidate

Note: However, the author may reproduce or authorize others to reproduce material extracted verbatim from the thesis or derivative of the thesis for author’s personal use provide that the source and the University’s copyright notice are Maulanaindicated Azad. Library, Aligarh Muslim University CANDIDATE’S DECLARATION

I, Shahnawaz Hussain Bhat, Department of Sociology, certify that the work embodied in this Ph.D. thesis is my own bonafide work carried out by me under the supervision of Prof. Syed Zainuddin at Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. The matter embodied in this Ph.D. thesis has not been submitted for the award of any other degree. I declare that I have faithfully acknowledged, given credit to and referred to the research workers wherever their works have been cited in the text and the body of the thesis. I further certify that I have not wilfully lifted up some other’s work, para, text, data, result, etc., reported in the journals, books, magazines, reports, dissertations, thesis, etc., or available at web-sites and included them in this Ph.D. thesis and cited as my own work.

Date: (Shahnawaz Hussain Bhat) En. No.: GE8833 …………………………………………………………………………………………..

CERTIFICATE FROM THE SUPERVISOR

This is to certify that the above statement made by the candidate is correct to the best of my knowledge.

Prof. Syed Zainuddin (Professor) Department of Sociology Aligarh Muslim University, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh MuslimAligarh University

(Signature of the Chairman of the Department with seal) DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY CHAIRMAN ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH-202002 (INDIA) Phone: 0571-2707077 (External)

Ref. No……………… Dated:……………………….

COURSE/COMPREHENSIVE EXAMINATION/PRE-SUBMISSION SEMINAR COMPLETION CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that Mr. Shahnawaz Hussain Bhat, Department of Sociology has satisfactorily completed the course work/comprehensive examination and pre-submission seminar requirement which is part of his Ph.D. programme.

(Prof. Syed Zainuddin)

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

اﻟﺤﻤﺪ ﷲ رب اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﯿﻦ

All praise to Allah the Lord of the world for providing me with the confidence and determination in accomplishing the work. May peace be upon the Leader of the Prophets, Hazrat-e-Muhammad Mustafa (s), and his household, who have been the source of knowledge and guidance for all.

The present work is being submitted almost after six years, the reason being the vast and difficult nature of the scholarshipand thevicissitudes of life. At many moments throughout this research work, the day of submission seemed too distant to reach. the work is eventually seeing the day. It has been a long and at times اﻟﺤﻤﺪ ﷲBut daunting journey. This would not have been possible without the support of many great individuals who deserveto be acknowledged for their contribution, suggestions, advices, love, support, care, concern and time.

To start this academic ritual,I would like to acknowledge my indebtedness and render my warmest thanks to my supervisor, also the Chairman of the department,Prof. (Dr.) Syed Zainuddin, for the continuous support I received through his motivation, guidance, patience, subject expertise and care during my entire Ph.D. programme. I feel short of words to define his kind nature and the exemplary character.Indeed, without his splendid benefaction, the present work would not have seen the light of the day.

My gratitude is due to Prof. Abdul Waheed, of the Departmentof Sociology for inculcating ethics of doing true sociology in me.His suggestions never being untimely, added to the richnessof this work.

The work would not have been accomplished without the insightful comments, constructive criticism and encouragement provided byother faculty members of the department also including Prof. M. Akram, Prof. P.K. Mathur,Prof. A. Matin, Dr. Shireen Sadiq, Dr. Sameena and Dr. Irfanullah. The work is the yield of what they Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University had sown in me during and after my Master’s degree.

The non-teaching staff members of the department Syed Riyaz Abass (seminar librarian) Irfan Bhai,Aijaz Bhai, Vishal Bhai,Chand Bhai, Manoj and Khalid andhave

i always been very helpful and supportive enough during the entire tenure of stay in department.

I am highly grateful to my Alma mater-Aligarh Muslim University, a prestigious seat of learning,which considered me to pursue studies in the calm, beautiful and homely atmosphere, laced with all sort of modern educational and technological advancements for the better teaching and learning atmosphere. The administrative, teaching and non-teaching staff of the university deserves special praise and appreciations in maintaining the suitable atmosphere for teaching and learning process. The treasured libraries both at the department and Maulana Azad Library, the staff, have their commendable contribution in the work. I also owe my special thanks to Fatima Hasan,Semi Professional Assistant at Maulana Azad Library for taking pains in providing material, indispensable for the study in accessible format whenever requested.

I fall short of words to express my gratitude to my friend Dr. Sheikh Idrees Mujtaba for his contribution throughout every leaf of this thesis including; statistical part, proof reading and tiresome designing, and above all for being there with me in tough times.

I am highly indebted to my nephew master Mohammad Mujtaba in accompanying the field work and assisting in data entry. I will always remember how enthusiastically he (12 years old then) would ask question to my respondents “yemis sith khandar chuv kerith timan sith chuve rishte kenh?”(Do you have any blood relations with your spouse?). I also appreciate the love and respect I receive from Mohammad Waiz and Anees Mohammad. The above 3 M’s are my hope and they will surely fulfil this hopefulness.

I would also like to thank Prof. V.K. Srivastava from department of Anthropology, Delhi University, and Prof. (retd) Nadeem Hasnain from department of Anthropology, MaulanaUniversity of LucknowAzad for Library, their valuable commentsAligarh and suggestionsMuslim when Universityat its inception the thesis was striving for direction for the future course.

I would also wish to express my gratitude to some important personalities, who have proved asrich resource persons for my field work like Haji Ghulam Mohammad

ii Rather, Sayyid Afzal Rizvi (Bagwanpora), Ghulam Ali Gulzar, Ali Mohamad Qasmi, Rather Sahab (Budgam), Ghulam Hussain Mattoo and Khaaki Fakeer of Khoshipura HMT.

I feel an honour to specially thank Manzoor Ahmad and Qazi Sarah Rasheed, who have been more than friends in providing their support and suggestions.Their friendly guidance and advice have been invaluable throughout all stages of the work.It is fairly impossible for me and would take epochs to acknowledge the contribution of Dr. Zeenat T throughout all the stages of this work from the moment of its inception. May the person always be bestowed with peace and prosperity!

This thesis would not have been possible without the inspiration and support of a number of wonderful individuals — my thanks and appreciation to all of them for being part of this journey and making this thesis possible. I would appreciate and thank all my friends like Dr. Shahnawaz Ali Bhat, Tahir Ali Rather, Dr. Rumman Gul, Altaf Hussain, Raja Muneer, Shahid Ahmed, Wafi Ahmed, Sana Rehman, Mubeena, Dr. Taskeena Hasan, Yawar Sadiq Haroon, Dr. Razdha Parveen, Nahida Rohi and Tanveer Ahmed who in particular deserves special mention for proof reading. There are surely contributions of Rameez Ahmad, Akhtar Hussain, Rabiya, Ahrar, Prafull, Imtiyaz,Junaid, Sumbul, Afaq and many more only to name a few.

Thanks are also due to all my seniors, friends and colleagues who have always been around.Dr. Fayaz Bhai, Dr. Zulfikar Bhai, Dr. Masood Bhai, Dr. Afzal Bhai, Dr. Aijaz Bhai, Dr. Zahoor Bhai, have provided me with the necessary support and directions at every juncture of the work.

It is my joyful duty to thank Salman Murtaza and Sarosh Ahmad for their love and respect inside and outside hostel. The later also assisted in typing when needed, for which I am highly indebted to him. My loads of love for my friend Dr. Syed Ashfaq who has been on my side in my ups and downs since class IV.

MaulanaThe space Azad here will Library, without doubt Aligarh be too insufficient Muslim to express University my heartfelt thankfulness to all my teachers till date right from my primary to doctorate level. I am highly indebted to each one of them for their respective efforts in shaping me to whatever and wherever I am today. The teachers at Imamia Public school, RMP Hr.

iii Secondary School, Govt. degree college Bemina and as already mentioned Aligarh Muslim University deserve special mention in shaping my character.

Mrs. Amatuz Zehra deserves the paramount thankfulness for being a motherly figure from the last 6 years of my stay in Aligarh. It has always been a home like sensation at their residence.

I would also like to thank the funding agency ICMR for providing timely fellowship during my entire tenure as a junior and senior research fellow.

I shall be failing in my duty if I do not record the encouragement and support I received from all the relatives, friends and neighbours. I am highly thankful to each one of you.

Expressions and emotions fail me to highlight the contribution of each of my family members. My deep and sincere gratitude to them for their continuous and unparalleled love, help and support. My parents Mr. Mohamad Qasim Bhat and Sakeena Begum have always been the source of inspiration, who worked tirelessly, compromising with their health and happiness, to keep me going. Although with meagre resources,their emotions, care, and love has always been there to take me along during the testing times of this journey. I am highly grateful to my elder brother Riyaz Ahmad-my first teacher, guide and when I needed, a friend also. His 600 rupees monthly salary as a private school teacher was not less than a treasure for me in my early school days. Sincere thanks to my Sister-in-law Haseena Bano whohas always stood there by me, and treated me like her younger brother. I fail to control my flowing emotions while recalling how in our tough times my sisters Shameema and Nelofar would ensemble unmarked white paper sheets from the school ground and stitch into a notebook for me. I will remain indebted to them throughout my life.

I feel pleasure to convey my gratitude to my brothers-in-law, Nazir Ahmad and Altaf Hussain for their constant affection and care throughout this journey. A researcher Maulanafrequently needs Azad to ease out Library, his nerves after Aligarh the hectic work Muslim to keeping theUniversity work going. For that, the love and the thought of my nieces Anisa Zehra, Marzia Zainab and little fairy Mehdiya Zainab, and nephews Muntazir Mehdi, Mohammad Mujtaba and always did the needful.

iv Finally, I am thankful to Allah for bestowing me my soul-mate Khanum Hussaini (my Nisf Imaan),who with her treasure of humbleness, devotion and commitment for our blissful future provided a spiritual support, emancipating me from the clutches of pessimism I was caught in.

It is impossible to mention every individual’s name and his/her contribution to my career till date, I know I have missed many of them; I thank all of you individually for the love, support and encouragement.

(Shahnawaz Hussain Bhat)

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

v Abstract

The current study entitled, “Society and Culture among Shia Muslims: Study of Kashmir Valley”, is a first of its kind about Shias of Kashmir to the best of my knowledge. The study attempts to make an understanding of the Shia Society of Kashmir by primarily studying various aspects of its culture. The thesis is a compendium of rituals, practices and ceremonies that constitute Shi’ite culture in Kashmir valley. The thesis explores the role these rituals and practices play in Shia community in Kashmir.

Objectives of the Study

The Study primarily aims at:

(a) To explore the social structure of the Shia Muslims of the valley.

(b) To explore the Socio-economic profile of Shias of the valley.

(d) To construct the social, economic and cultural life of Shia Muslims of the valley.

Research Design

The study is an ethnographic in nature and thus exploratory as well as descriptive in design. The study employs the inductive research strategy. It is based on both secondary and primary data. The primary data collection was of two-fold i.e., both quantitative as well as qualitative data. For the quantitative data, using Sample survey as research strategy, 300 households from both rural and urban areas of District Budgam were investigated using Interview schedule as the data collection tool. However, for the qualitative data collection, ‘Case Study’ was used as research strategy and the tools employed for data collection included: Interview, Observation Maulana(both participant Azad Library, and non-participant), Aligarh Oral Histories Muslim and Focused University Group Discussions (FGD’S). Secondary data was collected from Census 2011, Web pages and newspapers.

The thesis is divided into six chapters excluding introduction and conclusion. Each chapter is subdivided into headings and sub-headings.

1 Findings

The figures are indicate that Shia Muslims are lying amongst the lower rungs of the economic hierarchy. When it comes to land ownership also, there are negligible families which possess large farmlands. Though literacy rate among Shias is slightly higher than the District and State figures (67.50%) (Male=81.28% female=46.90), However, from the educational achievement level, for both the men and women, a grim picture emerges. The dropout rate in education also is much higher. 87.83% persons had left the school due to any reason and only 12.17% who continued in the pursuit of education. A negligible portion 6.7% of Shias are having a government jobs. Major portion of the Shias are engaged in daily wage laboring (9.1%), and 27.1% of the women are engaged in household chores. Shias are also following the trend of moving towards nuclear family system. Only 39% of families (i.e. 117 out of 300) were joint, whereas the rest (61%) were nuclear. Shia community in Kashmir is highly patriarchic with (97%) dominated by males. The female dominance in the rest (3%) families was because of the death of the male head.

Shia community of Kashmir is divided in various groups or factions known as firqas or paat. The factions are formed around two most prominent clergy families, the Ansari family of Srinagar and Agha family of District Budgam. The people irrespective of their castes affiliate themselves with either of the faction. These firqas are subject to charismatic authority of the leader of the particular firqa, thus acting like what Weber called Gemeinde /charismatic community.

These firqa/factions operate on power-relations as each firqa has its base of power in the form of their followers. There is conflictive relationship among these factions thus called Firqadari or paatdari. Firqadari has become consolidated part of social structure of Kashmiri Shias, visible and more assertive. Its impact is reflected in each and every aspect of Shia community in Kashmir viz. social, economic and political. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Shi’ite Muslims in Kashmir are not necessarily distinguishable from their Sunni Muslim neighbours in terms of the structure of family, marriage and life cycle rituals. They seem to be a part of wider cultural complex shared by all those residing in the region as a whole. Like other Muslims in Kashmir and rest of India Shias of Kashmir also have an elaborate set of rituals and practices rooted in the culture of the region.

2 However, what differentiates Shias from the Sunnis are the annual remembrance rituals surrounding the battle of Karbala. Although, persecuted over centuries, Shias have maintained their separate identity through the preservation of remembrance. Mourning rituals have become a hot bed for displaying a separate identity by Shia Muslims in Kashmir. This separate identity is flaunted and asserted through the organisation of these ritualistic devotions.

Mourning rituals are the sources of solidarity and harmony and act as glue, holding Shia society together. These mourning rituals give consciousness of the membership in the community not only at the local level but at the global level. Each Shia at individual level identifies himself or herself to be a part of a macro level unity and identity i.e. the Shia community of the world, the followers of the House of the Prophet, the mourners and the supplication of Fatima.

Limitations As the study revolves around on one of the largest minority community, spread over whole valley, it is obvious that the study would be encountering some limitations as well. I feel ethically liable to highlight some of the worth mentioning limitations here. Some of these limitations are: • As clear from the theme, this study tries to provide an ethnographic account of the Shias spreading unevenly over whole valley. Though District Budgam was selected as sample for the study, it becomes exaggeration that an ethnographic study of Shias of Budgam would equally represent Shias of other Districts also. A separate Scholarship for each district would be the only solution to escape this exaggeration. • The Study attempted to provide a holistic picture of Society and Culture among Shia Muslims, covering different areas each demanding a separate Scholarship. In this attempt, it is possible that each and every thing might not have been included in this study. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University • The study being ethnographic, explores rituals and practices, but failed to breach the line of gender bar which the Shias prescribe. It was not convivial and wise to even try to transcend the gender bar and observe the ritualistic performances of women in different aspects of Shia society and culture. Thus it was impossible for this study to give equal representation to the ritualistic

3 practices and performances of Shia women. There is a vast unexplored field of study demanding a female scholar for the exploration.

• The study couldn’t present deliberate on social change among Shias, because the study, not being longitudinal in nature didn’t dealt with this aspect.

• Rearrangement of the tehsil and block boundaries in district Budgam created some problems as the different data available with different departments didn’t corroborate. Conclusion

Shias of Kashmir, a minority in majority is socio economically a weaker community. The community is divided in to factions owing to power-relations between by the two charismatic clergy dynasties.

Being a Muslim community, the Shia community shares much of its cultural life with that of the majority Sunni community. However, the two communities have sharp differences also. These differences are reflected in the public sphere in the form of performance of rituals and practices mainly around historic battle of Karbala. The Shia community has successfully survived various onslaughts on its identity in Kashmir through the preservation of their culture. This culture of difference holds the community together in to a separate identity.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

4 CONTENTS

Page No.

Acknowledgement i - v List of Tables vi List of Figures vii - x

INTRODUCTION 1 - 4

CHAPTER 1 LITERATURE REVIEW, UNIVERSE AND 5 - 51 RESARCH DESIGN 1.1 Introduction 5 1.2 Definitions 6 1.3 Theoretical Perspectives of Society and Culture 7 1.4 Society and Culture in India 12 1.5 Society and Culture among Indian Muslims 16 1.6 Features of Islamic Marriage 17 1.7 The Temporary (Mutaa) Marriage 23 1.8 Family and Marriage among Muslims in India 26 1.9 Composition of Muslim Families 28 1.10 Decision making in Muslim Families 28 1.11 Marriage in Indian Muslims 29 1.12 Marriage Rites and Customs 34 1.13 The Universe and the Design of the Study 40 1.13.1 Jammu and Kashmir: A Brief Profile 40 1.13.2 District Budgam 42 1.14 Research Design 45 1.14.1 Research Strategies and Tools of Data Collection 46 1.14.2 Sampling and Universe 46 Maulana1.14.3 AzadData Library, Processing and Aligarh Analysis Muslim University48 1.14.4 Limitations 48

CHAPTER 2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND SOCIO- 52-95 ECONOMIC PROFILE OF SHIA MUSLIMS 2.1 Introduction 52 2.2 Who are Shias ? 53 2.3 Origin of Shia-Sunni Schism 54 2.4 Death of Prophet and Event of Saqeefa 55 2.5 Historical Background of the Battle of Karbala 56 2.6 The Battle of Karbala 59 2.7 Branches and sects in Shia Islam 60 2.7.1 Zaidi Shias 61 2.7.2 Isma’ili Shias 61 2.7.3 Imami Shias (Twelvers) 62 2.8 Shia doctrines and Religious Practice 64 2.8.1 Usool al-Din (Roots of Religion) 64 2.8.2 Foru al-Din (Branches of Religion) 64 2.9 Origin and Development of Shi’ism in India 66 2.10 Shi’ism in Kashmir 70 2.11 Mir Shams-ud-Din Araki and Shi’ism in Kashmir 72 2.12 Shi’ite Persecution 74 2.13 Shia Population in Kashmir 75 2.14 Socio-economic and Demographic Features of Shias in 77 Kashmir

CHAPTER 3 CLERGY, CHARISMATIC AUTHORITY AND 96-112 FACTIONALISM 3.1 Introduction 96 3.2 Factionalism/firqadari 96 3.3 Alignment of People towards clerics and Emergence of 98 Power relations 3.4 Routinization of Charisma and the problem of 100 succession in clergy families 3.5 Impact of Factionalism on Shia Society 104 Maulana3.6 AzadFactionalism Library, and Family, Aligarh Kinship andMuslim Marriage University104 3.7 Factionalism and Annual Mourning rituals 106 3.8 Factionalism and Community Property 107 3.9 Factionalism and Shia Educational Backwardness 108 3.10 Factionalism and Shia Economic Backwardness 109 3.11 Factionalism and Shias in Politics 110 3.12 Factionalism and Violence 111 3.13 Decline of Charisma 111

CHAPTER 4 FAMILY SYSTEM AND MARRIAGE RITUAL 113-157 PRACTICES 4.1 Introduction 113 4.2 Household Leadership 113 4.3 Family Organization 113 4.4 Marriage : Practice and Rituals 115 4.5 Marriage Preparations 132 4.6 Maenzi-raat/Menhdi-raat – the night of henna 138 4.7 Yenniwoal/Marriage Day 140 4.8 Leaving for bride’s house 145 4.9 Welcoming of baraat 146 4.10 Rukhsati-Departure of Bride 149 4.11 Reception of mahrin at Groom’s house 150 4.12 Kahwe-khabar 151 4.13 Walima/Wathal 151 4.14 Satim/Seventh Day 152 4.15 Wazvan 152 4.16 Vartav Travun 154 4.17 Izband-zalun 154 4.18 Wamvum 155

CHAPTER 5 LIFE CYCLE RITUALS AND RELIGIOUS 158-177 CEREMONIES 5.1 Introduction 158 5.2 Birth Rituals 158 Maulana5.3 AzadNaming Library, the Child Aligarh Muslim University161 5.4 Shadinama, Mubarak and Pyaav Niun 162 5.5 Zarr-Kasni/ Head Shaving 162 5.6 Aqeeqah 164 5.7 Khatna/Circumcision 165 5.8 Kothi-tchott 166 5.9 Socialization and Enculturation 167 5.10 Death Rituals 169 5.11 Religious Festivals and Ceremonies 177

CHAPTER 6 MOURNING RITUALS, DEVOTIONS AND 188-277 COMMUNITY IDENTITY 6.1 Introduction 188 6.2 Historical Evolution of Mourning Rituals 191 6.3 Mourning Rituals in Kashmir 203 6.3.1 Participatory Rituals 205 6.3.1.2 Lamentation/matam Rituals 223 6.3.2 Monetary devotions/Nazar/Niyaz 231 6.3.3 Liturgical Devotions 236 6.5 Majlis and Jalus organization in Muharram 251 6.6 Factionalism (Firqadari) and Mourning (Azadari) 261 6.7 Controversial Muharram Rituals 263 6.8 Kashmiri Marsiya 268

CONCLUSION 278-285

BIBLIOGRAPHY 286-294

APPENDIX

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University LIST OF TABLES

Table No. Title Page No. 1.1 District-wise Population, Sex-Ratio and Density of J & K 41 1.2 Religion-wise Population in J & K 42 1.3 Rural Urban Population Distribution of District Budgam 44 1.4 Distribution of population on religious basis in Budgam 44 1.5 Tehsil and Village/Town-wise Household Distribution 46 1.6 Places and the studies socio-cultural aspects 47 2.1 List of Chaharda Masumeen (fourteen Infallibles) of 65 Imami Shias 2.2 Household Distribution across Rural and Urban areas 79 2.3 Sources of Water across Tehsils 79 2.4 Sources of Fuel 80 2.5 Toilet types 80 2.6 Availability of Household gadgets 83 2.7 Cross-Tabulation of Household Gadgets with Areas 84 2.8 Total Household Income 85 2.9 Kinds of Orchards 87 2.10 Literacy Rates: A Comparison 90 2.11 Reasons for Dropout 91 2.12 Occupations of Shias 93 4.1 Marital Status 116 4.2 Age at Marriage 116 4.3 Auspicious days (naek) preferable for marriage 129 4.4 Inauspicious Days among Shias 131 Maulana6.1 AzadMourning Library, anniversaries followedAligarh by Kashmiri MuslimShias University208 6.2 Expenditures on Devotion 234 6.3 Cross Tabulation of Income and Expenditure on Devotion 235 6.4 Most Celebrated Personalities in Karbala 251

vi ANNEXURE-ΙΙΙ

Title of the Thesis: SOCIETY AND CULTURE AMONG SHIA MUSLIMS: STUDY OF KASHMIR VALLEY

Candidate’s Name: Shahnawaz Hussain Bhat

The undersigned hereby assigns to the Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh copyright that may exist in and for the above thesis submitted for the award of the Ph.D. degree.

Signature of the Candidate

Figure No. Title Page No. 1.1 Map showing the area of study 43 1.2 Sample Collection 46 2.1 Kashmir: Shia Majority Districts 76 2.2 Shia of Kashmir: Male Female Ratio 77 2.3 Numbers of age-groups 78 2.4 Use of Telephone 81 2.5 Television use 82 2.6 Extent of radio use 82 2.7 Availability of the means of Transport 83 2.8 Household Income distribution across Rural and Urban 85 areas 2.9 Land Ownership 86 2.10 Crops cultivated 87 2.11 Types of Business Endeavours (in percentages) 94 3.1 Divisions in Ansari and Agha Families 101 3.2 Community Division and Nomenclature of the Divisions 102 3.3 Imambaras under 'Molvis' Patronage 103 3.4 Imambaras under Agha Faction 103 3.5 Imambara Bemina under guardianship of Agha Syed 104 Hadi 4.1 Joint and Nuclear Family Numbers 114 4.2 Joint and Nuclear family Distribution across different 115 areas 4.3 Age at Marriage in Married Persons only 117 4.4 Cleaning the rice-grains (Tamul-tcharun) 134 Maulana4.5 AzadThe verreLibrary,on which wazwan Aligarh is cooked Muslim University137 4.6 Waaza with a wazwan variety 'goshtaba' 137 4.7 Waza serving the Wazwan 138 4.8 Haircut and beard trimming (Mass-Kassun) 141

vii 4.9 A groom visiying the graveyard for Fatiha 142 4.10 A groom visiting an Ichigam Shrine 143 4.11 A groom at Mir Shamsuddin Iraqi, Chadoora 143 4.12 A groom having sweet drink (Sharbat) 144 4.13 A groom showered with candies 144 4.14 A groom with donning sherwani and dastaar 145 4.15 A groom leaving to fetch his bride 145 4.16 Underneath Quran (Quraan Teali) 147 4.17 A groom on only kehwa (kehwas-peath) 148 4.18 A groom on Battas-peath /feast 148 4.19 The veil lifting ceremony of bride 150 4.20 Few of the Wazwan varieties 153 4.21 Traditional Wanvun (Marriage folk-songs) 155 4.22 Wanvun (the marriage folk-songs) 155 5.1 Zarre Kasni at Dab Ganderbal on Syed Daniyal's Shrine 163 5.2 Famous Shia Shrines in Kashmir 164 5.3 Putting the aqeeqah meat inside roti (bread) 165 5.4 A money garlanded, just circumcized child 166 5.5 Socialization of Shia kids 168 5.6 Child socialization 168 5.7 Taboot/ Coffin 174 5.8 Laying a body inside the grave 174 5.9 Quran Khwani at the funeral of one of the deceased Shia 175 5.10 Quraan Khwani at the deceased's house 176 5.11 Eid-ul-Fitr prayers at Imambara Budgam 178 5.12 Eid-ul-Fitr Prayers and Zadibal, Srinagar 178 Maulana5.13 EidAzad Prayers atLibrary, Zadibal, Srinagar Aligarh Muslim University179 5.14 A Sunni Scholar on Eid-e-Milad-un-Nabi at Ichigam 180 5.15 Eid-e-Milad Procession in Budgam 181 5.16 House lit on the eve of Shabb-e-Baraat 182 5.17 Glittering scenes at Shia graveyard on Shabb-e- Baraat 182

viii 5.18 Another image of Shabb-e-Qadr 182 5.19 Al-Quds rally in Budgam 184 5.20 Shia Women participating in the Al-Quds event 185 5.21 Shia-Sunni Scholars together at an event 186 6.1 Picture of Muharram Preparation in Srinagar 203 6.2 Categorization of Annual Mourning Rituals among 205 Kashmiri Shias 6.3 Participatory Devotions: Types 205 6.4 Fatiha Majlis/Waaz Majlis 210 6.5 Mourning Procession (Juloos) at Ichigam 211 6.6 Mourning Procession (Juloos) at Sanzipora 211 6.7 Part of a Dayira 212 6.8 Most Revered World Shia Leaders (Source: Web) 214 6.9 Alam/Flag 215 6.10 Alam/Flag 215 6.11 Juloos-i- Alam in Ichigam, Budgam 215 6.12 Carrier of Alam (Alamdar) 216 6.13 Juloos-i-Zuljanah (2014) at Ichigam, Budgam 218 6.14 A Hindu Lady showing her devotion to Zuljanah 219 (Ichigam) 6.15 Jalus-e-Taaziya 220 6.16 Taboot on Death Anniversary of Prophet Mohammad in 221 Budgam 6.17 Chest Beating (Dogh Tulun) 224 6.18 An elderly man doing buthi-buthi 225 6.19 Lell-karni (Moving arms up-down or sideways in grief) 226 6.20 Hankel-wayin (Self Flagellation) in Ichigam, Budgam 228 6.21 Maulana AzadNaar -Library,Matam at Shalina Aligarh Muslim University229 6.22 A Naar Matam Performer 230 6.23 Monetary Devotions: Intentions of Usage 232 6.24 Sabeel (Drinkig water/tea/coffee) camps 233 6.25 Liturgical Devotions 236

ix 6.26 Marsiya Recitation in Annual Hall Majlisat M.M.Hall, 240 AMU Aligarh (2017) 6.27 Marsiya Recitation in Kashmir 241 6.28 Saqqa (water supplier) in Majalis 242 6.29 Zakir reciting Marsiya in a mourning procession 243 6.30 Nauha Reciter(s) 244 6.31 Members of a Dayira beating their chests 245 6.32 Microphone Speakers shrouded in black-cloth 245 6.33 Revered Shrines in Iraq (Source: Web) 247 6.34 Revered Shrines in Iran (Source: Web) 248 6.35 Revered Shrines in Syria (Source: Web) 248 6.36 Revered Shrines in Saudi Arabia 249 6.37 Shrine of Qazi Noorullah Shustri, Agra (Outside) 250 6.38 Inside view of the Qazi Noorullah Shustri Shrine , Agra 250 6.39 A Sunni lady tieing knotfor some specific wishe(s) 259 6.40 Another Sunni Lady passing beneath Zuljanah 259 6.41 Shaam-e-Gareeba (Ichigam, Budgam) 261

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

x INTRODUCTION

Society and Culture are respectively the leading concepts of different paradigms for collective human affairs, denoting that which distinguishes the human life-style from the animal. These concepts have been the subject matter and chief topics of research in Sociology and Anthropology since the emergence of the two disciplines.

The term ‘society’ being used first in the classical French sociological tradition and ‘culture’ in the classical German tradition, both entered in English sociological and anthropological traditions and got popularised in social sciences. These were exported and imported for studying non-French and non-German and non-English societies as well, such as Australian aborigines, Andaman Nicobar islands of India etc. Both the terms being multidimensional, have got wide range of meanings and, a great deal of literature has been produced on their various aspects

The study primarily aims at:

(a) To explore the social structure of the Shi’a Muslims of the valley.

(b) To explore the Socio-economic profile of Shi’as of the valley.

(d) To construct the social, economic and cultural life of Shi’a Muslims of the Maulanavalley. Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

The study, as evident from the theme itself is an ethnographic in nature and thus exploratory as well as descriptive in nature. The study employs the inductive research strategy. It is based on both secondary and primary data. Primary data was collected through a rigorous field work of six months from 15-05-2015 to 15-11-2015

1 (185 days). The primary data collection was of two-fold i.e., both quantitative as well as qualitative data. For the quantitative data, using Sample survey as research strategy, 300 households from both rural and urban areas of District Budgam were investigated using Interview schedule as the data collection tool. However, for the qualitative data collection, ‘Case Study’ was used as research strategy and the tools employed for data collection included: Interview, Observation (both participant and non-participant), Oral Histories and Focused group Discussions (FGD’S). Secondary data was collected from Census 2011, Web pages and newspapers.

The thesis is divided into six chapters excluding introduction and conclusion. Each chapter is subdivided into headings and sub-headings.

The first chapter entitled, ‘Literature review, Universe and Research Design’ has two parts, the first part tracing the origin and the meaning of the concepts of ‘society’ and ‘culture’ in the light of works of classical sociologists and anthropologists. A good portion of first part of this chapter also deals with the main three theoretical perspectives (functionalist, conflict and symbolic interactionist), which the sociologists and anthropologists have used to understand the functioning of various societies and cultures. The second part of this chapter deals with the ‘Universe and Research design’ of the study. This part of the chapter aims to cover brief socio-demographic profile of the state of Jammu and Kashmir using secondary data. It also discusses the demographic, administrative and the socio-educational profile of district Budgam which was chosen for the rigorous field study. The last portion of the chapter elaborates the design of the research, consisting of research methodology, aims and the objectives of the study, strategies for selecting samples, tools of data collection, interpretation and ends with the limitations of the study.

The second chapter of the thesis entitled “Historical Background and Socio- economic profile of Shia Muslims” is also multifold oriented. The chapter is divided in to three parts. The first part begins with the concern to clear the confusions of those Maulanareaders who know Azad little about Library, Shia Muslims Aligarh and their differ Muslimences with the mUniversityajority Sunnis. The chapter aims to bring forth the main historical events which led to the division of Muslim community and the emergence of Shia sect. A brief description is also given about the branches in Shia Islam. Keeping in view the Shias of Kashmir valley who overwhelmingly constitute Ithna Ashariya sect, a good share of attention

2 has been given to their belief system and discussed with much elaboration. The Second part of the chapter throws light on the arrival and development of Shia Islam in India and Kashmir valley and also presents the conservative figures of Shia population living in various districts of Kashmir.

The third and concluding part of this chapter discusses the socio-economic and demographic profile of Kashmiri Shias. This section deals with socio-economic and educational status of the sampled households.

The third Chapter titled, “Clergy, Charismatic Authority and Factionalism” deals with the fractured nature of Shia community of Kashmir. Taking assistance of the history of Shias in Kashmir, the first part of the chapter explores the role clergy played in dividing the community among different factions. An endeavour has been made to view the role Shia clergy play in Kashmir in Max Weber’s theory of Charismatic Authority. The concluding part of the chapter is dedicated to explore the impact of factionalism on Shia community.

From the fourth chapter entitled, “Family System and Marriage ritual practices”, the thesis moves to the cultural aspect of the community. The chapter begins with the family system in the community including; family organisation and authority in the family. The second part deals with the comprehensive study of marriage rituals and practices in the community including; marital status of the respondents, age at marriage and marriage preferences within kinship. The major part of the chapter deals with presenting a beautiful picture of the rituals practiced by Shias in Kashmir in the whole process of marriage. Pictures taken during various marriage rituals and practices add to the richness of the chapter. The thesis attempts to show the impact of regional culture as well as the Hindu culture on family and marriage among Shias of Kashmir.

Apart from rituals and practices associated with family and marriage, discussed in fourth chapter, a comprehensive description of life cycle rituals is given Maulanain the fifth Azad chapter ofLibrary, the thesis, entitled, Aligarh“Life cycle MuslimRituals”. The chapterUniversityexplores the rituals related to birth; rituals before birth and rituals after birth. It then follows with a brief discussion on the processes of socialization and enculturation of Shia children in to the cultural spheres of the community. A vivid and comprehensive account of death rituals is also given in the chapter.

3 In the rituals and practices discussed in chapter 5, the Shias do not show much difference from the Sunnis. However, a sharp contrast can be found when it comes to the annual mourning rituals particularly associated with the remembrance of battle of Karbala. The sixth and the last chapter entitled, “Annual Mourning Rituals of Karbala Remembrance and Identity” presents a comprehensive description of these mourning rituals and ceremonies that Shias practice annually. The first part of the chapter explores the emergence and then evolution of these rituals in various historical stages. The later part of the chapter gives a firsthand account of these rituals, observed during the long field study. The chapter is a corpus of mourning rituals that Shias of Kashmir practice in remembrance of martyrdom of Hussain and his companions in the historical battle of Karbala. An effort is made to present a clear picture of these rituals by attaching pictures from the field.

Apart from the written monograph, the thesis comprises of different charts, tables and figures also. For this type of ethnographic account, it is desired to have firsthand pictures of the ritual performances. The thesis is rich in such collection of pictures from the field. Last but not least, this work is must read for those who would desire to know about the Shia community of Kashmir valley.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

4 Chapter 1

Literature Review, Universe and Research Design

1.1 Introduction

The concepts like ‘society’ and ‘culture’ have been the subject matter and chief topics of scholarship in Sociology and Anthropology since the emergence of the two disciplines. Both the terms being multidimensional, have got wide range of meanings and, a great deal of literature has been produced on their various aspects. Both the words ‘society’ and ‘culture’ are Latin in origin. The term ‘Society’ being used first in the classical French Sociological tradition and ‘Culture’ in the classical German tradition, both entered into English sociological and anthropological traditions and were popularized in social sciences. It was August Comte to popularize the term ‘society’ by announcing ‘Sociology’ as a science for its study. The tradition of using Sociology as a science of society continued till Durkheim. The term ‘culture’ however, came into English usage in the relevant senses around 1870 under the influence of Matthew Arnold and E. B. Tyler (Gavin Walker, 2001). The two were latter exported and imported for studying non-French and non-German and non- English societies as well, such as Australian aborigines, Andaman Nicobar islands of India and transcending the geographical boundaries of continents and countries.

Society and Culture are alternative supervisory concepts for the study of collective human affairs–the leading concepts of different paradigms. However, there arises a confusing situation, whereby society lies within and is subordinate to culture in the cultural sciences, while culture lies within and is subordinate to society in the social sciences. These considerations must condition any demand to say what culture is, or what society is. It is one thing to define ‘culture’ from a social sciences point of view or ‘society’ from a cultural sciences point of view. Culture like society, is a term used frequently and sometimes vaguely (Gavin Walker, 2001). The functionalist Maulanatradition Azadin sociology Library, particularly the Aligarh one endorsed Muslim by Durkheim doesn’tUniversity separate sociology from anthropology, and theory is worked out entirely in terms of ‘society’ and not using the word ‘culture’ at all (Gavin Walker, 2001, p. 37). For the present study, sociological approach rather than cultural will be opted. Culture is taken primarily as a sociological problem in this study.

5 1.2 Definitions

The human way of life is shaped by culture. Culture colours almost everything we perceive, almost everything we think, and almost everything we do. We cannot understand humans without understanding culture. Among humans, there is something quite different that merits the name “culture.” This phenomenon is created not by individuals but through interactions among multiple individuals. For example, language (a major part of culture) is the product of many speakers interacting over many generations. Kinship systems are not memes –inventions that each individual is free to accept or reject. As conceptual frameworks, they are created (or maintained or modified) only by multiple individuals through their interactions with one another (Chase, 2006, p. 1-2).

Sociologists look at culture not as something that distinguishes individuals, but as a way of life in which all members of society participate. Every social organization develops a culture of its own. One early anthropological definition of culture comes from the British scholar Edward Tylor, who says that,

 “Culture or civilisation taken in its wide ethnographic sense, is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society” (Tylor, 1903, p. 1).

 Ruth Benedict gives a similar type of definition saying, “Culture is a complex entity comprising habits acquired by humans as members of a society” (Benedict, 1934, p. 22).

 Bronislaw Malinowski presents a bird's eye view of culture, in its various manifestations. For him, culture is the integral whole consisting of implements and consumers' goods, of constitutional charters for the various social groupings, of human ideas and crafts, beliefs and customs (Malinowski, 1960, p. Maulana36). Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University  A.R. Radcliffe Brown says, Anthropologists use the word 'culture' in a number of different senses. It seems to me that some of them use it as equivalent to what I call a form of social life. In its ordinary use in English 'culture', which is much the same idea as cultivation, refers to a process, and we can define it as the

6 process by which a person acquires, from contact with other persons or from such things as books or works of art, knowledge, skill, ideas, beliefs, tastes, sentiments” (Brown, 1952, p. 5).

 Levi-Strauss sees cultures as transcending individual actors, even as transcending in a sense ethnic boundaries; yet collective representations reflect and reveal the structures and processes of the individual minds of which they are cumulative creations (Keesing, 1990, p. 84).

 It took Kluckhohn twenty seven pages to managed and define culture in turn as:

(1) "the total way of life of a people"; (2) "the social legacy the individual acquires from his group"; (3) "a way of thinking, feeling, and believing"; (4) "an abstraction from behavior"; (5) “a theory on the part of the anthropologist about the way in which a group of people in fact behave; (6) “a storehouse of pooled learning"; (7) "a set of standardized orientations to recurrent problems"; (8) "learned behavior"; (9) “a mechanism for the normative regulation of behavior”; (10) "a set of techniques for adjusting both to the external environment and to other men"; (11) "a precipitate of history"; and turning, perhaps in desperation, to similes, as a map, as a sieve, and as a matrix (Geertz Clifford, 1973, p. 4-5).

Clifford Geertz while not following the suit of giving causal explanations, considers man as an animal suspended in webs of significance spun by a Man himself. He rather endorses Weber’s stand preferring interpretative explanation of culture to search for the meaning (Geertz Clifford, 1973, p. 5). Maulana1.3 Theoretical Azad Perspectives Library, of Society Aligarh and Culture Muslim University I. Functionalist Perspective

The functionalist perspective is based largely on the works of Herbert Spencer, Emile Durkheim, Talcott Parsons, and Robert K. Merton. According to functionalism,

7 society is a system of interconnected parts that work together in harmony to maintain a state of balance and social equilibrium for the whole. The functionalist perspective emphasizes the interconnectedness of society by focusing on how each part influences and is influenced by other parts (Mooney, Knox, 2007). Functionalists have been interested in culture in the sense of norms, values and lifestyles (Haralambose and Holborn, 2008, p. 888). To begin with Durkheim, who sees society as a moral order: his sociology focuses on social solidarity and consensus, and on functional integration, co-operation and common interests (Gavin Walker, 2001). While Durkheim effectively placed the crystallized forms of social life to which “culture” belongs at the centre of his work, the term itself does not feature in his vocabulary. He rather uses the phrase ‘collective representations’ which is roughly equivalent to ‘culture’ in social and cultural anthropology. Applying functionalist perspective, Durkheim in his famous work “The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912)”, focuses on the beliefs and ritual practices that constitute the symbolic forms guaranteeing the very possibility of social integration underpinning the collective conscience characteristic of life in society (Fleury, 2016). While studying totemism in Australian aboriginal societies, Durkheim explores how ‘totem’ becomes the focus of group identification. In totemism, a natural image is bestowed with a sacred quality, and a system of totems within a culture thereby serves, on the one hand, to articulate the relationship between groups (such as clans) and thus the social structure itself, for the members of the society, and on the other, through religious ceremonies, to reinforce individuals' identification with the society, their clan, and the values inherent in the culture. While Durkheim studies only what he regards as the simplest form of society (and religion), his contention is that parallel relationships hold between the cultures and structures of complex societies. This hypothesis may be seen to have a considerable influence on structuralism (and especially the work of Levi- Strauss) (Sedgwick, 2002, p. 31-32).

Durkheim's model of ritual underlies four influential theses concerning ritual Maulanaas a means of socialAzad control: Library, the social solidarity Aligarh thesis, the Muslim channelling of Universityconflict thesis, the repression thesis, and the definition of reality thesis. Durkheim saw ritual as dramatizing collective representations and endowing them with a mystical ethos that in the course of the communal experience did not merely promote acceptance of those representations but also inculcated deep seated affective responses to them. The

8 simplest form of his model, the social solidarity thesis, suggests that ritual exercises control through its promotion of consensus and the psychological and cognitive ramifications of such consensus. In their own ways, Robertson Smith, Evans- Pritchard, Fortes, and Munn all appealed to this basic feature of ritual in describing its role in socialization. They are representative of the tendency, as David Kertzer puts it, to see social solidarity as “a requirement of society" and ritual as "an indispensable element in the creation of that solidarity” (Bell, 1992, p. 171).

Radcliffe-Brown's studies of ritual in a Durkheimian mode include his ethnography of the Andaman islanders, in which he exemplifies how musical and kinetic aspects of ritual help solidify the group. He went even further to profess a hardline sociologism. Ritual is an expression not of individual sentiments but of social values, and any sentiments to be found are simply side-effects. He traces the Durkheimian dictum that "ritual fortifies society" to the ancient Chinese and the ancient Greeks, and he reaffirms that dictum for social anthropology (Peacock & Carolina, 1981, p. 998).

Evans-Pritchard, who long occupied the Chair of Social Anthropology at Oxford, appears at first glance the spirit of orthodoxy. Consider his seemingly sociologistic view of culture, expressed in his Social Anthropology. The difference between a Muslim and a Christian, says Evans-Pritchard, is that a Muslin praying removes his shoes and keeps on his hat, while the Christian removes his hat but retains his shoes. The important characteristic is the commonality, that both are praying, which is a relationship that is part of a social structure. The difference in custom of disrobing is cultural-irrelevant to social anthropology. It is on the structural regularity rather than the accidental cultural variation that social anthropology should focus. Despite such pronouncements and in addition to his masterful ethnographic analysis that demonstrated their viability, Evans-Pritchard has also produced the most profound and exemplary cultural analyses. His studies of Nuer religion and Azande witchcraft can hardly be accused of reducing culture to the abstraction of social Maulanastructure Azad(Peacock & Library, Carolina, 1981, p.Aligarh999). Muslim University

II. Conflict Perspective

Like functionalists, Karl Marx argued that human culture has a social origin and cannot be seen as deriving directly from nature or from innate instincts in human

9 nature. Culture comes from the humanity’s creation of the first societies. Unlike Durkheim, though, Marx did not see culture developing in terms of primitive classification systems that derive from social structure. Instead he believed that culture had a material origin in human labour (Michael Haralambose, 2008, p. 889). While as functionalist perspective views society as composed of different parts working together to keep the harmony in society, the conflict perspective views society as composed of different groups competing for power and resources. The conflict perspective explains various aspects of our social world by looking at which groups have power and benefit from a particular social arrangement. The origins of the conflict perspective can be traced to the classic works of Karl Marx. Marx suggested that all societies go through stages of economic development. As societies evolve from agricultural to industrial, concern over meeting survival needs is replaced by concern over making a profit, the hallmark of a capitalist system. Industrialization leads to the development of two classes of people: the bourgeoisie, or the owners of the means of production (e.g., factories, farms, businesses); and the proletariat, or the workers who earn wages (Mooney, Knox, 2007).

The economic base of society for Marx consisted of the ‘forces and relations of production’ in which culture and ideology are constructed to help secure the dominance of ruling social groups. This influential "base/superstructure" model considers the economy the base, or foundation, of society, and cultural, legal, political, and additional forms of life are conceived as “superstructures" which grow out of and serve to reproduce the economic base. In general, for a Marxian approach, cultural forms always emerge in specific historical situations, serving particular socio- economic interests and carrying out important social functions. For Marx, the cultural ideas of an epoch serve the interests of the ruling class, providing ideologies that legitimate class domination. “Ideology” is a critical term for Marxian analysis that describes how dominant ideas of a given class promote the interests of that class and help cover over oppression, injustices, and negative aspects of a given society. On Maulanatheir analysis, duringAzad the feudalLibrary, period, ideas Aligarh of piety, honor, Muslim valor, and University military chivalry were the ruling ideas of the hegemonic aristocratic classes. During the capitalist era, values of individualism, profit, competition, and the market became dominant, articulating the ideology of the new bourgeois class that was consolidating

10 its class power. Ideologies appear natural, they seem to be common sense, and are thus often invisible and elude criticism (Kellner, 2013).

For Marx, the social structure is organized in terms of the means and relations of production and thus culture within historical materialism, is clearly reducible to these economic factors, but emergent in the form of class consciousness. This dualistic causality is what we shall refer to as a dialectical conception of culture; the dialectic also ensures the differentiation of culture from social structure, even though there is, in Marxism, a firm sense of dependency, that is, in terms of cause and effect. The degree of dependency, which is exercised across the idealist materialist spectrum of neo-Marxism, reveals the possible liberation of Marxist accounts from the semiotic into the realm of the symbolic. The Marxist view of culture then, which tends to be preoccupied with realism and resistant to the symbolic excesses of modernism, now sees it as the expression of a group consciousness. As such it is vociferous in relation to particular sets of interests and directed towards changing institutionalized social and political structures, although stasis is the normal condition of society, given that the dominant ideas of any particular historical period tend to be the ideas of the ruling groups (Jenks, 1993, p. 29). According to Marx, the bourgeoisie use their power to control the institutions of society to their advantage. For example, Marx suggested that religion serves as an “opiate of the masses” in that it soothes the distress and suffering associated with the working-class lifestyle and focuses the workers’ attention on spirituality, God, and the afterlife rather than on such worldly concerns as living conditions. In essence, religion diverts the workers so that they concentrate on being rewarded in heaven for living a moral life rather than on questioning their exploitation (Mooney, Knox, 2007).

III. Symbolic Interactionist Perspective

The functionalist and the conflict perspectives are concerned with how broad aspects of society, such as institutions and large social groups, influence the social Maulanaworld. This Azad level of Library,sociological analysis Aligarh is called macro Muslim sociology (Mooney,University Knox, 2007). Another important approach to culture is a micro level approach called ‘symbolic interactionism’. Symbolic interactionism reflects the micro-sociological perspective, and was largely influenced by the work of early sociologists and philosophers, such as George Simmel, Charles Cooley, George Herbert Mead, and

11 Erving Goffman. Symbolic interactionism emphasizes that human behaviour is influenced by definitions and meanings that are created and maintained through symbolic interaction with others (Mooney, Knox, 2007). In the social anthropology, the essence of this perspective has been to treat cultures as systems of shared symbols and meanings. Geertz’s powerful view of culture, illumined by a broad humanistic scholarship, has become increasingly systematic. According to him, meanings are not "in people's heads"; symbols and meanings are shared by social actors—between, not in them; they are public, not private (Keesing, 1990).

Symbolic interactionism places the importance of culture study in the meanings that are created by and for individuals. By focusing on the interactions, the transmission of culture is studied in a way that shows culture to be a construction of the group members, not as a separate entity in and of itself. Culture may be no more than the taken-for-granted and shared meanings that people assign to their social surroundings. Culture is not done to individuals, but is a sense-making action, a way of creating meaning in a group. There are cultural standards, but they are interpreted by individuals on the basis of their goals and perceptions of consequences. Organizational culture should be studied by focusing on symbols, and using a dialectical analysis. By studying culture through a symbolic interactionism perspective, a researcher can focus on the processes by which an organization is created, maintained, and transformed. Culture becomes a way that individuals use to construct and share meanings (Karen, 1992, p. 12). Cultural patterns, Geertz says, are not reified or metaphysical: like rocks and dreams "they are things of this world". Geertz sees his view of culture as semiotic. To study culture is to study shared codes of meaning (Keesing, 1990).

1.4 Society and Culture in India

Humans live in a variety of natural settings like in the mountains and plains, in forests and clear lands, in deserts and river valleys, in islands and main lands. They Maulanaalso inhabit different Azadsocial Library, set up like in Aligarh villages, towns Muslim and cities. In differentUniversity environments, people adapt different strategies to cope with the natural and social conditions. This leads to the emergence of diverse ways of life or cultures. India because of its various typical features, has always remained fertile for academic scholarship. The Sociologists and Anthropologists of Indian as well as foreign origin

12 have conducted ethnographic researches to know and let the world know about Indian society and its rich and diverse cultural scenario. The studies have been usually of village studies and tribal studies. Sociologically as well as anthropologically oriented village studies however gained their momentum in India after independence and some of the landmark studies were produced by the American anthropologists like David Mandelbaum, Oscar Lewis, McKim Marriott, and Indian anthropologists like M.N. Srinivas, S.C. Dube and D.N. Majumdar.

David G. Mandelbaum’s "Social Organisation and Planned Culture Change in India" gives the description and change of joint family system in India. Mandelbaum finds joint family system as the common form of family organization in India, sanctified in scripture and sanctioned in secular law. It consists typically of a set of men, related as fathers and sons, or brothers, together with their wives and children. The several nuclear families thus grouped together form a single unit of consumers and often also a single producing unit. The property is held in common under the trusteeship of the senior male of the family. All in the joint family are fed from a single kitchen and receive money from the family purse. Among cultivators, all in the joint family work together for the family's crop. Joint families have long been in a continuous process of formation and fission. As a joint family came to include many nuclear families, and as the men were mainly the sons and grandsons of brothers rather than brothers, strains developed which caused such a joint family to divide the common property, and split up. The usual reason given for such partition is that (David G. Mandelbaum, 1955, p. 15).

McKim Marriott studied the Kishan Garhi village in Agra district and popularized the two concepts "parochialisation and universalisation". He based his study on Robert Redfield’s trademark concepts "little and great traditions", developed by him after studying Mexican communities. While giving details on exogamous form of marriage prevalent in Kishan Garhi, Marriot says, “Marriage in Kishan Garhi is strongly patrilocal as in most of northern India, is oriented to flow in a single direction Maulanaonly. The Azad family andLibrary, village to whichAligarh one gives Muslim a daughter thereby University becomes "respected" or " high"; the family and village from which one takes a wife thereby becomes" low". To a family standing in the "high" relationship to one's own, one gives gifts, deference and ceremonial service; from a family standing in the "low" relationship, one demands these things. Since the behaviour expected toward "high"

13 and "low" relatives is contradictory, both kinds of relationship cannot be applied at once to the same other family and village. Additional marriages linking the same pair of villages and bringing or sending more women in the established direction are desired. But an exchange of a sister for a wife, or any other reversal of the direction of marriage between living groups is unthinkable” (Marriot, 1955, p. 112). Smith (Smith, 1955, p. 167) finds the Punjab villages as an exogamous units, despite the heterogeneity in villages. The intra village marriages are not arranged in Punjab.

Looking at the prevalence of Untouchability and purity and pollution in relation to the castes, Sarma (Sarma, 1955, p. 192) says that in Bengali village, “Untouchability exists not in relation to low castes only, but that it prevails in regard to all men and objects in appropriate situations. Thus, while low caste people would defile cooked food in high caste homes if they touch it, requires an amount of ceremonial cleanliness from the householders themselves, such as bathing and putting on pure clothes or other objects, and these must be washed every time they are worn”.

Despite the cultural diversity and entrenched caste system, Indian society presents a picture of unity as found by Kathleen Gough in her study of Tanjore village, Bailey in Oriya village and Smith in Punjab. Gough finds that the unity of the whole village overrides the separateness of each caste in the village. The basis of this unity is the economic inter-dependence of landlords, tenants, labourers and village servants, and its perpetuation, in my view, depends on the maintenance of these economic arrangements (Gough, 1955, p. 98). Likewise, Bailey also finds the same type of unity in his Oriya village. He says, “in spite of diverse origins, occupations; languages and interests, the population of the village can be a unity” (Bailey, 1955, p. 127).

The book ‘Indian Village’ a landmark study of S.C. Dube (S. C. Dube, 1955b) is an ethnographic study, which provides all possible details covering important aspects of the culture and values of Hyderabadi village known as Shamirpet –a MaulanaTelugu-speaking Azad communi tyLibrary,. He depicts an integratedAligarh and comprehensive Muslim picture University of the village describing the historical, geographical and sociological perspectives of village life. Dube also notes that, culturally the Muslims, who constitute around 14 percent of the village population and Hindus stand in marked contrast to each other. Though Muslims constitute a separate and self-sufficient group within the village,

14 Shamirpet villagers share the same folklore, calendar and agricultural techniques. The two communities manifest the same degree of religious devotion, similar attitudes toward fate, and similar beliefs in ghosts, spirits, and witches. Many religious ceremonies of both the communities in the village see inter communal participation as well. Thus, despite important differences between Hindus and Muslims in the village, there are important similarities as well (S. C. Dube, 1955a).

Another worth mentioning studies are the important works of M.N. Srinivas. To begin with his study on Coorgs of South India, most of this work concentrates on the various rituals, customs and festivals of the Coorgs, and the role they and other castes play in them. He brings about an interesting correlation between the various customs and rituals, and how they emphasize and tend to preserve the social structure. For example, if a person dies, the mourning period for the relatives increases with increase in intimacy of the relationship shared with the deceased, formalizing what is a purely social bond into a custom or ritual (Srinivas, 1952).

He has also analysed different aspects of village unity and the kind of ties that bind together the members of the village in his study of Rampur village. In the same study, he found "vertical unity", which means the unity of different castes within a village, and the "horizontal unity" which means the unity of castes of same social cadre outside the village. Thus, he describes an Indian village as a vertical entity made up of several horizontal layers each of which is a caste. For M.N. Srinivas, the village is an interdependent unit, largely self-sufficient, having its own village assembly, watch and ward officials and servants (Srinivas, 1955).

The village is a unity in several senses of the term. Apart from being a physical unity, a village is also a ritual unity. For example, at the wedding of a peasant, all the castes have to co-operate. The Brahmin is priest, the carpenter puts up the pandal, the goldsmith makes the ornaments, the potter makes the pots, the washerman supplies clean clothes for the bridal pair to walk on, the Barber shaves the Maulanagroom, theAzad Oilman suppliesLibrary, the oil for Aligarh the lamps and Muslimcooking, the shepherd University provides wool for the sacred thread which is tied round the wrists of the bridal pair, Banajigas (traders) supply the provisions, the Medas (basket-makers) the baskets, and the Boleya (untouchable) performs menial tasks and makes a pair of sandals for the groom (Srinivas, 1955, p. 27-28).

15 1.5 Society and Culture among Indian Muslims

Before reviewing the available literature on society and culture among Indian Muslims, let us first explore the textual or theoretical perspective of society and culture in Islam.

Family life in Islam is regulated by a code of law rooted in religious precepts—the Shari’a1. A Muslim is bound by religious set of commandment not only in the performance of his daily rituals, prayers, fast, pilgrimage to Mecca, and other religious rites, but also in his family affairs, contraction and dissolution of his marriage, in commercial contracts and indeed, in all events of any importance in his personal, domestic and social life. All these religious regulations form together a code of conduct (law), which in Arabic is called the Shari’at or Shari’a. The term Shari’a, literally defined as the path or way, provides the premise upon which Muslims are meant to base their lives, in accordance with Allah’s will. Levy writes, “The theory of Islam regards the empire of Islam as a theocracy, in which Allah as supreme ruler is also the true law-giver. Muhammad the prophet was the agent through whom believers were made aware of the divine laws which were explicitly or implicitly embodied in the Koran and his (the Prophet’s) Sunna2, the sum total of his ordinary doings and sayings. Upon them in turn the Shar or Shari’a is, by hypothesis, founded” (Levy, 1957 p. 242). However, as the matter of fact there are two versions of Shari’a- Sunni version and Shia version. The two versions emerged because of different tafsirs3 of the same Quranic verses and the acceptance of the validity and authenticity of different Hadiths4 by the respective schools of thought. The incongruity between the two versions on different Islamic issues ranges from no difference to antagonism. For example when it comes to the importance of marriage and the laws and conditions governing it, the two schools of thought do not differ much but when it comes to the types of marriage in Islam, the two versions provide poles apart views. While Shia version of Shari’a advocates two types of Islamic marriages – “The Permanent MaulanaMarriage and The Azad fixed time Library, marriage”(Al- HusainiAligarh Seestani, Muslim2007, p. 435) popularly University known as Mutta Marriage, which is contracted for a fixed period of time, the Sunni version of Shari’a advocates only one type of marriage –The Permanent Marriage and fervently rejects the Mutta Marriage as being un-Islamic and prohibited form of union between a man and a woman. For the convenience and to escape ambiguity, Mutta Marriage will be discussed separately. In a Permanent Marriage, the period of

16 marriage is not fixed, and it is forever. “It is a contract of a permanent nature” (Husain, 1976, p. 41). Dissolution of marriage is, nevertheless, permitted if it fails to serve its objectives and has irretrievably broken down.

1.6 Features of Islamic Marriage

Marriage in Islam has got some distinctive characters than the way it is understood and practiced in other religious communities. Following are the chief characteristics of Muslim marriages.

a) Marriage in Islam is a civil contract

Marriage in Islam is not a sacrament as in Hinduism and Catholicism, but a contract between husband and wife, for some terms and conditions (as prescribed in Shari’a) settled down when the marriage is arranged. After the mutual consent from both the parties on the amount of mahr to be paid by the groom to the bride, and the public declaration the two essentials of the contract, marriage becomes valid and the consummation of marriage permissible i.e. the man and woman can live together as husband and wife. Islamic marriage, like other contracts can be dissolved through the institution of divorce that too is guided and regulated by Shari’a.

b) Marriage in Islam is a sacred religious institution

Marriage in Islam is a sacred and a holy pact. “Besides being a secular contract, Islamic marriage has attached to it the notion of sanctity as well, since every step in its materialization and dissolution is guided by religious dictates” (Husain, 1976, p. 41). Islamic jurists unanimously consider marriage as Sunnat-e-Mukadah i.e. an institution the compliance with which is considered as virtuous and a deviation as a sin. While every Muslim is enjoined to marry, celibacy and monasticism are disregarded in Islam as found among Roman Catholic priests and nuns. The Quran says, Maulana“ AzadMarry the singleLibrary, people from Aligarh among you and Muslim the righteous slaves University and slave- girls. If you are poor, Allah will make you rich through His favour; and Allah is Bountiful, All-Knowing.” (24:32)

In this verse, Allah commands the people using the imperative form of the verb to marry the single, righteous man/woman from among themselves even with a

17 guarantee that if they are poor or lack the proper funds, still they should not delay the marriage as Allah will take care of the couple and grant them bounties from His Grace and Mercy. The replete of this commandment can also be found in the Prophetic traditions and Hadiths. Prophet of Islam has been reported to say,

 “Of my tradition is ‘to marry’. So then whoever turns away from my tradition (Sunnah) is not from me.”  “There is no better structure founded in Islam other than marriage" (Al-Aamili, 1965, p. 3)

c) Marriage in Islam aims at the continuation of human race

One of the main feature as well as objective of Islamic marriage is to continue human race. Marriage is the only accepted way for the procreation of off springs. Procreation of off springs is encouraged in Islam as is evident from the Quran:

“O mankind! Have consciousness of your Lord who has created you from a single soul. From it He created your spouse and through them He populated the land with many men and women. Have spiritual awareness of the One by whose Name you swear to settle your differences and have respect for the wombs that bore you. Without doubt, Allah keeps watch over you all.” (4:1)

Children have a right to be conceived and reared in a stable and secured environment and marriage is the only permissible podium to provide such an environment. In contrast, celibacy, monasticism and sex outside marriage are strongly discouraged because they are considered behavioural extremes that are not conducive to a wholesome society.

d) Marriage is an institution of mutual enjoyment

The design and object of marriage in Islam is not only the procreation of children, but mutual enjoyment. It is instituted for the solace of life and is one of Maulanaprime necessities Azad of man. Quran Library, says, Aligarh Muslim University “And among Allah's signs is this: that He created for you spouses from among yourselves, so that you might take comfort in them; and He has set between you love and compassion. Truly there are signs in this for people who reflect.” 30:21

18 Marriage is not restricted to a spiritual relationship between husband and wife, nor is it solely for continuity of human race. The Islamic term for marriage, “Nikah” literally means sexual intercourse. Sex in married life has been openly recommended in Quran,

“When they [i.e., the wives] have cleansed themselves [after menstruation], you go into them as Allah has commanded.” 2:22

Islam forbids all forms of sexual relationships outside marriage i.e. pre- or extra-marital sexual relations.

e) Marriage in Islam is an important social event

In Islam marriage is an important social institution having impact on both the structure and functioning of the whole society. It is not an individual phenomenon contracted clandestinely but a social event, for the announcement of the contract is to be publically declared. Holding a wedding feast is recommended that aims to make the people acquainted of the contract i.e. Nikah.

1.6 Laws and Conditions of marriage in Islam

The materialization of marriage in Islam is guided and governed by religious dictates. “Over the centuries, Muslim jurists have painstakingly constructed a body of legal interpretations of the Muslim revelation, a corpus juris known as the fiqh5. Hence, there is a considerable body of Muslim religious law governing marriage and divorce” (Oman, Nathan, 2011, p. 298). These dictates, as provided by the Shari’a can be seen in terms of prescriptions, preferences, and proscriptions and taboos. The various rules that govern and regulate marriage in Islam are discussed below:

A. Law of incest

A Muslim man or woman is prohibited to marry within certain degree of kinship. Islam imposes restrictions to marry a mahram. A mahram “is a person who Maulanacannot enter Azad in to marital Library, relations with Aligarh a person of theMuslim opposite sex Universityin deference to the relationship already existing between them” (Baqri, 1987, p. 17). There are three categories of mahrams in Islam whom a person cannot marry. These are:

19 i. Consanguineous (Nasabi) mahrams

Those who are related through blood are called Nasabi mahrams. Seven categories of are debarred from intermarrying on the ground of consanguinity: A man cannot marry his:

 Mother (includes grandmother),  Daughter (includes her descendants),  Sister (includes her descendants),  Brother’s daughter and her descendants,  Paternal grandmother,  Paternal aunt and aunts of father,  Maternal aunt and aunts of mother

Similarly a woman cannot marry her:

 Father (includes grandfather),  Son (includes his descendants),  Brother (includes his descendants),  Sister’s son and his descendants,  Paternal grandfather,  Paternal uncle and uncles of father,  Maternal uncle and uncles of mother

ii. Foster (Rida’i) mahrams

Those having relationship in virtue of nursing which is established on fulfillment of some special conditions and is in fact a sort of acquired blood relationship are foster mahrams.

iii. Affinal or conjugal (sababi) mahrams

Those having relationship in virtue of marriage are affinal or conjugal Maulanamahrams. Five categoriesAzad ofLibrary, conjugal kins areAligarh debarred from Muslim intermarrying. University A man cannot marry:

 Mother-in-law  Daughter-in-law  Step mother

20  Step daughter  Wife’s sister

Similarly a woman cannot marry:

 Father-in-law  Son-in-law  Step father  Step son  Sister’s husband

“A man is debarred from marrying his wife’s sister only so long as the other sister continues to be his wife. If the relationship terminates as the result of death or divorce, there is no objection to his marrying a sister of his former wife” (Baqri, 1987, p. 18). Similarly a woman is permitted to marry her husband’s brother only after her relationship with her former husband has had terminated as a result of divorce or death.

B. Payment of Mahr

A Muslim groom must pay her bride mahr at the time of marriage. The Payment of mahr is indispensable and the most important condition to validate a marriage in Islam. Marriage contract remains void unless some amount of mahr is fixed and agreed upon by the contending parties. Quran says,

“And give the women (on marriage) their dower as a free gift; but if they, on their good pleasure, remit any part of it to you, take it and enjoy it with right good cheer” (4:4)

The following features of Mahr are worthy of consideration:

 Mahr is not a bride price but a free gift.  Mahr should be agreed upon by the bride and groom themselves, not by Maulana Azadtheir parents. Library, Aligarh Muslim University  Mahr is the right of the bride not her parents, to which her husband remains indebted.  Mahr may be cash, kind or non-material, the latter may include e.g. training, teaching etc.

21 Though it is much recommended to pay mahr before or at the time of Nikah itself (moajjal), it can be paid up front (muwajjal). The wife can, if she wishes so, return the mahr to the groom, as evident from the above Quranic verse.

C. Rule of polygamy

Islam approves Polygyny but with conditions. A Muslim man can marry up to four wives, provided he deals justly with all. Quran says,

“Marry women of your choice, two or three or four; But if ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly (with them), then only one” (4:4)

Though, a man is allowed to marry up to four wives, but at the same time circumscribed and discouraged for the same because of the inherent weakness of not being able to deal justly with all the wives. Polyandry is prohibited in Islam and disdainfully dealt with. “From the provisions of the Koran, it follows that for women a plurality of marriages is impossible and that for them monogamy was always the rule” (Levy, 1957, p. 102).

D. Widow Remarriage

In Islam, there is no prohibition on widow remarriage. If a woman is widow or divorced, she is allowed for another marriage. A Muslim woman must be free of all the marital bonds before entering in to a fresh marriage contract. If the woman is a widow or divorced, she must undergo Iddat. Iddat is a period of chastity which a Muslim woman is bound to observe after the dissolution of marriage by the death of her husband or by a divorce. It generally lasts for about three months. A widow or divorced Muslim woman must undergo Iddat to ensure that she is not pregnant and in case of conception, she must wait for the birth of the baby before entering in to another marital bond.

E. Field of spouse selection

MaulanaAs to whom Azad a man Library, or woman may Aligarh marry, there isMuslim no rule of endoga Universitymy prescribed in Islam that had prevailed in pre-Islamic times.

“Do not marry unbelieving women(idolatresses) until they believe, and certainly a believing maid is better than an idolatress woman, even though she should please you; Nor give (believing women) in marriage to idolaters until

22 they believe, and certainly a believing servant is better than an idolater, even though he should please you” ( 2:221).

“In general the Koran makes it lawful to marry any woman except an idolatress. So far Muslim women are concerned they may marry no man but a believer” (Levy, 1957, p. 103). It means a Muslim marriage can be invalid on the ground of religious differences. A Muslim man is permitted to marry a Muslim woman and a woman from Ahl-e-kitab6 but “a marriage between a Muslim man and a woman, who is neither Muslim nor Ahl-e-Kitab is invalid” (Khomeini, 1980). Similarly, Muslim woman is allowed to marry only a Muslim man but no way to non- believer including a man from Ahl-e-Kitab.

F. Contracting Marriage

According to Islamic canon law the parties concerned can, in the presence of all other essential conditions contract marriage direct and exchange the formula prescribed for this purpose, provided they are adult, mature and of good judgement. “After a complete agreement is arrived at in regard to conditions etc, a marriage contract is normally initiated by the woman. . .then the man (husband) accepts marriage with the conditions agreed upon” (Behishti & Bahanor, 1980, p. 382). The formula consists of the proposal by woman saying to her future husband.

“I gave myself in permanent marriage to you with the dower fixed (according to the conditions agreed upon)”.

The same may be expressed in Arabic thus: “Ankahtoka nafsi alas-sidaaqil ma ‘loom” Or “Zawwajtoka nafsi alas-sidaaqil ma ‘loom” Then the man announces his acceptance and says: “I accepted” or “Qabil-tun-Nikah” or “Qabil-tun-tazwija” (ibid, p. 383). Maulana1.7 The AzadTemporary Library, (Mutaa) Marriage Aligarh Muslim University

The Shia law recognizes two types of marriage namely Nikah (permanent) and Mutaa (temporary). While the Sunnis discard and scoff at the muta deriding it as a lustful act concealed under a religious cover, the Shia law draws its validity from the

23 Quran itself. As per the Shia Law Mutaa is sanctioned by the following verse of the Quran,

“(...Except the forbidden women) the rest are lawful unto you to seek them with gifts from your property (i.e., dowry), provided that you desire protection (from sin), not fornication. So for whatever you have had of pleasure (Istamta’tum) with them by the contract, give unto them their appointed wages as a duty. And there is no sin for you in what you both agree (in extending the contract) after fulfilling the (first) duty. Allah is ever Knower, the Wise” (Qur’an 4:24)

Shias believe that Mutaa prevailed before the Islamic Arabia, in the lifetime and after the death of the prophet as the prophet had made it legal himself. It was Hazrat Umar who banned Mutaa (Levy, 1957, p. 247). Levy says, “the mut’a marriage, discountenanced by the Caliph Omar, has generally been regarded as forbidden to Sunnis, although it is practised amongst Shias. Yet recent times it has been unofficially acknowledged as valid by certain Sunnis in the sacred city of Mecca itself”. Shias believe that “Mut’ah, as with all the other laws of Islam is valid for ever, since ‘that which Muhammad has declared lawful will remain lawful until the day of resurrection and that which he has declared unlawful will remain unlawful until the day of resurrection” (Shirazi, 2008, p. 35).

Mutaa is a temporary form of marriage in which the duration stipulated for the contract is fixed. “In the technical language of Islamic law, Mutaa is a contract of Nikah for an agreed period in consideration of an agreed dower (Mahr) payable by the husband to the wife. It is not Safah (the mere satisfaction of sex) but a form of Ihsan which literally means fortification in the sense that the women thus married to a particular man cannot legally (for the time being) enter into sexual relationship with any other man; the children are entitled to the same rights of inheritance and social status as the children of a Nikah” (Amir & Haider., 1958, p. 4). “Hence it may be Maulanaaffirmed that Mutaa Azadresembles Library,Nikah in all theAligarh essential features Muslim except that itUniversity is of a temporary nature . . . otherwise, all precautions of Iddat and other necessary factors are incumbent in Mutaa also” (Husain, 1976, pp. 171-74). The wife shall observe waiting period of 45 days or two menstrual courses. And in case the husband dies

24 before the end of the stipulated period, the wife shall have to observe the waiting period (Iddat) for four months and ten days.

Laws and conditions of a Mutaa marriage

Like permanent marriage, Mutaa marriage too is guided and regulated by certain laws and conditions the compliance with whom makes the contract valid. These are

A. Specification of Period

It is for the validity of a Mutaa marriage that the period of cohabitation be fixed. There is no minimum or maximum limit to the period specified for the contract. “This period may b a day, a month, a year or a term of years. At the end of the stipulated period, the contract shall automatically cease to be operative, unless the parties agree to renew it for a further period or enter into a contract of Nikah” (ibid, pp. 172-73).

B. Specification of Mahr (Dower)

The next necessary condition for the validity of Mutaa is that the Mahr to be given to the woman should be fixed before entering into the contract. If the term is fixed but the dower is not specified the contract is void. There is no minimum or maximum limit to the amount of dower to be specified.

C. Field of spouse Selection

A man and woman shall be deemed eligible for Mutaa if:

 Both of them should not fall within the prohibited degree of relationship as prescribed by law in the case of Nikah.

 “Both of them are true believers or the wife is one of the “People of the Book” (Jews and Christians) provided she abstains from repugnant practices Maulanae.g. Azad idolatry, Library,immodesty, eating Aligarh flesh of swine, Muslim drinking alcoholic University beverages, etc” (Husain, 1976), p. 173).

 The woman should not be married to another man or observing Iddat.

25 D. Contracting Temporary marriage

The formula of offer and the acceptance should be preferably in Arabic but may be in other language which the parties can pronounce and understand without difficulty.The woman shall say:

“Zawwajtoka nafsi fil muddatil ma ‘loomati alas sidaaqil ma ‘loom

And the man says:

Qabilatu

The woman says, “I gave myself in marriage to you for the period (as fixed for the dower (as fixed) And the man says: I accepted” (Baqri, 1987, p. 29).

1.8 Family and Marriage among Muslims in India

The family, marriage and kinship among Muslims in India, if one finds interest to explore and study for the one reason or the other, faces paucity of empirical literature. Most of the Sociologists and Anthropologists have either devoted their interest, time and hard work in studying Hindu community or in the course of their research on Hindu community have alluded at some aspects of social institutions and other behavioural patterns of Indian Muslims. The dearth of empirical work on Indian Muslims, as observed by Imtiaz Ahmad, has resulted into a common and widespread impression among the masses and intellectuals that Muslims in India strictly adhere to the Shari’a and apply the religious code in daily life, viz. family, marriage, kinship, divorce and inheritance. “This impression has, indeed, been so widespread that even Sociologists and Anthropologists, who are committed to the empirical investigation of social life, have been prone to accept it …the one anticipation arising from the general belief that the Muslim family ethos is a product of Shari ‘at laws would be that MaulanaMuslim family Azad and kinship Library, norms should Aligarh differ strikingly Muslim from those ofUniversity other religious communities” (Ahmad, 1976, p. xvi). However, few empirical works, including Imtiaz Ahmad’s edited volume, a compendium of best available empirical studies investigating the social life of Indian Muslims unanimously speak out against this common and widespread impression. The picture which emerges from these

26 empirical studies on family, marriage and kinship among Indian Muslims is too varied and diffused to allow a brief summarisation. Even the countries predominately inhabited by Muslims vary in the application of Shari ’a law in the social life including family, marriage and kinship. If we look at the institution of polygamy only, “Islamic nations may be divided into three categories with regard to marriage law. First, there are the countries which have completely or partially abolished the Shari'a and have adopted a secular law. Turkey is the only country that has totally abolished the Shari'a, and Tunisia, while still adhering to the Shari'a, has abolished polygamy. There are countries which follow the Shari’a in principle but have pursued an evolutionary course by trying to adapt it to modern living conditions. Most of the northern Middle Eastern countries fall into this category. Finally, there are countries which still recognize the Shari’a as the fundamental law of the land and which have made no effort to change its basic principles. Most states of the Arabian Peninsula are in this category” (“Marriage in Islamic Law: The Modernist Viewpoints,” n.d.). “Where family life is concerned, in marriage, divorce and distribution of inheritance, the provisions of the Shari’a would appear to be very widely neglected” (Levy, 1957, p. 244). Concise Encyclopaedia (Collins, 2002, p. 141) has righty recorded that “Just as past regional practice was both tolerated and sometimes incorporated into Shari’a, modern law codes in Muslim communities have incorporated both regional customs and western practices.” The regional customs sometimes even surpass the basic laws of Islamic marriage. For example, J. P. S. Oberoi (Uberoi, 1971) in his article, ‘Men, Women and property in Northern Afghanistan’, unveils some of the important aspects of Andarabi culture such as exclusion of women from the inheritance of property and also the payment of bride wealth in place of mahr to the bride in spite of the fact that both of these are the central part of the Islamic law. This bride-wealth is paid to the guardian (wali7) of the bride not the bride herself. Thus, the difference between theory and the practice becomes inevitable under the influence of regional traditions, cultural practices and preferences.

MaulanaIndian Azad society Library, though being aAligarh diverse, a home Muslim of vast number University of ethnic and cultural groups, is known for its inherent strength to hold all this diversity in to unity. Muslims being the minority seem to be no exception in contributing to the colour of this unity. Imtiaz Ahmad comments that in terms of the structure of family and kinship groupings, the Muslims in India are not necessarily distinguishable from their

27 non-Muslim neighbours. They seem to be a part of wider cultural complex shared by all those who reside in the region as a whole.

1.9 Composition of Muslim families

The Muslim family norms in India correspond closely to those held among Hindus. Muslims live in nuclear and joint households as is the case in India as a whole. The Muslim kharkhandar of Delhi finds Rizvi, live in both simple and complex households with each household having a separate choola (hearth). “The norms favouring joint family living- a feature so characteristic of the Hindus on account of the support provided for it in Hindu scriptural literature are equally widely held among Muslims” (Ahmad, 1976, p. xxii). While summarising the situation in this respect precisely Conklin (Conklin, 1976, p. 133) said, “in terms of joint households, ideals of joint living and in having sons actually stay at home until the death of the father; the Muslims seem to be, in fact as well in theory, identical to or more conservative than non-Muslims.” In recent years we have witnessed a clear shift from joint family centred norm to the nuclear family centred norm and thus a gradual breakdown of joint households into nuclear households. The Gujars-Bakerwals studied by Khatana live with a prevalent norm of separation of a son immediately after his marriage, from his father’s household. In Assamese Muslims “members of joint households are almost uniformly of the opinion that each nuclear family should have an independent household . . . it is common for married sons to establish separate households within a year or two of marriage” (Ali, 1976, p. 11). The Shia Muslims of India also seem to be living in both nuclear and joint households and follow the universal trend cutting across regional and communal factors, i.e. latter family system being replaced by the former. Nadeem Hasnain while surveying the Shia Muslims gives the state wise percentage of Shias living in nuclear family. He finds, “the highest number of respondents living in nuclear family come from Maharashtra (90%), closely followed by Delhi (82%), Karnataka (76%), Tamil Nadu Maulana(70%), Best Bengal Azad (63%), AndhraLibrary, Pradesh (54%),Aligarh Bihar(48%), Muslim Uttar Pradesh University (42%), Gujarat (32%), and Jammu and Kashmir (10%)” (Hasnain & Husain, 1988, p. 104).

1.10 Decision making in Muslim Families

Decision making process is a very important factor in the functioning of family structure. It reflects the mode of distribution of authority of in the family. A

28 family may be Patriarchal, Matriarchal or an Equalitarian when it comes to the distribution of authority in the family. Muslim families, like there Hindu neighbours, are mostly patriarchal in which the head of the family enjoys the highest authority in the decision making. The head is usually a male – either a father or an elder brother. The decision making in the chorus of households vests with the head of the family. Among the kharkhandars of Delhi “The father, or in his absence the elder brother, is the head of the complex household. The head of the household is held in great esteem by his sons or brothers, and therefore enjoys a dominant position” (Rizvi, 1976, p. 34). Muslim family cannot be declared as a typical example of a patriarchy, as the distribution of authority, like other important features of family vary culturally and regionally. The authority though in majority of the cases vest with the male members, but in many cases with the female members also. “in majority of cases (52.2%) the final authority in decision making process rests with the eldest male of the family . . . those households where authority rests with the eldest female are (33%) and where a young man rules the roost are (27%) . . . there are (17.5%) households where decision making is a collective process in which the eldest male, eldest female, adult males and adult females contribute collectively to a great extent if not equally” (Hasnain & Husain, 1988, p. 105). Thus a Muslim family cannot be categorised as either patriarchal or patriarchal or equalitarian in absolute terms but the former being the dominant feature.

1.11 Marriage in Indian Muslims

The impact of regional and cultural background is not restricted to Muslim family norms alone. It extends to the norms related to marriage including customs and practices as well. Marriage in Indian Muslims does not confer an identical picture. Researchers inexorably find it difficult to summarize the marriage in Indian Muslims inevitably because of the regional and cultural dissimilarity in customs and practices. The Hindu and the Muslim influences coalesce and impinge upon the institution of Muslim marriage in a way particular to a particular region. The imprint of Hindu Maulanaculture isAzad flamboyantly Library, conspicuous Aligarh in Muslim marriage. Muslim The imprint University of Hindu culture and the non-conformity with the Islamic ideals violate the defining norms and laws of an Islamic marriage. Imtiaz Ahmad observes that though the Nikah ceremony, prescribed by Islam for sealing a marital union between two persons, is uniformly observed by Muslims in India, its social and religious significance gets underscored

29 by the series of other ceremonies that occur side by side to it. Any attempt to summarize the Muslim marriage in India will only produce a flawed picture coloured by misinformation, prejudices and biasness. However, few sociologists and anthropologists have made an endeavor to bring forth this colourful picture of marriage in Indian Muslims, trying to take into account the regional and cultural variations. Taking in to account the impact of social and cultural intercourse between Hindus and Muslims, sociologists and anthropologists have tried to describe and discuss the Muslim marriage by discussing the same features and characteristics that define a Hindu marriage. Thus empirical picture of Muslim marriage in India can be better understood under the captions of the following features that also define a Hindu marriage in India.

Endogamy and Exogamy in Muslim Marriage

India is a caste ridden society. The rules of endogamy and exogamy are strictly observed by the Hindu castes. Similarly, in Indian Muslims also, the caste system prevails and many of them recognize and observe in practice though not in theory, certain forms of endogamous and exogamous rules. These endogamous and exogamous rules may be defined and regulated by the caste affiliations, kinship system or religious group a person belongs to. For example, religious endogamy is strictly observed by Indian Muslims and a marriage between a Muslim and a Hindu is disapproved and many a times disdainfully dealt with, by their respective communities. Historically speaking, though, Marriages between the Muslims and Hindus were rare, among the ruling families such marriages were well recognized. “In Kashmir, Hindu-Muslim marriages have a long standing history. Zain-ul-Abedin (1420-70) married the two daughters of Raja Manakdeo of Jammu….The Bahmani kings of the Deccan allied themselves with the Hindu families. Taj-ud-Din Firoz (1397-1422) married the daughters of Deva Raya of Vijayanagar and Narsingh Rao of Kerala” (Madani, 1993, p. 127). While confirming the matrimonial unions between Muslim Princes and the Hindu princesses, Briggs (Briggs, 1910) has recorded, Maulana“Akbar, Jahangir, Azad Farrukh Library, Siyar, Sulaiman Aligarh Shukoh and Siphir Muslim Shukoh took University Hindu princesses, as their wives.”

Within the Muslim community, the “The two broad sections, the Sunnis and the Shiahs, do not intermarry” (Levy, 1957,p. 721). “Sub caste endogamy does obtain

30 among Muslims, even though it is not rigid as among Hindus. Castes at either end of the scale appear to be more particular about observing endogamous rules than the middle – range castes. For instance, generally speaking a Syed marries another Syed and a Shaikh another Shaikh. Sometimes however, a Syed man may marry a Shaikh girl but a Syed girl would not marry a Shaikh boy. This would be against the rule of hypergamy which is occasionally practiced. Hypergamous marriages occur particularly among converts to Islam from Jat and Rajput castes. Castes which consider themselves mutually equal, such as the artisan castes, intermarry among themselves. But then castes which are regarded equal in one area may be regarded unequal in another. In Eastern Uttar Pradesh, the Darzi (tailor) and Julaha (weaver) are regarded as mutually equal and intermarry, while in Western part of the state the Darzi regards himself superior and does not intermarry with Julaha” (Srinivas, 1980,p. 56-57). Adding more empirical data to establish the fact that endogamy as a marriage rule or custom is being practiced by many Muslim groups in India, Lambat describes the Surati Vohras as an endogamous group observing the rule very strictly. “The range of choice open to Surati Vohra in the selection of his spouse is actually much narrower. It is indeed narrowed down to such an extent that when we speak of the group as being endogamous what is actually implied is that there are many small endogamous units within the endogamous framework of the entire group”(Lambat, 1976, p. 58). However, the endogamy practiced by the Surati Vohras is not related to the Sapinda, Gotra or village, as endogamous units which are popular among Hindus, but the restrictions to marrying are determined by three endogamous units or marriage circles, viz. circle of kins or relatives, circle of Khandans8 and circle of villages. The choice of selecting a marriage partner among Moplahs of Kerala is strictly regulated by the Kinship organization they belong to. The Arabis9 Moplahs comments D’Souza, live in clans called Qabilas and all these Qabilas together constitute an endogamous group. However, the hypergamous type of marriages does occasionally take place between the Arabis and the other groups of Moplahs. The marriage between the Maulanachildren Azadof brothers isLibrary, the most favoured Aligarhtype of unions. Muslim University Shia Muslims in India are found to be no exception in practicing certain kind of endogamy. Hasnain finds Qaum endogamy still being practiced among Shias. The Sayeds, Shaikh, Moghal, Pathan, etc. tend to marry among their respective Qaums. “Those who may break the convention of endogamy shall do it only in the case of

31 their son’s marriage, i.e. they may accept a daughter-in-law from outside Qaum but may not give their daughter to a person belonging to some other Qaum” (Hasnain & Husain, 1988, p. 62).The Qaum endogamy is strictly followed by the Syeds and lower Qaums while the middle order Qaums tend to be less rigid and in order to move upwards the Qaum hierarchy they may break the rule and may marry in higher Qaum. In addition to Qaum endogamy, Shias mostly give first preference to cousins because of the following considerations: “(1) pride of lineage and notions of purity of blood, (2) family solidarity, (3) the prospect of the jahez or dowry given to the daughter at the time of marriage remaining in the same family”(Husain, 1976, p. 68).

Likewise, different exogamous rules are recognized and observed by many Muslim groups in India while selecting a partner for marrying. For example, the Singimiri Muslims of Assam, paraphrases Ali, while holding a strong fiction- and tracing the affiliation of everyone living within a village to the same bangsha10 (lineage), strictly observe patri-kin and village exogamy. The marriage of a man and a woman belonging to the same bangsha is regarded as incestuous. However, no such exogamy is observed by the Muslim villages surrounding Singimiri instead, patrilineal marriage and marriage within a village as both are permitted in Islam are preferred. The Meos of Mewat11 also observes the kinship rule of exogamy. The entire Meo caste is subdivided into a large number of exogamous groups which are categorized in to two types: the Pals12 and the Gotras. “Both are exogamous divisions and help to regulate marriage among the Meos” (Aggarwal, 1976, p. 270). There is a fiction among the members of each group of belonging to a common ancestry and therefore having a close genetic relationship. Thus marriage within the group is considered incestuous. The endogamous and exogamous rules of marriage among Moplahs of Kerala are regulated by the kinship organization they belong to. “There are three distinct types of kinship systems among the Moplahs: the kinship system of the Arabis which is patterned after the Arabic system; the kinship system of the father-right Moplahs which is patterned after the indigenous patrilineal kinship Maulanasystem; and the Azadkinship system Library, of the mother Aligarh-right Moplahs Muslimwhich is patterned University after the indigenous matrilineal system” (D’Souza, 1976, p. 142). Whereas the clan of the Arabis, called Qabila is an endogamous group, the clan of the other Moplahs called tharavad 13constitutes an exogamous group. In the father-right Moplahs,” marriages cannot take place between persons who are related in the male line, such as the

32 children of brothers… But there is no objection to the children of two sisters, or of a brother and a sister, marrying each other as in these cases the marriage partners would belong to different patrilineal tharavads”(ibid, p. 143). Likewise, in the mother-right Moplahs, “as the children of the sisters belong to the same tharavads, marriages between their children are prohibited while there is no such restriction in the case of children of two brothers since they belong to their mother’s tharavads which would always be different. So also marriages may take place between children of brothers and sisters” (ibid, p. 149).

Status of polygamy in Indian Muslims

As a universal rule, it is important to bear in mind that monogamy is the commonly accepted practice in all cultures (B.Malinowski, 1950) and hence in some measure, polygamy is an anomalous phenomenon. Polygamy while being a collective expression applies to both polygyny and polyandry forms of marriage. Islam strictly prohibits the polyandry form of marriage i.e. more than one male, at a time, sharing a female as a common wife. Although, the former type of marriage is permitted i.e. a man can take more than one wife but not exceeding four at a time, it is not encouraged in Islam. Sociologists and Anthropologists unanimously state that monogamy is the only accepted pattern of marital arrangement among Indian Muslims. In his History of Human Marriage, Westermarck declares that "monogamy, by conviction or necessity, is the rule among most Moslem peoples."(Westermarck, 1891) For example, he maintained that monogamy is practiced among more than 95 per cent of Muslims in India. M.N. Srinivas while dealing with polygamy in Indian Muslims, maintains that though, a Muslim is permitted to take four wives at a time, provided all are treated with equal justice, “the actual incidence of polygamy among Muslims is small; only the wealthy and powerful occasionally take a second wife” (Srinivas, 1991, p. 50). One rarely comes across such a case in which a man takes a second wife. Such occasional stray cases are usually the outcome of, either the first wife being unable to give birth to a child, forcing a man to take a second wife or sometimes a love affair Maulanaends in takingAzad the second Library, wife withou Aligarht dissolving the Muslimfirst marriage. “Usually University as soon as a man takes a second wife or even contemplates a second marriage, his first wife will ask for a divorce. Only under exceptional circumstances, such as when she has grown up children or she has no one to turn to, will she tolerate her husband’s second marriage” (Lambat, 1976). While paraphrasing the report of the National Commission

33 on the Status of Women (1971-74), and analyzing the 1961 census and its monograph on “Incidence of Polygamous Marriages in India” Hasnain (Hasnain & Husain, 1988, p. 65) said that, “apart from tribal communities where it was 15.2%, the incidence of polygyny among the Hindus was higher (5.8%) than Muslims (5.7%). Likewise it is higher among Jains and Buddhists.” Among the Shias of India, he further comments, the polygynous marriages were practiced under the conditions of feudalism (zamindari system). However, in the contemporary India, only a microscopic section of old and elderly Shia people uphold this type of marriage while the younger generation disapproves and despise it.

1.12 Marriage Rites and Customs

Marriage ceremony in Islam is simple and does not encapsulate an elaborate set of rites and customs. The most important and indispensable ceremony prescribed by Islam to solemnize the marriage is the Nikah ceremony. The form of marriage was simple in ancient Islamic Arabia. After settlement of the marriage by the two parties i.e. the parents and well-wishers of the boy and the girl, both mutually agreed to the marriage, a date was fixed on which the bridal party led by the bridegroom himself assembled at the bride’s house, where the solemnization of marriage was completed by the Nikah or Aqd ceremony i.e. consent of the bride and the bridegroom in the presence of guests and bridal party was taken after negotiating the amount of mahr to be paid to the bride by the groom. After the Nikah ceremony, the bridal party and the guests were given the feast at the bride’s place by the bride’s parents or guardians. The bride was then taken to the house of the bridegroom. The bridegroom’s family also used to give a feast called Walima.14 Although marriage in Islam has a religious sanctity attached to it, the Shari'a does not prescribe any particular set of rites and customs to be observed while contracting this pact. However, the social intercourse between Muslims and Hindus in India over the centuries has resulted in the Muslim marriage being supplemented by a compendium of rites and ceremonies adopted from Hindus, though many against the Islamic laws and denounced by the religious Maulanadictates, are practiced Azad because Library, of their socio Aligarh-cultural and regional Muslim significance. University All these marriage rites and ceremonies can be categorised in to three sub headings.

A. Rites and Ceremonies preceding Marriage. B. Rites and Ceremonies at the time of Marriage. C. Rites and Customs after the Marriage.

34 A. Rites and Ceremonies preceding Marriage

A series of rites and ceremonies start subsequently after the settlement of marriage. These rites prolong until the actual performance of marriage itself. These rites and ceremonies include:

a) Engagement

The first subsequent ceremony to the settlement of marriage practiced by most of the Muslims in India is the engagement or Mangni. This custom did not exist in the Islamic form but has come to the Muslims from the Hindus. In this ceremony, “the bridegroom’s parents, after ascertaining the personal beauty, learning, character, health, age and descent of the proposed girl, go in person or appoint a relative or a friend to meet the bride’s parents and settle the terms and, if satisfactory, come to a settlement” (Shushtery, 1938, p. 683). The Mangni also known as angathi pindhua in Assamese Muslims describes the visitation of a party from the bridegroom’s side to the bride’s house on a fixed date. “The party carries a gold ring, silk clothes and sweets as presents. The negotiations are sealed with the presentation of the engagement ring to the future bride” (Ali, 1976, p. 19). Mangni ceremony among Surati Vohras comprises of a number of elaborate rites. After reaching the bride’s house, “the boy’s mother and sisters, or in their absence some other close relatives who are not widows, approach the girl and help her put on the clothes which they have bought for her. After this they place the silver ornaments on her and then the boy’s mother and other three women in turn feed her with sugar and throw a shower of rice on her. They also make her hold her scarf in front of her and place in it one coconut, a sum of one rupee and twenty-five-paise, one betelnut and one dried date (kharch). After this, every woman who is present gives the girl a rupee. The girl’s mother presents the boy’s mother with a scarf (odhni)…… Thereupon, the Imam of the mosque, or someone else, reads the fatiha… This completes the Mangni ceremony, and the boy’s party returns home” (ibid, pp. 71-72). The marriage proposal Maulanain many AzadShia Muslims Library, also is supposed Aligarh to be finally settledMuslim by the Mangni Universityceremony. “In some Shia families gold or silver rings are also exchanged” (Husain, 1976, p. 100).

35 b) Fixation of Marriage date

The date for actual marriage ceremony is either fixed at the time of Mangni or few days before the actual marriage ceremony depending on period between the two, which may range from few days or weeks or few months as found in Surati Vohras, “it normally varies between a month to about three months” (Lambat, 1976, p. 72) to many years as is the case with Gujar Bakerwals of Jammu and Kashmir in which consummation of marriage takes place usually three to four years and in some cases nine to eleven years after Nikah ceremony, till the girl reaches the maturity15. “The marriage day itself is fixed by mutual agreement though there are considerable pressures from local custom in regard to propitious and unpropitious times” (Chamberlayne, 1968, pp. 124-125). Muslims do not consider each day, date or month auspicious for marriage. For example, Lambat has found that Surati Vohras do not usually hold marriages in the month of zil kadd- the eleventh month of Islamic calendar and also “the lunar dates of 16, 17 and 18 are avoided because these dates are not supposed to be good for marriage” (ibid, pp. 72-73). The prescriptions and proscriptions for fixing the day, date and month for marriage are much elaborate among Shia Muslims. “Marriages mostly take place in the months of Rajab16, Shabaan17, after the tenth of Eid al-Azha18 and the second half of Rabi-ul-Awwal19. Shias do not perform marriages in the months of Muharram20, Safar21 and the first eight days of the month of Rabi-ul-Awwal” (Husain, 1976, p. 100). Like other Muslims Shias also avoid holding marriage in the month of Ramzan.22

c) Haldi (Turmeric) smearing ceremony

Turmeric smearing ceremony is held few days before marriage. The face and the body of both bride and bridegroom are massaged with haldi powder so to change the colour of the skin and make it look fairer and brighter. The family of the bride after massaging the bride with haldi paste get her bathed after which she wears the marriage costume provided by the bridegroom’s family. This ceremony is called pithi Maulana23among Surati Vohras.Azad “The Library,hajjam (barber) Aligarh helps the boy withMuslim his bath after University giving him a hair-cut and a shave . . . the clothes that both the boy and the girl take off at the time of bath are given to the barber and his wife” (Lambat, 1976, p. 74).

36 B. Rites and Ceremonies at the time of Marriage

The most important ceremony of an Islamic marriage is Nikah that legitimizes the consummation of marriage i.e. after this ceremony, the bridal couple can together live as husband and wife. However, among Indian Muslims it is not the Nikah but the actual marriage ceremony known as Kalyanam24 among Moplahs of Kerala and Khandar25 among Kashmiri speaking Muslims, that completes the most awaited part of the whole marriage process i.e. bridegroom taking the bride with himself sans opposition and objection from the established social order. There are several ceremonies observed during the performance of actual marriage. These may include:

a) Mehndi ceremony

Mehndi ceremony is practiced among most of the Muslim groups in India, cutting across regional differences in socio-cultural practices. Mehndi ceremony among Moplahs is called mailanchi. “Mailanchi literally means henna and the ceremony consists of applying henna juice to the nails and toes, palms and feet, etc., of the bride. The juice has to be brought ceremonially from the tharavad house of the bride’s father” (D’Souza, 1976, p. 159). Originally Mehndi used to be female oriented ceremony but now-a-days, even the bridegrooms also decorate their fingers and palms by applying Mehndi. Among Surati Vohras, “young girls from the girl’s house bring aughar26 to the boy’s house, feed him with it and apply some Mehndi (henna paste) on the palm of his right hand”(Lambat, 1976, p. 75).

b) Baraat or Marriage Procession

The guests and relatives who are to accompany the groom to the bride’s house assemble at the house of bridegroom. The bridegroom is dressed in to unique nuptial attire. The dress a Gujar-Bakerwal bridegroom (Shahwala) wears is “provided by his own family except the head gear (Pagri) which is sent by bride’s side” (Khatana, 1976, p. 98). However, Shia bridegroom from Uttar Pradesh dresses himself with the Maulanaclothes sentAzad by the Library, bride’s side. The AligarhBaraat (marriage Muslim party) then proceedsUniversity to the house of the bride. The Surati Vohra bridegroom after signing the marriage register in the mosque, start off in a procession to the bride’s house. As the Baraat reaches the bride’s house, the bridegroom and his whole retinue are given the ceremonial welcome by the relatives and guests from the bride’s side.

37 c) Nikah ceremony

Nikah is the central and most important ceremony of a Muslim marriage. Nikah sanctifies the marriage and puts legitimizing seal on the contract after being accepted by both the parties. Nikah ceremony is held any time prior to the consummation of marriage. The Kaniyath27 i.e. Nikah among Moplahs is sometimes held months prior to the Kalyanam. “In case Nikah has not already been performed, the ceremony takes place a day or two prior to the Kalyanam function. While Nikah ceremony is held at bride’s house among Gujar Bakerwals of Jammu and Kashmir and Shias of Uttar Pradesh, among Moplahs of Kerala “this ceremony takes place at the house of the groom” (D’Souza, 1976, p. 158). However, among Surati Vohras, “due to greater Islamization it is nowadays conducted in a mosque” (Lambat, 1976, p. 76). After agreeing upon the amount of Mahr to be paid by the groom to the bride and the mode of payment i.e. Moajjal28 or Muwajjal29, the consent is taken from the bride and then from the groom to solemnize the contract. However, Khatana observes that the consent taking rite among Gujar Bakerwals is held prior to the fixation of Mahr. “The girl affirms her agreement through one of her friends30 and her affirmation is announced by the witnesses to the marriage party. Similar affirmation is then sought from the boy. Once the consent of both the parties has thus been obtained, the maulvi recites an offering (fatiha31) from the Koran” (Khatana, 1976, p. 99). In case of Moplahs, “the bride herself is not present on the occasion but her consent is to be given on her behalf by her Wali, or guardian, who is usually her father” (D’Souza, 1976, pp. 158-159). Among Shias of Uttar Pradesh, after agreeing upon the amount and mode of payment of mahr, “the bride’s Mujtahid32 goes to the bride in the woman’s apartment and asks her three times whether she accepts the person concerned as her husband, with the amount of mahr as settled and generally she answers in the affirmative after a short hesitation . . . Then the Mujtahids from the bridegroom’s side asks the bridegroom three times whether he accepts the woman concerned as his wife with the amount of Mahr as settled and he answers in the Maulanaaffirmative. After Azad this is done Library, the Mujtahid fromAligarh the bride’s Muslim side recites the UniversityKhutba (religious discourse) and then both the Mujtahids pronounce the Sigha of Nikah33, and some responsible persons from amongst the audience sign on the Nikahnama (marriage document) as the witnesses” (Husain, 1976, p. 101). Drawing of

38 Nikahnama completes the Nikah ceremony. However, drawing Nikahnama has become obsolete among Assamese Muslims.

d) Wedding feast

The bride’s side usually give the bridegroom and his whole retinue a feast on the actual marriage ceremony after having completed with the Nikah ceremony if it had not been performed prior to it. The feast used to be simple but “following the patterns of feast in Hindu families, providing varieties, the Muslims also now provide varieties, of course, differing in types, viz., instead of the Hindu dishes, the Muslim dishes. A lot of money is spent over it” (Madani, 1993, p. 122). However, “the meal provided by the Surati Vohras is quite simple. It always consists of fried rice and dal (lentils) cooked with mutton” (Lambat, 1976,p. 78).

e) Rukhsati or Bidai

Rukhsati or Bidai means the departure of bride from her paternal home for the bridegroom’s home. The Rukhsati usually leads to an emotional atmosphere as the bride usually indulges in a lot of crying and weeping and leaves the parental house with great reluctance. She is consoled by her parents, friends and relatives. She is accompanied to the bridegroom’s house by some of his relatives or friends. The bride is given dowry at the time of rukhsati or prior or after it. The dowry may include the “items for domestic use, sheep, goats and horses which would have been her share in the father’s property” (Khatana, 1976, p. 100) or clothes, ornaments, furniture, utensils, etc., and in some cases cash given to the bride by her parents” (Husain, 1976, p. 112). “Among the Shias on their way back to the groom’s place the pair first visit some local holy shrine” (ibid, p. 112). The bride in the Surati Vohras “does not stay at her husband’s place overnight but returns to her parental home with her relatives and friends. Early next morning the groom’s sister or some other young relative goes and fetches her, and this time she stays at her husband’s place” (Lambat, 1976, p. 78). MaulanaC. Rites Azad and Customs Library, after the Marriage Aligarh Muslim University a) Walima feast

Walima feast is the only ceremony besides Nikah which has religious significance and importance. This feast is given by the father or guardian of the bridegroom generally next day of the marriage. “The majority of the Shias consider

39 this feast to be essential part of the marriage because the Holy Prophet gave the Walima feast at the marriage of his only daughter, Hazrat Fatima Zahra” (ibid, p. 113).

b) Returning of bride to her Parental home

The bride and in some cases the bridegroom also visit the parental house of the bride after spending few days at the bridegroom’s place. Among Assamese Muslims the bride and the groom visits her parental home on the eighth day following the marriage where they are entertained a feast. This custom among Assamese Muslims is called ath mongola. Among Surati Vohras this custom is observed after the girl has spent four days at her husband’s place. “The groom also sometimes accompanies his bride and stays with his in-laws until his wife returns . . . usually the groom’s people come especially to fetch her. This ceremony of fetching the bride is called anna, and it is the last ceremony directly associated with the wedding” (Lambat, 1976, pp. 78- 79).

1.13 THE UNIVERSE AND THE DESIGN OF THE STUDY

The following paragraphs explicitly present a brief demographic profile of Jammu and Kashmir State, with special emphasis on district Budgam, which was chosen for the field study in order to conduct research on society and culture among Shia Muslims. Towards the end of the chapter the research design of the study is discussed, elaborating on: aims and the objectives of the study, strategies for selecting samples, methods of data collection, and data interpretation.

1.13.1 Jammu and Kashmir: A Brief Profile

The Jammu and Kashmir State is the northernmost state of India, lying between 32° 15'and 37° 05' N and 72° 35' and 80° 20' E. The state shares its borders with Himachal Pradesh and Punjab on its south, Pakistan to its west, Afghanistan to its north-west, Pakistan to its west and with Republic of China to its north and east. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University a. Geography of the State

The Jammu and Kashmir State is divided in to three topographic regions Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. The three regions are characterised by distinct languages, cultures and ethnicities. According to Census 2011 report34, the Jammu

40 and Kashmir State ranks tenth in India when it comes to the geographical area, spread over 222,236 Square Km which includes 78,114 Sq. Km under the illegal occupation of Pakistan, 37,555 Sq. Km under China. The China in addition occupies 5,180 Sq. Km. gifted to it by Pakistan under the March1963 Sino-Pak Boundary agreement. The Indian administered Jammu and Kashmir comprises the remaining 106,567 Sq. Km.

b. Population

According to the Census 2011, the total population of the Indian administered Jammu and Kashmir State is 1254130210, with of 6,640,662 male population, and 5,900,640 female population. This size of population puts the State on 19th rank in India, constituting 1.04% of the total population of the country. The sex ratio of the state is 889/1000. Kulgam and Shopian lead the districts in sex-ratio whereas Leh has the worst sex-ratio of 690. The district wise population, density and sex-ratio are shown in Table 1.1.

Table 1.1. District-wise Population, Sex-Ratio and Density of J & K

S.No. District Population Sex Ratio 1. Anantnag 1078692 927 2. Bandipora 392232 889 3. Baramulla 1008039 885 4. Budgam 753745 894 5. Doda 409936 919 6. Ganderbal 297446 874 7. Jammu 1529958 880 8. Kargil 140802 810 9. Kathua 616435 890 10. Kishtawar 230696 920 11. Kulgam 424483 951 12. Kupwara 870354 835 13. Leh 133487 690 14. Poonch 476835 892 15. Pulwama 560440 912 16. Rajouri 642415 860 17. Ramban 283713 902 Maulana 18.Azad Library,Reasi Aligarh314667 Muslim University890 19. Samba 318898 886 20. Shopian 266215 951 21. Srinagar 1236829 900 22. Udhampur 554985 870 Jammu and 889 12543012 Kashmir State Source: Census Report 2011, Government of India

41 c. Religion-wise population distribution

The religious composition of JK is unique in the country. It is the only Muslims majority state in India with 68.31% population of Muslims whereas Hindus with 28.44% form the largest minority group in the state, followed by Buddhists and Sikhs. The religious wise population distribution is shown in Table 1.2 below.

Table 1.2 Religion-wise Population in J & K

S.No. Religious Communities Population Percentage

1. Muslims 8567485 68.30 2. Hindus 3266674 26.04 3. Sikhs 234848 1.87 4. Buddhists 112584 0.90 5. Christians 35361 0.28 6. Jains 2490 0.02 7. Other Religions and Persuasions 1508 0.01

8. Religion Not Stated 20082 0.16 Source: Census Report, 2011

1.13.2 District Budgam

Budgam constitutes one of the districts in central Kashmir, the other two being Srinagar and Ganderbal. It is one of the youngest districts of the State. When Kashmir had only two districts, Budgam was the tehsil of district Baramulla, when Srinagar itself was a constituent of the Anantnag district. It was carved out as a separate district in 1979 from the erstwhile district Srinagar. The history tells that the Budgam was also known as Deedmarbag.

a) District Profile

The place had got its name, Budgam (big village) from the history of the Maulanapresent Budgam Azad town area. Library,It is believed that Aligarh the area was soMuslim densely populated University and congested that if a goat would climb a housetop in the southern end of the habitation it would come down on the northern end covering the distance on closely connected housetops. One of the tallest personalities of Kashmir, Sheikh Noor-ud-din, popularly known as Alamdar-e-Kashmir, has travelled much in the present Budgam district and

42 meditated at several places here. His resting place at Chrar-e-Sharief is also situated in the district35. The prominent, Agha family of Kashmir belongs to Budgam. Also, the shrine of Mir Shamus-ud-Din Araki, a Shi’ite theologist of 15th and 16th century is situated in Chadora tehsil of the district36. The lone international airport of the Kashmir division is located in district Budgam.

b) Geography

Budgam is situated at an average height of 5,281 ft above sea-level. It is located at 75 degree E longitude and 34 degree N latitude (Figure 1.1). The total geographic area of the district is 1371 sq.km which constitutes about1.31% of the total area of Jammu & Kashmir state. The average height of the mountains in the District is 1,610 m. Budgam has a forest cover of 477 sq.kms and the average annual rainfall of the district is 585 mm.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 1.1 Map showing the area of study

43 c) Population

According to 2011 Census report, the total population of the District is 753745, with 398041 male population and 355704 female population. The Sex ratio of the district is 894/1000, higher than the state ratio (889/1000). The district is predominantly rural with 86% i.e., 655833 (Males 343385 and Females 312448) of the population living in villages and mere 14% i.e., 97912 of the total population (males 54656 and females 43256) living in urban areas of the district (Table 1.3).

Table 1.3 Rural Urban Population Distribution of District Budgam

Area Total Population Male Population Female Population Rural Population 655833 343385 312448 Urban Population 97912 54656 43256 Source: http://censusindia.gov.in/2011census

Religion-wise Population distribution

District Budgam is predominantly resided by Muslims. District. As far as the population in terms of religion is concerned, out of total753,745 persons, only 1.34 % are Hindus, while 97.65 % constitute the Muslims. Other religious communities constitute Christians: 0.20 % Sikhs: 0.74 %, Buddhists: 0.01 % Jains: 0.00 % and those who didn’t state any religion constitute 0.06 % of the total population37. The Table 1.4 shows the religion-wise distribution of population in district Budgam:

Table 1.4. Distribution of population on religious basis in Budgam

Religious Faith Population Muslims 97.65 % Hindus 1.34 % Sikhs 0.74 % Maulana AzadChristians Library, Aligarh0.20 % Muslim University Buddhist 0.01 %

Jains 0.00 % Religion not stated 0.06 % Source: Census of India, 2011.

44 d) Administration

As per the district handbook of Budgam, the administrative setup in the district is that the district Comprises of three sub-divisions - Beerwah, Chadoora and Khansahib. There are nine tehsils in the district, these are: Budgam, Beerwah, B.K.Pora, Chadoora, Charisharief, Khag, Khansahib, Magam and Narbal. From the nine tehsils, seventeen CD blocks have been carved out, constituting Beerwah, Budgam, B.K.Pora, Chadoora, Chrar-e-Sharief, Khag, Khansahib, Nagam, Narbal, Pakherpoa, Parnewa, Rathsun, Soibugh, Sukhnag, Surasyar, S.K. Pora and Waterhail. The district consists of 510 Villages, 283 Panchayats and 06 Municipalities38.

1.14 Research Design

The current study entitled, “Society and Culture among Shia Muslims: A Study of Kashmir Valley”, attempts to understand the Shia Society of Kashmir by primarily studying the various aspects of its culture. The Study primarily aims at:

(a) To explore the social structure of the Shi’a Muslims of the valley. (b) To explore the Socio-economic profile of Shi’as of the valley. (c) To explore cultural life of the Shi’a Muslims of the valley. (d) To construct the social, economic and cultural life of Shi’a Muslims of the valley.

From the above mentioned objectives, it becomes clear that the study is both of qualitative and quantitative in nature. To the best of my knowledge, the study is first of its kind about Shias of Kashmir. Till date no scholar has so far provided an ethnographic account of Shias of Kashmir. The study is an attempt to provide the same and with description bring forth a complete picture of Shia community of Kashmir valley. The study thus qualifies to be called both an exploratory and a descriptive study. The study is based on both primary and secondary data. The primary data for both the quantitative and qualitative part is collected from 8 villages Maulanaand 2 townAzad areas ofLibrary, district Budgam. Aligarh For the quantitative Muslim data University a total of 300 households were selected from the sample villages and towns for the data collection. However, this study being ethnographic in nature which demands to collect every possible bit of data, the investigation was moved out of the boundaries of the sample villages and towns as well for the data collection. Whereas the sources for secondary

45 data used are historical records, census 2011 report, records of Budgam district administration, web pages and media reports.

1.14.1 Research Strategies and Tools of Data Collection

The quantitative part of the present study was carried by employing ‘Sample Survey’ as a research strategy. For this, ‘Interview Schedule’ was used as the tool of data collection. However, for the qualitative part of the study, ‘Case Study’ was used as research strategy and the tools employed for data collection include: Interview, Observation (both participant and non- participant), Oral Histories and Focused group Discussions (FGD’S). The study is designed on Inductive logic of enquiry.

1.14.2 Sampling and universe

The study employed multistage random sampling, purposive sampling and snowball Sampling. Using purposive and multistage sampling techniques, a total of 300 household samples were chosen for the quantitative part of the study. 200 were taken from the rural areas while as 100 household samples were taken from the urban areas, which chiefly is from the vicinity of the Budgam (50) and Ichigam (50) (see Figure 1.2).

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 1.2 Sample Collection

46 The tehsil and village/town- wise sample distribution is given below in Table 1.5.

Table 1.5. Tehsil and Village/Town-wise Household Distribution

Tehsils Villages/Cities/Towns Number of Households Budgam (Urban) Budgam &Ichigam 100 Budgam (Rural) Gariend & Patwav 50 B.K. Pura Chattergam & Shalina 50 Chadora Khanda & Sanzipura 50 Khag Iskanderpura & Ichehama 50 Total 300 Source: From field data

The study being ethnographic in nature, data collection for the qualitative part was not restricted to these villages only but extended to other villages also in order to make the study more representative in nature and validate the findings. Employing purposive and snowball sampling techniques and case study being the research strategy as already stated, different number of cases were studied on different aspects of socio-cultural life of Kashmiri Shias. Table 1.6 shows number of cases on different aspects that were intensively studied for the data collection.

Table 1.6. Places and the studies socio-cultural aspects

Mourning Villages/ Cities/ Firqadari/ Birth Marriage Death Events (Majlis/ Towns Factionalism Jalus) Budgam 1 1 1 1 ½ Ichigam 1 1 1 1 1/1 Gariend 0 0 0 0 0/1 Shalina 1 1 1 0 1/0 Khanda 1 1 0 1 0/0 Sanzipura 0 0 1 1 1/1 Magam 1 0 0 0 1/1 MaulanaBemina Azad Library,1 Aligarh0 0 Muslim0 University1/1 Zadibal 1 0 0 0 2/2 Ahmedpura 0 0 0 0 1/0 Cheenabal 0 0 0 0 0/1 Hassanabad 0 0 0 0 1/0 Total 7 4 4 4 10/10 Source: Field Data

47 As the table shows, 7 cases studies were undertaken for understanding the firqadari/factionalism. 4 cases of birth, 4 cases of marriage events for exploring the rituals and practices associated with it and 6 events of death were also investigated. For making a comprehensive study of mourning rituals, 12 cases studies of Majlis and 11 case studies of Jalus were brought under observation. Apart from above case studies, one case study was also conducted on the first ten days of Muharram. Data was also collected from other social events also which the community organizes like festivals, processions and supplemented by many serendipitous data sources. The use of electronic gadgets like camera, audio and video recorder were used for recordings and imaging.

1.14.4 Data Processing and Analysis

The analysis of the quantitative data was carried by using the statistical package; SPSS (windows version 20.0) with the help from the Microsoft excel spread sheets after due codification of the data collected from the field. The data was entered in the computing software followed by the analysis and interpretation of the different data sets that were created. It involved the descriptive statistics, mapping, cross tabulations and other type of analysis as and when required. However no software was used for the analysis of qualitative data. The analysis and interpretation of the field notes were carried by implying the powerful intellect the humans are bestowed by the nature. The supportive images spread throughout this work were taken during the field studies.

1.14.5 Limitations

As the study revolves around on one of the largest minority community, spread over whole valley, it is obvious that the study would be encountering some limitations as well. I feel ethically liable to highlight some of the worth mentioning limitations here. Some of these limitations are: Maulana As clear from Azad the theme, Library, this study tries Aligarh to provide an Muslimethnographic account University of the Shias spreading unevenly over whole valley. Though district Budgam was selected as sample for the study, it becomes exaggeration that an ethnographic study of Shias of Budgam would equally represent Shias of other districts also.

48 A separate scholarship for each district would be the only solution to escape this exaggeration.

 The study attempted to provide a holistic picture of ‘Society and Culture among Shia Muslims’, covering different areas each demanding a separate scholarship. In this attempt, it is possible that each and every thing might not have been included in this study.

 The study being ethnographic, explores rituals and practices, but failed to breach the line of gender bar which the Shias prescribe. It was not convivial and wise to even try to transcend the gender bar and observe the ritualistic performances of women in different aspects of Shia society and culture. Thus it was impossible for this study to give equal representation to the ritualistic practices and performances of Shia women. There is a vast unexplored field of study demanding a female scholar for the exploration.

 Rearrangement of the tehsil and block boundaries in district Budgam created some problems as the different data available with different departments didn’t corroborate.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

49 Endnotes

1 The law of Islam 2 Practices and precepts of the Prophet 3 Exegesis of Quran 4 a tradition based on reports of the sayings of Prophet 5 Body of law; Jurisprudence 6 People belonging to Jewish and Christian religion 7 Guardian 8 Group of families bearing a common name and enjoying more or less similar social status 9 One of the kinship system among Moplahs patterned after the Arabic system 10 Bangsha: The term bangsha, covers the kin, living or dead, close or remote with whom relationship is assumed to be traceable on the paternal side 11 Meos of Mewat: The Meos of Mewat are a Muslim caste who occupy an area straddling the border of Rajasthan Haryana 12 “An exogamous territorial group among the Meos, supposed to be originally co- terminus with the administrative divisions of the territory of Mewat”(Imtiaz Ahmad, 1976, p.354) 13 A matrilineal residence group, usually characteristic of Nayars and Moplahs 14 Feast given by the family of bridegroom usually next day of the marriage 15 The girl is considered mature after reaching the age of twenty to twenty-two years and thus fit for child bearing. 16 The Seventh month of Islamic calendar 17 The eighth month of Islamic calendar 18 The most important Islamic festival celebrated every year on the tenth of the Zil- Hajj, the last month of the Islamic calendar. 19 The third month of Islamic calendar 20 MaulanaIt is the first Azadmonth of Islamic Library, calendar. MoharrumAligarhis considered Muslim an inauspicious University occasion for marriage because of the tragedy of Karbala which took place in this month. The coming of Moharrum marks the start of mourning period among Shia Muslims and continues up to the eighth of Rabi-ul- Awwal every year. 21 The second month of Islamic calendar

50 22 It is the ninth month of Islamic calendar. Muslims all over world keep fast from dusk to dawn in the whole month of Ramzan. 23 A Gujarati word for Turmeric 24 It is the actual marriage ceremony held among Moplahs. Before Kalyanam a bride cannot even see the face of his bride. 25 A Kashmiri word for actual marriage ceremony 26 It literally means grapes but in this ceremony it refers to the sweet dish prepared out of crushed wheat. 27 It is the local word used for Nikah. 28 Mahr paid at the time of Nikah 29 Mahr paid up front in the future 30 It is interesting to note that the girl does not reply directly, even though that is a requirement under Islamic law (Khatana, 1976, p. 99). 31 First Surah of Quran 32 “A religious head and scholar who has deemed to have enough of theological knowledge to form and give independent opinion and judgment”(Husain, 1976, p. 216). 33 “A set of phrases and sentences recited at the time of Nikah to give religious and legal cognizance to the contract” (ibid, p. 217) 34 http://www.census2011.co.in/census/state/jammu+and+kashmir.html accessed on 22.03.2017 35 https://budgam.nic.in/ 36http://censusindia.gov.in/2011census/dchb/DCHB_A/01/0102_PART_A_DCHB_B ADGAM 37http://censusindia.gov.in/2011census/dchb/DCHB_A/01/0102_PART_A_DCHB_B ADGAM.pdf 38 https://budgam.nic.in/ Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

51 Chapter 2

Historical Background and Socio-economic Profile of Shia Muslims

2.1 Introduction

Muslims all over world are divided among Sunni Muslims and Shia Muslims. Numerically, while the Sunni Muslims constitute the majority, the Shias form the minority except in Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Bahrain and Azerbaijan where they numerically outnumber the Sunni Muslims. Although, Shias constitute the largest minority community in the Islamic world ranking below the Sunni majority community, and the two constituting fundamental sects of Islamic world, however, a very less scholarly attention has been given to Shia community. Islamic matters tend to focus on Sunnism (Nasr, 2007). It was only after the Islamic revolution of Iran in 1979, spearheaded by Ayatullah Khomeini, that Shia community received some attention from the scholarly world, driven by curiosity to know about this community. The downfall of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and the defeat of Israel by Iran backed Hezbollah, a Shia militia of Lebanon, that reality of Shi’ism penetrated the consciousness of Europeans and westerners and, the words like ‘Shia’, ‘Iran’ and ‘Hezbollah’ now keep reverberating around media platforms particularly Western and European media houses including their parliaments. It was how Shia community has attracted attention from the scholarly world also (Momen, 1985, p. 61).

The CIA1 published report on world religions in World Fact-book in 2005 puts Shi’ite Muslims at around 15% among the world Muslims. The majority of these Shias are Twelver Shias and they are concentrated mostly in Iran with (90-95%), Azerbaijan (75%), Iraq (64-69%) and more than 60% in Bahrain. The Shias also constitute significant minorities in Lebanon with more than 40%, Qatar (20%), Afghanistan (10-15%), Pakistan (20%), Saudi Arabia, (11%) and 10% of total Indian MaulanaMuslims .AzadThey are Library, also found in Aligarh large numbers Muslim in both Indian University and Pakistani administered Kashmir (CIA, 2005). They are also found in smaller communities in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Syria, as well as in other parts of the world such as East Africa, North America, Britain and Australia due to recent emigration (Howarth, 2005, p. xxi).

52 This chapter is concerned with the historical emergence of Shia sect, wherein a good share of attention has been given to clear the confusions of those who know little about Shia Muslims and their differences with the Majority Sunnis. A brief description is given about the branches in Shia Islam. The belief system of twelve Shia (Ithna-Ashariya) is discussed with much elaboration. The concluding part of this chapter throws light on the arrival and development of Shia Islam in Kashmir valley. The last part of the chapter discusses the socio-demographic, educational and the economic conditions of the sampled population amongst the Shias of the Kashmir valley.

2.2 Who are Shias?

The curiosity driven primary questions to be answered about Shias are; who the Shias are? When did the Shi’ism start? And, on what lines they are different from majority Sunnites?

To begin with the answer for the first question that, who the Shias are? The term “Shia” has Arabic origin meaning “follower”. In the same context, the term “Shia” has appeared in Quran several times. For example, in chapter 28, verse 15, Allah refers to one of the follower of Moses as Shia. Elsewhere, the prophet Abraham is also introduced as a Shia of Noah (37:83) (Al-Quran). In the beginning of the Islamic history, the term “Shia” was also used in its original or literal sense for followers of different people. For example, some hadiths speak of the Shia of Ali b. Abi Talib and others of the Shia of Muawiya b. Abi Sufyan. However, gradually the term acquired a secondary or technical meaning, i.e. the followers of Ali, those who believed in his Imamate (Shomali, 2003, p. 14). For further understanding, we must view Shias in the works of some outstanding historians and scholars from both Sunni and Shia faiths.

Shahrestani (d. 548 A.H), a Sunni historian who has written about different sects of Islam in his corpus compendium Al-Milalwa-al-Nihal, describes Shias as, Maulana“The Shias are thoseAzad who followLibrary,Ali only. They Aligarh hold that his Muslim caliphate and ImamateUniversity were based on designation and appointment, either open or hidden. They also maintain that Imamate must remain in Ali’s family; if it were ever to go outside of it, this would be either because of a wrong on the part of another, or because of dissimulation on the part of the rightful Imam. According to them the Imamate is not

53 a civil matter, validly settled by the will of the people appointing an Imam of their choosing; it is a fundamental matter and a basic element of religion. Messengers of God cannot ignore and disregard it, nor leave it to the choice of the common people (Shahrastani, 1984, p. 125).

According to Firaq al-Shia, written by one of the early Shia scholar Hasan-al- Nawbakhti (d. 313 A.H), the Shias are the party of Ali b. Abi Talib. They were called ‘Shia’ of Ali during and after the life of the Prophet and are known as the followers of Ali and believers in his Imamate (Al-Nawbakhti, Hasan, 2007, p. 62).

Allamah Tabatabai, (Tabataba’i, 1975), a renowned Shia theologian writes, “Shia, which means literally partisan or follower, refers to those who consider the succession to the Prophet (may God’s peace and benediction be upon him) to be the special right of the family of the Prophet and who in the field of the Islamic sciences and culture follow the school of the Household of the Prophet”.

Shaykh al-Mufid (d. 413 A.H), one of the most outstanding early Shia scholars, describes the Shias as being those who follow Ali as their Imam and believe in his immediate successor-ship to the Prophet. They also believe in the necessity of Imamate and its continuity in all ages, and that every Imam must be explicitly designated, and must be infallible and perfect.

Thus, from the above definitions, it becomes clear and understood that Shia Muslims are those who have the following beliefs about the succession to the Prophet Muhammad:

a) Succession is a divinely ordained position whether it is the Prophet’s succession by a prophet or by Imam.

b) The divine Prophet or Imam cannot be chosen by people but by the God. The appointment of each divine successor is pronounced by each divine predecessor.

c) The immediate successor to the Prophet Muhammad was Imam Ali. Maulanad) Imamate Azadremains Library,with the Prophet’s Aligarh infallible lineage Muslim till the day University of resurrection (Shomali, 2003, p. 16).

2.3 Origin of Shia-Sunni Schism

The development of Shi’ism into a well-established separate religious community is actually based on a pedigree of events recorded in history. What

54 follows is only a sketch, focussing on those events and the historical figures that play a prominent role in Shi’ite devotions today (Pinault, 1992, p. 4). The Shia-Sunni schism is rooted in the two main historical events, first event being the crisis of succession that occurred after the death of the Prophet Muhammad in 632 C.E (Aghaie, 2005, p. 42), and another event that took place in A.D. 680 (the year 61 in the hijri or Islamic calendar) in the form of battle in Karbala of today’s Iraq (Pinault, 1992, p. 4). Thus in order to understand the split of Islamic community in to Shias and Sunnis, it is necessary to take account of its historical background, especially in the light of two major events around Succession crises at the death of Prophet and the battle of Karbala.

2.4 Death of Prophet and Event of Saqeefa

There are unanimous views of different historians and scholars of both Muslim and non-Muslim faiths, on the origin of Shias, that is traced back to the death of the Prophet Muhammad in 632 A.D. when the question arose as to who should have become his Successor to lead the Islamic community. Wilfred Madelung (Madelung, 1997, p. 21) puts it rightly that no event in history has divided Islam more profoundly and durably than the succession to Muhammad. The right to occupy the prophet’s place as the head of the Muslim community after his death became a question of great religious weight which has separated Sunnites and Shias until the present. Historically, the event of the Saqeefa at the time of Prophet’s death is inextricably connected with the emergence of the Shia viewpoint. The Saqifa, after which the event is named, was an old assembly hall in Medina where the people used to discuss and resolve their crucial problems. It was there that, as soon as the news of the Prophet's death came out, the people of Medina gathered together to choose their leader (Jafri, 1979, p. 23). The discussion was animated, and at times even violent, for the old antagonism between Madinese eelpers (Ansar) and Meccan emigrants (Muhajirun) flared up afresh (Holt, Lambton, 2008). And, It was there that a group of Muhajirun/emigrants forced on the Ansar/helpers their wish for the acceptance of MaulanaAbu Bakr as Khalifah Azad- the Library,first successor of Aligarh Prophet, to lead Muslimthe community University(Jafri, 1979, p. 23). The Sunnis believe that Prophet of Islam had never appointed anyone as his successor and hence it was left for the people to elect their leader themselves and thus shura would be the perfect example of the wisdom of consensus, of a community newly empowered to resolve its disputes and to find the right solution. The Prophet

55 trusted them to find the right leader and that way Abu Bakar was elected as the first Khalifah (Hazleton, 2009).

However, in the meeting at the Saqeefa, some voices were raised in support of Ali, who, himself was busy in the funeral rites of the Prophet, as the rightful successor to the Prophet (Jafri, 1979, p. 23). For Shias, it was not the community but the leadership that was sacred. The Sunnis had abrogated divinely ordained power of designating a divine position by determining it by themselves. The Prophet’s will had been clear: Ali was the only true, legitimate successor to the Prophet. To acclaim anyone else as Caliph was a betrayal not only of Muhammad but of Islam itself (Hazleton, 2009, p. 61-62). Ali was not merely the rightful political head of the community but also wielded spiritual authority. He was an Imam as conceived of in the Quranic verses (21:72-73, 2:124) , guaranteeing that the community would not be led astray and providing divinely inspired leadership (Haider, 2014, p. 31). Also the central evidence of Ali’s legitimacy as successor to the Prophet was the event of Gadheer-e-Khum when Prophet had himself designated Ali as his successor in a speech made on the way back from his farewell pilgrimage, shortly before his death. Ali and his descendants were the only to be capable of interpreting esoteric meaning of the Quran, and thus was the most appropriate for the position (Tabataba’i, 1975, p. 35).

In historical reality, however, Muhammad was succeeded by three of his “Companions” (sahabah), first by Abu Bakr subsequently by Umar and then by Usman who assumed the humble title of “Caliph”, i.e. “successor” (Khalifah). Ali did not contest their election, apparently out of desire to avoid civil war. Finally, he did obtain Caliphate and ruled for some five years, only to be murdered in 661 A.D (Pinault, 1992, p. 4). Sunnis regard these four as the rightly guided Caliphs (Khulfay- e-Rashidun), but Shias consider the first three caliphs to be usurpers of the authority of the Imams, the rightful successors (Naqvi, 1986, p. 11). The fundamental disagreement on who should succeed the Prophet was compounded by later political Maulanadivisions, Azadwhich encouraged Library, further divergenceAligarh in political Muslim and legal Universitysystems, ritual practices, and theological doctrines (Aghaie, 2005, p. 42-43).

2.5 Historical Background of the Battle of Karbala

When Ali obtained the Caliphate, he was contested by the Syrian governor Muawiya ibn Abu Sufiyan, a Qurayshi and also a member of the wealthy Umayyad

56 clan. Muawiya like his father was notorious for his late conversion and its obstinate enmity to Muhammad before the Prophet’s final success in Mecca. In Shia writings, this contempt and hostility towards Prophet and his progeny remained unchanged even after the acceptance of Islam by the Umayyads (Naqvi, 1986, p. 11). Muawiya repudiated to acknowledge Ali’s ascension to Caliphate and fought against him in the famous battle of Siffin in A.D. 657 (Steigerwald, 2015, p. 42). After the assassination of Ali by Ibn-e-Muljam, a Kharijite2, Muawiya seized power and proclaimed himself Caliph of the Muslim Ummah. Although Ali had specified in his will that his eldest son Hassan was to succeed him, Muawiya forced Hassan to renounce, backed by a strong army which he had built up over years (D’Souza, 2012, p. 26). Hassan capitulated to Muawiya only after reaching a peace treaty. Among the other important conditions of the treaty the most important condition was that Muawiya Would have no right to nominate his successor to the Caliphate (Naqvi, 1986, p. 40) instead Hassan would succeed him (D’Souza, 2012, p. 26). The Muawiya after accepting all the conditions of the treaty thus became the fifth Caliph of Muslim Ummah, venerable for Sunnis but derided by Shias, for the Shias the peace treaty was but the hypocrisy and part of the Muawiya’s evil machinations to grab the power. Same happened and Muawiya reneged the treaty. He wanted to make the way clear for his son Yazid to succeed him. Thus, he left no stone unturned and ensured early demise of Hassan by instigating one of Hassan’s wives, Jaada with a promise for an extravagant payment and her marriage to Yazid for the evil deed. Jaada killed Hassan her husband with Muawiya’s favourite weapon- a honeyed drink laced with poison (Hazleton, 2009, p. 168). After the death of Hassan, Muawiya with Yazid by his side and Hussain on his mind, knew very well that if Hussain was in any way harmed, the Shias would march behind him and that would lead to deteriorating an already bad relationship between both of them. So, prior to his death in 680 A.D., Muawiya declared Yazid his successor but advising him to seek peace with Hussain and refrain from being aggressive. However, due to his deadly vanity, ignorant Yazid did not pay any Maulanaattention to that Azad advice (Al Library,-Muqarram, 2011 Aligarh, p. 50). Yazid, Muslim who was portrayed University as morally corrupt, religiously impious, and politically oppressive asked Hussain who was represented as pious, just, and capable for a formal oath of allegiance which the later refused (Howarth, 2005, p. xii). Yazid throughout Islamic history is despised as a tyrant drunkard, and an immoral man, except in the Wahabi version. The Wahabis revere him as a respectable and misconstrued Caliph of the Muslim Ummah.

57 However, the rest of the Islamic writings revile him for the abominations committed by him, such as killing of Hussain, transporting the daughters of the Messenger of Allah as captives, hitting Hussain's lips with his rod, terrorizing the people of Medina, sexually assaulting hundreds of women of Medina and setting Kaaba into blazes (Maududi, 2014, p. 180-184).

When the news of Hussain’s refusal to pledge oath of allegiance to Yazid spread, the Iraqi Muslims sent him letters inviting him to come guide them in the right path rid them of the tyrannical rule of the Yazid (Aghaie, 2005, p. 44). Hussain, who was living in Medina likely responded to the invitation and sent his Cousin Muslim Ibn Aqeel as his representative to Kufa to update him about the situation over there. Hussain himself went to the sanctuary city of Mecca for the annual Hajj Pilgrimage where he came to know that Yazid had sent spies and soldiers disguised as pilgrims to capture or execute him or anyone who expressed his support to him. Hussain didn’t want any blood in the holy place and thus without performing the annual Hajj eventually left for Kufa in a small band with most of his immediate family members including women and children and a few close supporters. While on the way still a few days’ journey away from the city, he was informed that the newly appointed governor of Kufa Ubaidullah Ibn Ziyad had mercilessly put to death Muslim Ibn Aqeel his representative along with a determined supporter who was a well-known man in Kufa. The city and its surroundings were placed under strict observation and countless soldiers of the enemy were awaiting him. There was no way open to him but to march ahead and to face death. It was here that the Hussain expressed his definitive determination to go ahead and be martyred (Tabataba’i, 1975, p. 175). However, on the way to Kufa he along with his entourage was intercepted by Yazid’s forces and confined in an empty desert on the near river Euphrates (Dariyay-e- Furaat) today known as Karbala where the battle took place. In Shia belief the only objective anticipated by Hussain, the son of the Commander of the faithful Ali was to undo the Umayyads’ innovations and remove the viciously false allegations attributed Maulanato the Islamic AzadShari’a Library,, and to attract Aligarh the attention toMuslim its clearance University and that of its adherents from the shame and the demeaning innovations which the Umayyads attached to it as well as the obvious debauchery and the merciless politics of the time (Al-Muqarram, 2011, p. 32-33).

58 2.6 The Battle of Karbala

When Hussain again refused to pledge allegiance to Yazid, his company was cut off from the river and on 10th Muharram 680 A.D., the two sides engaged in battle. Hussain’s party, numbering only about 70 combatants, was immensely outnumbered by the Yazid’s forces led by Umar ibn-e Saad. One by one Hussain’s followers and male family members were slaughtered. The combatants of Hussain numbering not more than 90 included his companions, Sons, Brothers, Nephews and Cousins. Among those killed were Hussain’s six months suckling son Ali Asgar, Hassan’s two sons who were thirteen and eleven years old (Howarth, 2005; Tabataba’i, 1975). The atrocities committed at Karbala reached to their brutal climax with the death of Hussain. The army of the enemy immediately after Killing Hussain plundered the harem3 and burned his tents. The bodies of the martyrs were decapitated, denuded and left on the ground without burial. Then the helpless members of the haram, all of whom were helpless women and girls, the children and the only three surviving male members all were handcuffed chained and taken in a caravan to Kufa along with the heads of the martyrs raised on lances. The only three male members were: the twenty-two year old son of Hussain namely Ali ibn Hussain, the fourth Imam, who because of illness could not fought in the battle; his four year old son, Muhammad who subsequently became the fifth Imam; and finally Hasan Muthanna, the son Hassan and also the son-in-law of Hussain and who, having been wounded in the battle, lay among the dead (Tabataba’i, 1975, p. 175-176). At Kufa, the governor, Ubaidullah Ibn Ziyad, is reported to have picked at the teeth of Hussain’s head with his rod. From Kufa, the captives and the heads were taken to Damascus, Yazid’s capital and kept in prison before being allowed to return to Madina from where they had originally set out (Howarth, 2005, p. xii). The event of Karbala, the atrocities done to the Family of the Prophet, the capture, their being taken as from town to town and imprisonment of the women and children of the Household of the Prophet, and the speeches made by Zainab the daughter of Ali and Maulanahis nephew Ali Azad Ibn Hussain, Library, the fourth ImamAligarh who were Muslimamong the prisoners, University discredited the Umayyads. The event of Karbala led to the overthrow of Umayyad rule on one hand and simultaneously on the other hand strengthening the roots of Shi’ism (Tabataba’i, 1975, p. 175-176). This tragedy at Karbala also led to the

59 performance of funeral and remembrance rites by the surviving family at Karbala and in the houses of the Hashemite’s in Medina and elsewhere (Al-Din, 1985, p. 104).

With the basis in the above two events, the two groups gained their modern standings as self-identifying sects as Shia and Sunni, many years after the Prophet’s death, as a result of long-drawn-out debates, confrontations, and other historical experiences (Hyder, 2006, p. 5). The history of both the sects in every branch viz. political, cultural, or religious presents an unbroken continuity until this day. However, despite their differing views, the relations between Sunnites and Shias have varied dramatically throughout history, ranging from open conflict or hostility, to acceptance and rapprochement (Aghaie, 2005, p. 43).

2.7 Branches and sects in Shia Islam

In the above discussion, we examined two narratives that hold a special place in the emergence and then gradually the formation of the larger Shia community, the alleged usurpation of Ali’s right to succession after the Prophet’s death in 632 A.D. and the battle of Karbala which led to the killing of prophet’s grandson, Hussain in 680 A.D. However, in contrast to these historical episodes a number of events took place that provided for the division or fragmentation of Shia community. The two most important of the events which resulted in the division of Shia community constitute the rebellion by Zaid bin-Ali after the death of fourth Imam Hussain ibn-Ali and the succession controversy after the death of sixth Imam Jafar al-Sadiq. These events led to the fragmentation of Shia community in to three sub sects viz. Zaidi Shias, Ismaili Shias and Imami or Ithna Ashari Shias (Haider, 2014, p. 84).

Hasan Al-Nawbakhti in his work ‘Kitab Firaq al-Shia’ (Al-Nawbakhti, 2007) while quoting the authority of some famous early Sunni historians gives a long list of Shia sects. For example, Al-Ashari has divided the Shias into three major sects, each one branches into many minor sects, Ghulat with twelve minor sects, Rafida with fifteen more sub sects and Zaydiya with six more sub sects. Each of the minor sub Maulanasects are Azadfurther divided Library, into more minor Aligarh sects. Al-Baghdadi Muslim gives the majorUniversity four Shia sects as Zaydiya, Kaysaniya, Imamiya and Ghulat. Al-Shahrastani adopts the major sects of Al-Baghdadi but differs in enumerating minor sects. For him, Kaysaniya have five more minor sects, Zaydiya have three minor sects and Ghulat have eight minor

60 sects. He lists the Imamiya minor sects as Baqiriya and Jafariya, Nawusiya, Aftahiya, Shumaytiya, Musawiya, and Mufaddaliya, Ismaliya, Ithna-Ashariya.

The three major Shia sects are briefly discussed below.

2.7.1 Zaidi Shias

Zaidi is a Shia school of law, named after Zaid ibn-Ali, the grandson of Imam Hussain and half-brother of Mohammad al-Baqir. Muhammad al-Baqir, the fifth Imam of Twelver Shias was three years old when his grandfather was killed in battle of Karbala. In him the families of two Imams were joined, for his mother was the daughter of Imam Hasan. He lived mostly in Madina and refrained from becoming involved in secular matters, differing from his brother Zaid who considered the use of force to establish the claims of the divine Imamate as vital (Hollister, 1989, p. 68). Zaid consulted with his brother Mohammad al-Baqir, who warned him not to put any reliance on the people of Kufa, with details of how they had treated the people of the Household formerly. Zaid, however, did not heed his brother's warning but led the people of Kufa (Donaldson, 1933, p. 114-115). The Zaid’s rebellion against al- Hisham, Khalifah of the time ended with the former being killed near Kufa. He was succeeded by Yahya, his son. The Zaidi continue as a separate sect until now (Hollister, 1989, p. 68). The Zaidi Shias like Ismaili and Twelver Shias follow the first four Imams, but consider Zaid ibn-Ali as their fifth Imam instead of Mohammad al-Baqir.

Of all the Shia sects, Zaidi sect is considered closest to the Sunni tradition. The Zaidis are principally distinguished from other Shia groups in their conception of the nature of Imamate. Unlike the Twelvers and Ismailis, who believe that the Imamate is handed down through a particular line of descendants, the Zaidis believe that anyone from Ali’s lineage is eligible for the Imamate. They don’t believe in the infallibility of Imams and the divine nature of Imamate. Zaidi Shias also reject the doctrine of occultation of Imam and the appearance of Imam Mehdi. In matters of Maulanajurisprudence, ZaidisAzad follow Library, Zaid ibn-Ali’s Aligarh teachings which Muslim are documented University in his book Majmu’l Fiqh (Hussain, 2017, p. 70-71).

2.7.2 Isma’ili Shias

In 765, after the death of the sixth Imam, another sect emerged, the followers of which claimed that after the death of sixth Imam Jafar ibn Mohammad, his son

61 Isma’il ibn Jafar was the successive Imam. This Shia sect came to be known as Isma’ili Shia sect (Al-Nawbakhti, 2007, p. 123). Isma’il was the eldest brother of Musa al-Kazim and Isma’ilis believe that he was designated by his father to succeed him as the Imam, but he greatly disturbed the whole Shi’ite community by dying before his father. Many believed that Isma'il was the last of the Imams, the seventh and denied that he died before his father's death (Donaldson, 1933, p. 123). They believed it as the trick plotted by his father-saying that he was afraid for him, so he hid him. They claimed that Isma’il would not die until he ruled the world and cared for the people, and that he was al-Mahdi, because his father appointed him for the Imamate after him and obligated them to accept that (Al-Nawbakhti, 2007, p. 123). Others accepted the fact of his death and continued the Imamate down to Isma'il's son. This whole group who conceived the idea of visible Imamate ceasing with the death of Isma’il or his son were known as the Seveners, Sab’iya, and they may be identified with the Isma’ilis. Karmatians, Fatimids, Assassins, and the Isma’ilis of India, Persia and Central Asia are groups through which the Sevener movement finds its place in secular history, but the Druses also, and in a way the Mutawila and Nusairis may also be traced back to the old Sab'iya (Donaldson, 1933, p. 153). The two of the sub sects of Ismailis are Agha Khan sect and Bohra sect of modern world.

The Ismaili like Twelvers accepts the Ahl-e-bayt as divinely chosen, infallible and guided by God to lead the Islamic community. Ismailis believe that Shari’a has two aspects; one is apparent, called zahir while other is hidden called batin. Zahir is known to ordinary people and batin or esoteric is known only to the Imam (Hussain, 2017, p. 68).

2.7.3 Imami Shias (Twelvers)

The majority sect among Shias is constituted of the Imami or Ithna Ashari or Twelver Shias. They recognize a line of twelve Imams starting with Imam Ali and ending with the twelfth Imam Muhammad Al-Mahdi excluding Zaid ibn Ali-the fifth MaulanaImam of AzadZaidi Shias Library,and Isma’il ibn AligarhJafar-the seventh Muslim Imam of Isma’il Universityi Shias, from the successive lineage of twelve Imams. Unlike Zaidi Shias, they continue the divine Imamate from fourth Imam Ali ibn Hussain to Mohammad al-Baqir as the fifth Imam and unlike Isma’ili Shias, they continue the exalted position to Musa al-Kazim as seventh Imam. The Imamate is believed by Imami Shias to be continued through Ali

62 al-Raza as eighth Imam, Mohammad al-Taqi the son of Ali al-Raza as ninth Imam, followed by his son Ali al-Naqi as tenth Imam, the eleventh Imam Hasan al-Askari, the son of tenth Imam and the twelfth and last Imam, Mohammad al-Mahdi, the son of Hasan al-Askari. According to Ithna Ashari Shias, God put the Twelfth Imam (the Saviour) in occultation in 914 A.D. He is alive but invisible. He must reappear to restore truth and justice and fill the earth with peace (Hollister, 1989, p. 68-95).

According to Carl W. Ernst, a fundamental assumption in Shi’ism is that God will not deny the grace of divine guidance to humanity. Thus the notion of the Imam as the charismatic leader after Prophet, who is gifted with supreme wisdom and authority becomes central to the vision of Shi’ism. Shia Muslims refer the sayings of their Imams which form a supplementary body of hadith that has scriptural authority second only to the hadith of the Prophet (Ernst, 2013, p.175).

The Twelver Shias hold belief in the impeccability of chaharda masumeen/fourteen infallibles from the holy House constituting the Holy Prophet, Twelve Imams and Fatima al-Zahra- the daughter of Prophet (Abu Ja’far Muhammad- Al-Kulayni, 2013, p. 8). This is reflected in the Quranic verses and Prophetic traditions that the Shias interpret as evidence for their elevated status. One of such important verses says:

...God’s wish is but to remove uncleanness far from you, O People of the House, and cleanse you with a thorough cleansing (33:33)

However, Sunni scholars contest this verse saying that the declaration is upon the wives of Prophet (Haider, 2014, p. 35).

Shias also believe that the shafah/intercession of intercessors on the Day of Resurrection, with God’s permission, is axiomatic in Islam. Intercession pertains to those individuals whose connection with God and religion has not been totally ruptured, and who are capable, despite being defiled by certain sins, of being Maulanaembraced by the Azad Mercy of GodLibrary, through the blessedAligarh prayers ofMuslim intercessors (Sobhani, University 2001, p. 132). And, being divine, infallibles and closest to Allah, the Prophet and his Holy family are capable to intercede on behalf of the believers.

They thus believe it is permissible to seek tawassul/way to Allah through beseeching or pleading to the Prophet and his pure family (Shirazi, 2008, p. 35).

63 The Imami Shias keep a special place for the veneration of the family of the prophet in the devotional practices. Their graves have become core points of piety, with every Imami Shia enjoined to visit them as a demonstration of love and fidelity (Haider, 2014, p. 37).

2.8 Shia doctrines and Religious Practice.

For the comprehensive knowledge about Twelver Shia doctrines and Religious practices refer to Shirazi, 2008, Shomali, 2003, Tabataba’i, 1975. The Twelver Shias believe in the five pillars of Islam, as do Sunnis, with no significant differences. For Sunnis, the five pillars of Islam constitute Oneness of God, Prophet-hood, ritual prayer, fasting and day of resurrection. The Shias too believe in the above five pillars but categorize the differently in to Usool-al-Din, “Roots of Religion” or matters of belief, and Foru-al-Din, “Branches of Religion” or “legal” matters.

2.8.1 Usool al-Din (Roots of Religion) include:

1) Tawhid (Oneness): The Divine Unity of God.

2) Adhl (Justice): The Justice of God. According to Twelver thought, God is bound by His own promise of justice.

3) Nobbuwah (Prophethood): The belief in the Prophethood of all the prophets mentioned in the Quran and Muhammad being the Seal of Prophets. This includes also the belief in their immaculateness, which the Sunnites do not accept.

4) Immamah/Imamate (political and spiritual leadership): God has appointed Twelve Imams/leaders to lead and guide mankind. Imams safeguard the Prophetic message but they do not receive Revelation. However, like Prophet, all the Imams enjoin the attribute of impeccability.

5) Maad/Qayamat:Belief in the Day of Judgment, bodily Resurrection and MaulanaAfterlife Azad). Library, Aligarh Muslim University 2.8.2 Foru al-Din (Branches of Religion) include:

1) Salaat/Namaz (Prayer):Five times daily obligatory prayers.

2) Sawm (fasting): fasting during the month of Ramadan.

64 3) Hajj (Pilgrimage): performing the pilgrimage to Mecca at least once during lifetime.

4) Zakaat (Poor-rate): paying the poor-tax.

5) Khums (One-fifth): Paying another obligatory tax. At the end of one’s financial year, it is obligatory to pay 20% (one-fifth) of all one’s earnings after deducting household and commercial expenses.

6) Jihad (Struggle): Every Muslim has to struggle hard and strive for the sake of God in different ways to make improvements to human life in general and his individual life in particular.

7) Al-Amr bil-Ma-roof: Practising what is good.

8) Al-Nahi an-il-Munkar: Forbidding what is bad.

9) Tawalla: Loving family of the Prophet/Ahl al-Bayt and their followers and associating with them.

10) Tabarra: Dissociating oneself from the enemies of family of the Prophet/Ahl al- Bayt.

Table 2.1. List of Chaharda Masumeen (fourteen Infallibles) Of Imami Shias

Name of the Masum/Infallible Year of Birth Year of Death A.H./A.D. A.D./A.H. Mohammad al-Mustafa (The prophet) 570 A.D. 632/11 Fatima al-Zahra Bint-e- Mohammad 605 A.D. 632/11 Imam Ali ibn Abi-Talib 600 A.D. 40/661 Imam Hassan ibn Ali, Al- Mujtaba 3/624 50/670 Imam Hussain ibn Ali, Al-Sayyid Al-Shuhada 4/626 61/680 Imam Ali ibn Hussain, Al-Zain-ul-Aabideen 38/658-9 95/714 Imam Mohammad ibn Ali, Al-Baqir 57/676-7 114/732 Imam Jaffar ibn Mohammad. Al-Sadiq 83/702 148/765 Imam Musa ibn Jaffar, Al-Kazim 128/745-6 183/799 Imam Ali ibn Musa, Al-Reza 148/765 203/818 MaulanaImam Mohammad Azadibn Ali, ALibrary,l- Taqi Aligarh195/811 Muslim220/835 University Imam Ali ibn Mohammad, Al- Naqi 212/828 254/868 Imam Hassan ibn Ali, Al-Askari 232/846 260/873 Imam Mohammad ibn Hassan, Al-Mehdi/Al- 255/869 In Occultation Muntazar Source: Shia Literature

65 2.9 ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF SHI’ISM IN INDIA

In India, Shias constitute minority in minority as the Muslims form the largest minority here. Jammu and Kashmir is the only Muslim majority state in India constituting 67% of the state population, out of which Shia Muslims consist of 10% – 13% hence constituting minority in majority in the State. Since, the official census is not carried in India on sectarian lines; Shias are not regarded as a minority- neither at national level nor at state level.

The early history of the penetration of Islam in general and Shi’ism in particular into the Indian subcontinent is masked in myths and legends. The historians have had difficulty in tracing that when exactly Shias entered India. Different Scholars have provided different evidences from time to time regarding the origin of Shias. John Norman Hollister (Hollister, 1989, p. 101) while writing about the steady infiltration of Shias in India says, they just came, individually and in groups, they found their way to India; by land and by sea they came; with mixed motives they came. For him, the earliest Shias (who were dominated by Ithna Ashariya), who came to India were the refugees who fled to escape multiplied persecutions under the Umayyads and the Abbasids, to seek asylum in India. However, quoting the authority of Ibn Asir, Rizvi finds earliest traces of Shi’ite origin in India during the caliphate of Ali ibn Abi-Talib. According to the quoted authority, during the caliphate of Ali ibn Abi Talib, the Arab armies crossed the Sind frontiers seizing Sistan as well. A section of the Jats of Sind had developed a deep devotion to Ali; even some went too far by attributing divinity to the Imam Ali. The concepts of the divine incarnation from their Hindu background made them members of the Shia Ghulat. From the caliphate of Ali, thus Shi’ism began to penetrate into Sind. Again, quoting the authority of Minhaj Siraj Juzjani, the author of the ‘Tabaqati Masiri Shansab’, he further states that the ancestor of the Ghurid conquerors of northern India embraced Islam at the hands of Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib. He is said to have made a covenant of loyalty with Ali and obtained a standard from him. At the coronation ceremony of the new ruler of the Maulanadynasty, Azadthe covenant Library,written by Ali ibnAligarh Abi Talib was Muslim handed over toUniversity the new ruler and helped to comply with its conditions. They became devotees of Ali (mawalit-Ali) and the love for the Imams and the Ahl-e-Bayt of the Prophet Muhammad was firmly rooted into their beliefs (Rizvi, 1986, p. 138).

66 Failing to attempt any list of Shi’ite arrivals with an exact sequential account of events related with the development of Shi’ism in India, Hollister rather observed the coming and establishment of Imami Shias by the end of 14th century in four different kingdoms. It is during these four kingdoms that Shi’ism flourished in India. These can be examined as:

I. The Behmani Kingdom (1347-1527 A.D.)

The Behmani dynasty in Deccan was founded by Hasan Gangu, who was also known as Allaudin Hasan Behman. The earlier kings of Behmani dynasty were all Sunni Muslims. The available historical records mention Ahmad Shah I as the first Shia king in India from this dynasty. These records provide two different reasons for his conversion. According to one of the references, Ahmad Shah I was influenced by Shia Saint Mir Sayyid Gesu Daraz and embraced Shi’ism in 1422 A.D. The other available reference credits Shah Nimatulla of Kirman to attract King to Shia fold after 1429 A.D. (Hollister, 1989, p. 105-107).

Ahmad Shah I was followed by a chain of Shia rulers after him in the South, the most important among them being Allaudin II and Nizam Shah (Mohammad). Mahmood III is recorded as the last king of Behmani dynasty (1463 A.D.). The Shia rulers of Behmani dynasty were earnestly devoted to their faith and took great pains in the growth and development of Shi’ism in South India (Hasnain & Husain, 1988, p. 40). The Behmani kingdom is usually said to have continued until 1527 A.D. but it passed its zenith in gory and influence much earlier. The gradual decline of Behmani kingdom gave rise to five independent sultanates until its downfall. The five kingdoms constituted Adil Shahi sultanate, Nizam Shahi Sultanate, Qutub Shahi Sultanate, Imad Shahi Sultanate and Barid Shahi Sultanate. However, The Imad Shahi and Barid Shahi sultanates merged with Adil Shahi and Nizam Shahi in 1575 and 1619 A.D.’s respectively. A brief account of the three important Sultanates which played crucial role in the creation of Shia history in south India is given below:

Maulana1) Adil Shahi Azad Dynasty of Library, Bijapur (1489- 1686Aligarh A.D.): Yousuf MuslimAdil Shah whoUniversity had lived in Persia became Shia setup an independent kingdom in 1489 A.D. with its capital at Bijapur Known as Adil Shahi dynasty. He declared Ithna Ashariya faith as state religion when he ascended to throne. His court had a significant number of Shia scholars, leaders. Thus, the period of Adil Shahi dynasty paved

67 a fertile environment for strengthening the establishment and the spread of Shi’ism in South India.

2) The Nizam Shahi dynasty of Ahmadnagar (1490-1633 A.D.): The second Sultanate that emerged from the Behmani kingdom was Nizam Shah Dynasty which was founded by Malik Ahmad within a year after the Adil Shahi founded his own. Malik Ahmed was himself a Sunni, however, his son, Burhan Nizam openly embraced and professed the Shia faith and ascended throne in 1509 A.D in Ahmadnagar (Hollister, 1989, p.109-125).

3) Qutub Shahi dynasty of Golconda (1512-1687 A.D.): In 1512 A.D. yet another important kingdom that emerged from the break-up of the Behmani state was Qutub Shahi dynasty from (1518-1687) based in Golconda. Of all the five Deccani kingdoms Qutub Shahi became the most important. It was also under this dynasty that the city of Hyderabad was founded in1591 (Howarth, 2005, p. 10).

These three kingdoms continued their independent existences until the Mughals had firmly established themselves in North and were able to turn their attention to Deccan, and bring it within their empire (Hollister, 1989, p. 111).

II. The Mughal period

The Mughal dynasty was founded by Babur in 1526 A.D. The Mughal emperors were for the most Sunnis, some of them vigorously so. However, most of the emperors kept soft corner for the Shias. The impact of Shi’ism worked not only within the kingdom but within the court and also within the families of the rulers, exerting an influence on policy framing. The Shi’ite limitations dogged Babur for years. Even Babur had advised his son Humayun in his will to always ignore the Shia Sunni mutual discord, which otherwise would lead to the weakness of Islam (Hollister, 1989, p. 126-128).

MaulanaAfter Azad the Humayun’sLibrary, death, Aligarh his adolescent Muslimson Akbar cameUniversity into the guardianship of Bairam khan, an ardent Shia. It was due to the guidance of Bairam khan that Akbar gave complete religious freedom to his subjects, which paved the way for the rise of growth of Shi’ism in India (Hasnain & Husain, 1988, p. 43). It is worth to mention the name of a famous Shia preacher Sayyid Nurullah Shustari,

68 popularly known as Shaheed-al-Thalith (the third martyr). He was a person with reputation as a devout, pious, just and learned man. He was appointed as Qazi and held his office in Lahore. He has authored many works, among them Majalis-al- Momineen in 1604 being the classic. His writings had proved a lot for the spread of Shi’ism in India. But he was gotten flogged to death by the Sunni Ullamas on the orders of Emperor Jahangir. His mausoleum in Agra is a place of pilgrimage for Shias from all parts of India. The influence of Shi’ism continued among Mughals until 1853,when Bahadur Shah II secretly declared his allegiance to Persia and became a Shia (Hollister, 1989, p. 140).

III. Kingdom of Oudh

The downfall of Shi’ite Kingdoms of South, after taken over by Mughals however, didn’t end the developmental course of Shi’ism in India. With their fall in the South, there was rise in the North India. Another Kingdom popularly known as ‘Kingdom of Oudh’ in Indian history became a new seat of Shi’ite power and rule in India. The rulers of Oudh dynasty are also popularly known as ‘Nawabs of Oudh’ in Indian history. Mir Muhammad Amin-al-Musavi, historically known as Sadaat Khan Burhan Mulk, who was Governor at Mughal empire with present Faizabad its capital virtually founded the Oudh dynasty in 1722 A.D. Coming from a noble Sadaat family, and its ancestry traced through seventh Ithna Ashariya Imam Musa-al-Kazim, and above all his long residence in Iran’s Nishapur, Sadaat Khan had earned huge respect and status among local masses as well (Hollister, 1989, p. 151). He was succeeded by his nephew and son-in-law Safdar Jung in 1739 A.D., who ruled until 1754 A.D. He was a pious Shia, and also recorded as liberal person with his soft corner for non- Muslims especially Hindus as well. Safdar Jung was succeeded by his son Shuja-ud- Daulah as the new Nawab of Oudh in 1754 A.D. who ruled in until his death in 1775 A.D. only to be succeeded by his son Nawab Asaf-ud-Daulah in 1775 A.D. The Oudh remained ruled by the dynasty through the chain of Nawabs only to be ended at Nawab Wajid Ali Shah in 1856 A.D., who was deposed by Lord Dalhousie and Oudh Maulanabecame part of BritishAzad(Hussain, Library, 2017, p. 98 ).Aligarh Muslim University

The Oudh dynasty has been instrumental in the development of Shia history in India. Under the patronage of Nawabs of Oudh dynasty, Shi’ism flourished in North India in general and Oudh State in particular. Their contribution to the development of

69 Shia faith has been remarkable. Shuja-ud-Daulah himself took keen interest in the annual Muharram observances. His widow known as Bahu begam, a pious lady built a mosque and an Imambargah near the Moti Bagh. Nawab Asaf-ud-Daulah is also noted for his munificence, and Building. Apart from other buildings constructed by him, he built world famous Bara Imambara at Lucknow that exceeds other buildings in its grandeur. Other buildings still standing belonging to his time are; the Rumi Darwaza, Hasan Bagh, Bibiapur Kothi, Chinhat Kothi and the Residency (Hollister, 1989, p. 156-157). Other important Shia centric infrastructure erected by different Nawabs of Oudh include: Shah Najaf Imambara built by Ghaziuddin Haider, Karbala Nasruddin built by Nawab Nasruddin Haider, Imambara Husainabad also known as ‘Chota Imambara’ built by King Mohammed Ali Shah. Last but not least, Nawab Wajid Ali Shah contributed in generously in the religious and cultural activities of all his subjects, Shias, Sunnis and Hindus alike. Following their rhetoric, the Britishers described him debauch and lavish ruler who did not care for his subjects and remained occupied in his ‘sexual exploits’ and thus they exiled and interned him Calcutta. On his departure send all his subjects, irrespective of caste and community in mourning and no food was cooked for three days. His wife Begum Hazrat Mahal is still remembered as a notable figure in India’s freedom struggle. After acting as a regent Queen of his son Jirjis Qadar, the last king of Oudh dynasty, she finally took up arms in India’s first war of Independence in 1857 against Britishers and exhibited outstanding ability as a leader (Hasnain & Husain, 1988, p. 45-46).

2.10 Shi’ism in Kashmir

The Shias of Kashmir constitute the Imami Shias only and no traces of Zaidi or Ismaili Shias have been yet found. The arrival of Shi’ism in Kashmir valley is shrouded in myth and mystery as is its arrival in other parts of India. Owing to the intricate nature of Shia history in Kashmir, complexities of its social evolution and the diversities of its religious traditions and popular beliefs, it becomes difficult to give the exact historical account of its arrival and spread in Kashmir. However, there is a Maulanageneral beliefAzad that MirLibrary, Shams-ud-din Aligarh Araki, who came Muslim to the valley University in the valley 1483-84 was the first to introduce Shi’ism in Kashmir (Hussain, 2017, p. 155). Even Lawrence also credits Araki for introducing the Shi’ite religion in Kashmir in 1450 A.D. (Lawrence, 1895, p. 284). However, owing to many available accounts recorded in various works, research articles and other documents in Kashmir, Shi’ism made its

70 presence in the valley 14th century i.e. right from the time when Islam spread in Kashmir (Hussain, 2017, p. 155).

The earliest date given for the introduction of Islam into the state is 1128 A.D. (Hollister, 1989, p. 141), however, it began to have its presence felt in Kashmir from 14th century, when Muslim preachers started coming to the valley from Iran and Central Asia in an orderly way. Prominent amongst these early preachers was Sayyid Sharif-ud-Din Bulbul Shah who came from Ardabil. Bulbul shah holds a key position in so far as the spread of Islam in Kashmir is concerned as he contributed considerably in the propagation of Islam in Kashmir. It is believed by some that Bulbul Shah, who converted Rinchan, the first Muslim ruler of Kashmir to Islam in 1320 A.D. professed Shias faith. Baharistan-i-Shahi which claims that Bulbul Shah was a Musavi Shia, presents a vivid picture of how Rinchan was converted to Islam, and also claims that Rinchan- the first converted Muslim king embraced Shi’ite faith. The chronicle narrates the event as follows:

When Rinchan became King of Kashmir, the valley was mostly inhabited by non-Muslims. Rinchan himself didn’t follow any religion and when he began contemplating over embracing a religion and started enquiries about the principles and laws of their religion from the savants, the learned men from both Hindu and Muslim religions approached him, beseeching him to join their fold. But the serious differences and glaring contradictions in the views of these communities sent the King in to dilemma and he could not choose the one. Their heated discussions and discourses led him to no satisfactory conclusion. However, blessed as he was with a dispensation for justice, for 'God helps those who help themselves,' he found the right path. He firmly decided that he would embrace the religion of the first man he would meet in the street after coming out of his house the next morning. He also resolved to join the community to which that man belonged. Next morning he came out of his house. The rays of the sun of divine guidance, bringing every object from darkness to light, liberated him from the darkness of ignorance and disbelief; for all of a sudden, Maulanain the neighbou rhoodAzad of his Library, mansion he saw Aligarh a dervish offering Muslim namaz (the UniversityMuslim way of praying), with full devotion. He went towards him. When the dervish had finished his prayer, Rinchan held him by his hand and brought him to his house. Then he called in an interpreter who knew their languages. He asked the dervish his name and then about his religion and the sect he belonged to. The dervish told him that his

71 name was Bulbul Qalandar, that his religion was Islam and that his community was that of Muslims. He disclosed to him that he was a member of the sect of Shah Nematullah Wali. He then mentioned to him some of the miracles performed by the Prophet, the virtues and superior qualities of Ali, the Imam, and lastly, the extraordinary feats of spirituality performed by Shah Nematullah Wali. Thus Rinchan got converted and he subjected himself to the teachings of religion of Prophet Mohammad and the right principle of the truthful path of Ali. He embraced Islamic religion with sincerity and conviction. He gave up once for all the false and corrupted religions (Pandit, 1988, p. 26-27).

Rinchan’s reign was followed by Udayanadeva and after him by Shah Mirs, who were Sunnis and followed Hanafi sect remained in the power for more than 200 years (1339 to 1561 A.D.). Shi’ism, therefore, did not receive any official recognition during their rule. However, taking over of Kashmir by Shah Mirs in the year 1339 A.D opened the flood gates of incursions of preachers into the valley. Almost all those preachers and Sufis were fervent followers of Imam Ali and the love for the Ahle-al- Bayt was deeply rooted in their belief; a sizable number of these preachers were Shias (Hussain, 2017a). The two most renowned Sufi saints who came to Kashmir after Bulbul Shah were Sayyid Ali Hamdani and his son Mir Muhammad Hamdani. The duo, especially Sayyid Ali Hamdani having deep love for Imam Ali also played a crucial role in the promotion of Shi’ism in Kashmir (Aalum, 2015).

The Ulama of Kashmir have played a significant role over the centuries in the propagation of Shi’ism in various parts of valley. Most of the Kashmiris devotedly adopted Shia faith and became ardent followers of the progeny of the holy Prophet. The historical chronicles record that the Shias started commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Hussain in a well-organized manner and for this purpose many marsiya nigars came forward to compose and recite marsiya in a most touching way (Hussain, 2017, p. 166)

Maulana2.11 Mir Azad Shams-ud -Library,din Araki and Shi’ismAligarhin Kashmir Muslim University Mir Shams-ud-din was a saint of Nurbakhshiya order of Sufism. Nurbakhshiya was closely connected with the Kubraviya Sufi order. In fact, it was considered as the continuation of the Kubraviya order, becoming a Sufi Silsila (order) itself in 15th century by the efforts of renowned Sufi Sayyid Mohammad Nurbakhsh. Thus the new

72 Sufi Order became famous as Nurbakhshiya (Trimingham, 1971, p. 55-58).The Nurbakhshiya order was much similar to Shi’ism. Like Shi’ism, there was strong emphasis on the doctrine of Twelve Imams and love for the Ahl-e-Bayt. Also Muharram was observed. However, they accepted Ijma like Sunnis. The sect gradually gravitated towards Ithna Ashariya Shi’ism and finally merged with Ithna Ashariya sect when the Safavid ruler Shah Ismail declared Twelver Shi’ism as state religion in Persia (Aalum, 2015).

Mir Araki visited Kashmir in the year (1483-84), at the instance of his mentor Shah Qasim Faiz Bakhsh son of Nurbakhshi order founded Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhshi. He did not come to Kashmir with the purpose of any propagation, but in search of medical herbs for the ailing ruler of Herat, Sultan Hussain Bayqara, who was under the treatment of Shah Qasim. On reaching Kashmir, he found that valley was an important centre of Kubrivya Sufi order. Since Nurbakhshi Sufi order was an offshoot of Kubrivya order, he got busy in educating the people about the Nurbakhshi order. He undertook the task of educating Muslims about the doctrines of Islam and painstakingly propagated Shi’ism in the valley. Many Kashmir’s got converted to Shi’ism and became disciples of Mir Araki (Hussain, 2017, p. 167). With the arrival of Mir Shams-ud-din Araki in Kashmir, the spread of Shi’ism received a further momentum in Kashmir. The period of Mir Shams-ud-din in Kashmir marks the paradigm shift period in Shi’ite history in Kashmir (Hasan, 1974).

Until the end of the fifteenth century the Muslim population of Kashmir consisted mainly of Sunnis, the Shias being numerically and politically unimportant. But with the second visit of Mir Shams-ud-din in 1502, the number of Shias gradually increased and they became politically influential (Hasan, 1974, p. 279). On his second visit to Kashmir, he came with 200 companions and started propagation of Shi’ism. He got converted the common people as well as many nobles in Kashmir. Prominent among them were Baba Ali Najjar and Musa Raina. The former handed over to him all his disciples. The latter’s conversion proved watershed for the Shi’ism in Kashmir. MaulanaHe was a staunch Azad supporter Library,of Mir Shams-ud Aligarh-din and gave him Muslimmoney to carry University on his propagation of Shi’ism. He also gave him his land at present Zadibal in Srinagar to build a Khanqah there. From this khanqah. Mir started his propagation and so successful was his mission that all the prominent chiefs among the chaks followed him. The khanqah became as ‘Khanqah-i-NurbakhShia’(Hussain, 2017a).

73 He also converted Kaji Chak to the Shi’ite fold. These distinguished conversions were helpful for the spread of Shi’ite faith because of their political power. Chaks later on achieved strong hold as a result first Shia dynasty was founded i.e. Chak dynasty. In the Chak rule, Shi’ism flourished by leaps and bounds in Kashmir. In spite of the initial success, Shams-ud-din had to face great obstacles later on. He was opposed by Sunni nobles who were hostile to the growing influence of Shi’ite nobles and the Shi’ite creed (Hasan, 1974, p. 277).

2.12 Shi’ite Persecution

Over the years of Shi’ite influence, there was the rise in hostility in Sunni nobles towards Shias. They wanted the Shi’ite supremacy to end at any cost. A few Sunni nobles conspired with Mughals and invited them to attack Kashmir and get rid of the Chak rulers. It was a period of mid-16th century when Mughal rule centered in Delhi was at its pinnacle. The Akbar treacherously conquered Kashmir resulting not only in the downfall of the Chak dynasty in 1578 A.D. but also the end of brief period of Shi’ite grandeur in Kashmir. The decline of Chaks brought the enduring sufferings for Shi’ite community in Kashmir (Hamdhani, 1970). The reign of Mirza Haider Dughlat Kashgari, a Mughal governor who attacked Kashmir in 1540 A.D., was very harsh for Shias of Kashmir. In order to perpetuate his rule he adopted the policy of divide and rule and let loose a reign of terror upon the Shia population (Hamdhani, 1970, p. 42-44). The persecution of Shias didn’t end with the decline of Mughal rule in Kashmir in middle of 18th century, but continued under the Afghans as well. During their oppressive rule in 18th and 19th century, the Afghans employed the divide and rule or divide and loot policy, fomenting Sunni-Shia conflicts to loot the valley of the huge wealth earned from its art crafts (Ahad, 1987, p. 103). However, their rule was cruel and rapacious for Shias who during this period were subjected to severe persecution. The Mirza Haider Kashgari had for his vested political interests sown the seeds of contempt between the two sects, resulting in to 300 years of organized riots from 1548 A.D. till 1872 A.D. Also known as taraaj-e-Shia, Hasan Koihami has Maulanarecorded Azad10 such holocausts Library,over 300 Aligarh years of conflict Muslim between the twoUniversity sects, in his magnum opus ‘Tareekh-e-Hasan’(Koihami, 1911, p. 559-569). These had taken place in the years; 1548 A.D.,1586 A.D., 1635 A.D.,1686 A.D., 1719 A.D., 1741 A.D., 1762 A.D., 1801 A.D., 1830 A.D., and 1872 A.D. The last two holocausts of Shia took place in Sikh rule and the Dogra Rule in Kashmir respectively. Being in

74 minority, Shias of Kashmir had been at the receiving end of this long conflict and had to pass through the most horrible period of their history facing massacres. During all these holocausts, Shia men were slaughtered in thousands, women were dishonoured, habitations domiciled by Shias were pillaged, Shrines and libraries burnt and razed to ground, and their consecrated places were desecrated. The Shias continued to live in reign of terror during all this long period of oppression. The fear for the lives and the honour of their womenfolk led the community either to go into the practice of religious dissimulation (taqya) or migrating to safety further north or dissolving in the majority faith. This led the community get dispersed throughout Kashmir. However, presently majority Shias are concentrated in Kargil, Budgam and Srinagar (S. Haider, 2010).

2.13 Shia Population in Kashmir

Although the official census is not carried on sectarian lines in Jammu & Kashmir, a rough estimate puts the Shia population of Jammu and Kashmir State at around 10 to 13 percent of the 67 percent Muslims which constitute majority in the State. District Kargil is the only Shia majority district in the State. Walter Lawrence had put Shia population in 1890 A.D. at around 5 percent of the total Muslim population in Kashmir valley (Lawrence, 1895, p. 284). According to Census conducted by an Indian Shi’ite organisation Tanzeem-ul-Makatib (Mattu, 2010, p. 504), total Shias constituted 12 to 14 percent of the total Muslim population in Kashmir in 2002 A.D. According to a local census conducted by a group of Shi’ite intelligentsia headed by Sayyid Afzal Rizvi (S. A. Rizvi, 2015), in the year 2011, Shi’ite population in the valley was 768269. The community in the state is chiefly concentrated in three districts including District Srinagar: 190863, Budgam: 185148, Baramulla: 144135 (Figure 2.1). The other districts with Shia living in less than even one lac include Bandipora: 61777, Ganderbal: 10777, Pulwama: 8620, Anantnag: 4352, Kulgam: 2526, Kupwara: 1848 and District Shopian: 116 numbers. Apart from Maulanathe valley where AzadShias constitute Library, as minority Aligarh, Shias outnumber MuslimSunnis in University District Kargil with 90% share in total population and in the Pakistan controlled Gilgit with 60% and Baltistan with over 90% (Hussain, 2017b, p. 592-596).

75 Maulana Azad Library,Figure 2.1 Kashmir: AligarhShia Majority Muslim Districts University

76 2.14 SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND DEMOGRAPHIC FEATURES OF SHIAS IN KASHMIR

Household Size

Among the 300 household samples, there are 1781 persons i.e. the household size is 5.93. According to the census data 2011, this size is less than the average district household size (7.29) by 1.7 points. However, the size is slightly more than the average state household size by 0.02 points. Nonetheless, this data can’t be compared with other Muslim communities due to the non-availability of the data.

Gender

As far as the gender figures are concerned, in the sampled population of Shias, there are 879 males as against 902 males (Figure 2.2) i.e. the sex-ratio among the Shias is 974 which is very healthy than the state and the national average.

Female Male

49.4 50.6

Figure 2.2 Shia of Kashmir: Male Female Ratio

The sex-ratio of this samples population (974) is 34 points higher than the national average (943) whereas it is 75 and 80 points more than the state (899) and the district Budgam (894) respectively. Thus, it can be concluded from the discussion of this section that the sec-ratio is comparatively richer in the Shias than the district, state and even the state average.

MaulanaAge-groups Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Age groups of a population determine its dependent and working population. Working population is usually the age group of 15-50 years. The percentage of working population and the dependent population i.e. the children and the elderly people is projected in the Figure 2.3 below.

77 14.0 13.9

12.0 11.6

10.0 10.5 8.6 7.7 7.7 7.7 8.0 7.1 7.4 6.0 6.0 5.6

4.0 3.1 2.9 2.0

0.0

Figure 2.3 Numbers of age-groups

From the above figure it is clear that the majority of the population is found in the 16-35 years, cumulatively amounting to 44.6% of the total population, which is being considered a healthy sign for the development of any society. Nonetheless the dependent population only forms 34.1% leaving behind 65.9% of the Shia population as the working population.

Ownership of House

Almost all the Shias are found to be the possessors of their houses. There are 97.3% houses that are owned by the inmates. However, only a meagre 7 (2.3%) houses were found wherein the inmates were living on rent or on sharing basis. Nonetheless, there was on household, the reasons of whose ownership weren’t found to be falling in any of the above mentioned satisfying limits.

Types of Houses

Shias mostly live in the pukka houses (houses made up of baked bricks), as about 92% (276) households dwell in their self-constructed pukka houses whereas the Maulanarest 8% Azad (24) still live Library, in the kuccha Aligarhhouses. However, Muslim the distribution University is different across rural and urban settlements as shown below ( Table 2.2):

78 Table 2.2 Household Distribution across Rural and Urban areas

Area Type of House Total Pukka Kutcha Area Rural 178 22 200 Category Urban 98 2 100 Total 276 24 300 Source: Primary Data

A house looks more house-like when it has all the amenities in it. The availability of water, electricity is essential for today’s life. Even the extent of availability of the modern means of household amenities is enough to define and describe the economic position of the household.

Source of Water

The distribution of the sources of water in the selected Tehsils is shown in Table 2.3. From the table it is clear that apart from Khag Tehsil most of the people use the tap water. However, the people from Khag have to arrange the water from outside their homes. As many as 48% of the sampled households have not the tap water arrangement in their homes, thus they have to rely on the water from the water pumps outside their homes.

Table 2.3 Sources of Water across Tehsils

Name Main Source of Water Total of Tap Water Well Water Village Both Tap Tehsil Pump Water Tank Fountain and Water Pump Budgam 96 9 0 0 4 41 (64%) (6.0%) (0.0%) (0.0%) (2.7%) (27.3%) 150

B.K. 38 3 0 0 0 9 Pura (76.0%) (6.0%) (0.0%) (0.0%) (0.0%) (18.0%) 50 Chadora 36 4 0 0 1 9 Maulana(72.0%) Azad(8.0%) Library,(0.0%) (0.0%) Aligarh(2.0%) Muslim(18.0%) University50 Khag 17 24 1 1 2 5 (34.0%) (48.0%) (2.0%) (2.0%) (4.0%) (10.0%) 50 Total 187 40 1 1 7 64 (62.3%) (13.3%) (0.3%) (0.3%) (2.3%) (21.3%) 300 Source: Primary data

79 Source of Fuel

The below Table 2.4 shows the sources of fuel used by the Shia people from the sampled population.

Table 2.4. Sources of Fuel

Fuel Sources Numbers Percent Gas 1 0.3 Fuel Oil 1 0.3 Cow Dung 15 5.0 Fuel wood/Fuel oil 2 0.7 Fuel wood/Electricity 2 0.7 Gas/Fuel oil/Electricity 1 0.3 Gas/Electricity 80 26.7 Gas/Electricity/Cow dung 197 65.7 Gas/Fuel oil/electricity/cow-dung 1 0.3 Total 300 100.0 Source: Primary data

In the Shia dominated areas, gas, electricity and cow-dung, together is used as the primary source of fuel by most of the households, as per their convenience and availability. However, there are still some households (15) that use only cow-dung as their only source of fuel, indicating that yet some percentage of Shias are devoid of the modern means of fuel and light. Meanwhile there is not a single household that has till date particularly relied only on electricity or gas as source of heat energy.

Toilet Facility

Whereas, the problems of open defecation, dry toilets, unavailability of water have been highlighted by many studies in the county, but the Shia people have insignificant numbers facing in these kinds of issues (Table 2.5).

Table 2.5 Toilet types Toilet Types Number of Households Percent Maulana AzadOpen Library, Aligarh01 Muslim0.3 University Pit 01 0.3 Tank/Flush 298 99.3 Total 300 100.0 Source: Primary Data

80 Only one household reported to go for open defecation and one has the pit available. The rest others are having the septic tank or flush type of toilet systems constructed in their houses. This indeed is a sign of healthy hygiene, whatsoever, the reasons may be.

Availability of Modern Household Gadgets

The present age is believed to be a transition from the industrialized world to the technological one. The modern day phones have not only the function of phones or mobiles but many more multimedia, camera, internet surfing, games, and what not. Thus, in the usages of telephones/mobile phones, the Shias are not behind the race. As is evident in (Figure 2.4) almost all the households have the mobile phones in their homes.

Figure 2.4 Useof Telephone

Mobile phones these days have the many applications wherein you can tune in to your favourite television programmes and that too as per ones wish. A person can easily watch the missed episodes, a feature which is not available in the television. Thus, apart from poverty, the factor may have contributed to the comparatively less usage of televisions.

Nonetheless, even after the availability of the television like facilities on the mobile phones but still it couldn’t completely wipe out the usage of televisions in the Maulanahouses. These days Azad the televisions Library, have got someAligarh attractive models,Muslim LCDs, etc University which can give a person a theatre like feeling while sitting on the couches with the family members. In these sampled population of the Shias, as, many as 81% households have the television available in their homes as shown in Figure 2.5.

81 Figure 2.5 Television use

The usage of radio is however, declining in almost every section of the society, mostly due to the usage of modern day gadgets of telecommunications. The mobile phones also have witnessed the same trend. Figure 6 shows that the percentage of radio usage which has further declined than the usage of television i.e. it is used only in about 74% of households as shown in Figure 2.6.

Figure 2.6 Extent of radio use

The technology and the means of transport are also important elements of a household that define the position in the economic hierarchy of a society. Moreover, these days it is the need of the hour to get in touch with one’s nears and dear, apart from the requirement at the odd times. Availability of the kinds of means of transport Maulanahelps significantly Azad toLibrary, determine ones Aligarh place in the socioMuslim-economic University hierarchy. The extent of usage of car and motorcycle is shown in Figure 2.7.

82 Figure 2.7 Availability of the means of Transport

As far as the availability of motor-cycle and car is concerned, it is available only in 17% and 25% households respectively. It is indicative of the fact that these sections of Muslim community are lying amongst the lower rungs of the economic hierarchy.

Household Gadgets

The availability and quantity of the household gadgets or assets also indicates a socio- economic position of a household in a society. About 39% families were found to be having the refrigerators. The figures are more or less same when we see the usage of washing machines in these households i.e. 36%. As many as 226 (75.3%) such households have the electric fan(s) available in their house. Inverters and Generators are found to be unavailable in 36% and %families respectively. The data set of the numbers of the modern household assets like refrigerator, inverter, washing machine, electric fan, generator, etc, in these areas is formulated in Table 2.6 below.

Table 2.6 Availability of Household gadgets

Total Numbers Availability of Available (%) Unavailable (%) Refrigerator 118(39.3) 182(60.6) Inverter 108(36) 192(64) MaulanaWashing MachineAzad Library,135(45) Aligarh Muslim165(55) University Electric Fan 226(75.3) 74(24.6) Generator 15(5) 285(95) Source: Primary Data

83 However, the data has revealed an interesting thing that apart from electric fans no household item except the electric fans is found in more than 45 percent households. This leads one to an idea that the Shias in these areas are financially weak. Nonetheless cross tabulation between these household items and the rural and urban distribution reveals some more facts as shown in Table 2.7.

Table 2.7 Cross-Tabulation of Household Gadgets with Areas

Area Category Availability of Rural Urban Yes No Yes No Refrigerator 0 150 8 32 Inverter 8 152 60 40 Washing Machine 7 133 68 32 Electric Fan 33 67 93 7 Generator 2 188 3 97 Source: Primary Data

The above table shows that only the generator availability is alike in the rural and urban areas i.e. at both places majority of the households don’t have this item in their homes. Whereas, in case of refrigerator, inverter and washing machine the percentage availability in rural areas is far less than the urban ones. In fact the, ratio of the availability of these gadgets is more in urban areas as compared to the rural ones. Thus, like other communities, the Shia people residing in the urban areas are doing well than those residing at the countryside.

Income

Table 2.8 shows that half of the sampled population has their average monthly income of less than Rs. 12000. Meaning there by that half of the population is reeling under the twelve thousand mark. Only 16.3% households were found to be having their average monthly income of more than Rs. 30000. Thus, the mostly the Shias of Kashmir are not found Maulanato be belonging Azad to the Library,higher economic groups Aligarh of the state (SeeMuslim Figure 2.8). University

84 Table 2.8 Total Household Income

Income in Rupees Numbers Percent Less than 3000 5 1.7 3001-6000 56 18.7 6001-9000 49 16.3 9001-12000 40 13.3 12001-15000 29 9.7 15001-18000 20 6.7 18001-21000 23 7.7 21001-24000 11 3.7 24001-27000 7 2.3 27001-30000 11 3.7 More than 30000 49 16.3 Total 300 100.0 Source: Primary Data

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 2.8 Household Income distribution across Rural and Urban areas

85 Patterns of Land Ownership

Land is the major physical asset which is substantial in the finding out the economic position of a household apart from stating its social position. There are 59 families i.e. about 20%, which are landless i.e. they don’t possess either irrigated or non-irrigated land. However, the rest 241 i.e. about 80% families have either irrigated, non-irrigated or both types of land. The details of the land ownership patterns are shown in the Figure .

Figure 2.9 Land Ownership

It is clear from the above figure that apart from the 20% landless families, 43% families are still managing themselves with a land in the range of 1-5 kanals. Only about 8 percent households have the land above 16 kanals per family. This shows that amongst this community there are negligible families which possess large Maulanafarmlands. Azad However, Library, it is pertinent toAligarh mention that fromMuslim the numbers University most families have very little irrigated land wherein they grow rice, saffron or vegetables which they mostly grow for their own consumption as kitchen gardens rather than for the commercial purpose. The numbers of households with the inclinations towards the cultivation of rice, vegetables or saffron is shown in the following Figure 2..

86 70.0 NA 60.7 60.0 Rice

50.0 Vegetables Rice/Vegetables 40.0 Rice/Vegetables/Saffron 30.0 Percentage 20.0 Linear (NA) 20.0 12.7 10.0 5.0 1.7 0.0

Figure 2.10 Crops cultivated

The figure shows that the rice and vegetables are mostly cultivated in the irrigated lands owned by the Shias from the sampled population. There are only 12.7% households that prefer only the rice cultivation and only vegetable cultivation by 1.7% of the sampled households. Thus, from this section one can conclude that the rice is the staple diet of the Shia people like most of the other communities in the Kashmir valley.

However, the families with the little land have transformed their non-irrigated, dry or hilly lands in orchards of apple, walnuts, almonds etc. The kinds of orchards they possess is tabulated in Table 2.9 below.

Table 2.9 Kinds of Orchards

Numbers of Orchards Percent Households Nil 252 84.0 Apple 35 11.7 Pear 1 0.3 Almond 1 0.3 MaulanaWalnut/Almond Azad Library, Aligarh6 Muslim2.0 University Apple/Walnut 1 0.3 Apple/Almond 4 1.3 Source: Primary Data

87 The table shows that the orchards are with only 16% of the sampled population of the Shias. However, apple orchards are found to be preferred by a whopping 73% (35/48) families rather than walnuts, almonds, pears etc. Nonetheless, there are few families that have either only the pear of the almond orchard instead of apples and walnuts.

The land and its produce place a family in the hierarchical socio-economic order. If it provides more than subsistence, then the family is surely placed at a satisfactory position in the socio-economic ladder of the society where as less than subsistence will surely make it struggle for the existence. As far as the Shias are concerned, their produce or the subsistence levels are shown in Figure 2.7.

160

140 146 120 (46.6%) 100 80 65 (21.6%) 49 60 (18.3%) 40 40 (13.3%) 20 0 NA Substantial More than Subsistence Less than Subsistence

Figure 2.7 Subsistence Levels of Households

The figure clearly states that almost half of the pupation i.e.146 households could not meet their both ends due to less subsistence from their farms. Only 14% (40 households) have their land produce more than their subsistence. Thus, only close to Maulana37% fam Azadilies get satisfactory Library, returns fromAligarh their families Muslim and the rest haveUniversity to look for some other avenues for the sustenance of their family.

88 Educational Status

Education is another important parameter, the statistics of which helps to understand the status and position of a community in a heterogeneous society. As education is pedestal to the economic progress, thus any sort of impediments in this sector will surely hamper the social development in general and the economic development in particular. The indicators of education among the Shias are discussed in the following sub sections.

Literacy Rate

The main indicator of education is the literacy rate i.e. the numbers of members of a society who can read and write. The details of the literacy are given in Figure 2.8 below.

29.6 30.0 25.0 20.0 15.0 13.0 15.0 10.9 10.6 9.0

Percentage 10.0 7.0 2.9 5.0 1.2 .5 .2 .2 0.0

Educational Levels

Figure 2.8 Educational Status

The above figure shows all the details of educational statuses of the sampled population. However, it includes all the individuals including the pre-schools or the pre-literates. Deducing their numbers, the literacy rate of the Shias is found to be Maulana67.5% thereby theAzad illiterates Library, compose 32.5% ofAligarh the population. Muslim University

Literacy Comparisons

Since the literacy rate of the Shia community is found out to be 67.5%. The male literacy rate is 81.28% whereas the female literacy rate in Shias is computed out

89 to be 53.03%. The comparison of the literacy rates with the Muslims, District, state and the national levels is tabulated in Table 2.10 below.

Table 2.10 Literacy Rates: A Comparison

Literacy Rates (in %) Area Males Females Total Shias in Budgam 81.28 46.90 67.50 District Budgam 67.30 44.85 56.08 Jammu and Kashmir State 76.75 56.43 67.16 India 82.14 65.46 74.04 Source: Primary Data and Census 2011

90 81.28 82.14 76.75 80 74.04 67.5 70 67.3 67.16 60 56.08 Literacy Rates 50 (in %) Males 40 65.46 Literacy Rates 30 56.43 46.9 (in %) Females 20 44.85

10 Literacy Rates 0 (in %) Total Shias in District Budgam Jammu and India Budgam Kashmir State

Figure 2.9 Literacy Rates: Graphical Comparison

On comparing the data of the sampled population (shown in Figure 2.9), the Shias appear to be better educationally from all other sections. But the women are Maulanafiguring Azad dismally in Library, the literacy rates, Aligarh they are more Muslim or less similar University to the female literacy rates of the district whereas they are 10 and 20 percentage points behind the state female literacy and the national female literacy rates.

However, one of the leading socio-economic and educational non- governmental organizations ‘Educational Trust Kashmir’, in its extensive educational

90 census report (2011) entitled “Do You Know”, has presented a detailed educational census of the Shias of Kashmir. According to that educational census report, the literacy rate of Budgam is 57% only. The report says that Shia community lag far behind in the educational sector than the other communities. On comparing the urban and rural areas, everywhere the Shias were found to be wanting for the educational related activities. They have remained in the complete darkness as far as the realms of education are concerned. Even the village with least literacy rate (20%) is inhabited by Shias wherein the male literacy is only 26.79% and that of females it is mere 9.59%. This speaks volumes about the illiteracy of this Muslim community, who claim that their religion started with the word ‘read’ (iqra). Whereas in practice they are found wanting in the educational scenario. One of the reasons of the less literacy rate of the district Budgam can be attributed to the low literacy rate of Shias whose population is more in the District than other districts of the Kashmir valley.

Drop-out Reason

There are various reasons that the respondents have stated for their dropping out from their schools. From 1781, 821 persons (i.e. 46.1%) are either studying or are preschools or are illiterates, thus leaving behind an alarming 960 persons from the households who have dropped out from the schools owing to number of reasons which are shown in Table 2.11 below.

Table 2.11 Reasons for Dropout

Drop-out Reasons Numbers Percentage Poverty 239 24.9 Family Pressure 179 18.6 Social/Religious Restrictions 18 1.87 Both Poverty and Family pressure 70 7.29 Both poverty and Social/Religious Restrictions 54 5.62 Family Pressure/Social/Religious Restrictions 22 2.29 MaulanaPoverty/family Pressure/Social/ReligiousAzad Library, Aligarh Muslim University 116 12.08 Restrictions Did not Pass 201 20.94 Other Reasons 61 6.35 Source: Primary Data

91 The table explicitly manifests that the major reasons of the Shias dropping out from the schools is poverty (24.9%) and not able to clear the examinations (20.94%). Nevertheless, the family pressure also figures handsomely in the list. The three figures together account for 64.44% of the dropouts. From the other reasons, that has been mentioned for the issue by the respondents, is the social and religious restriction, hampering the educational progress, which though was mentioned by a significant 12.08% of the respondents. However, it is very surprising to see that from this community 960 persons out of 1093 literates have dropped out i.e. 87.83% persons have left the school due to any reason. Thus, in this community, from the sampled population there are only 12.17% who are continuing their education without any interruption.

Relationship between educational levels and dropout rate

The reasons of dropping out are not faced alike by the genders. There are some reasons that affect a gender more than the other. The Figure 2.10 below represents the trends and the reasons of dropping out of educational institutions across gender.

160 142 140 131

120 107 97 100 82 80 72 70 57 60 38 40 34 30 31 16 16 19 20 13 2 3 0

Gender Female Gender Male Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Figure 2.10 Relation between gender and reasons for dropping out of School

From the bar graph it is clear that the male gender is worst affected from the want of education. They are the ones who have to sacrifice their education every time for their family. It is clear that one of the fat reasons for the males to drop out from

92 the schools is poverty whereas the two most significant reasons for the females to leave their studies is that they are not competent enough i.e. they can’t pass their last class and poverty. Here the girls are always ever ready to sacrifice for the poverty or letting the little budget focus effectively more on the education of the male members of the family.

Occupation

Occupation of an individual portrays his/her economic status in a society. It is very important parameter for the assessment of one’s social position also. As far as the Shias are concerned, their association with different occupational is framed in Table 2.12 below.

Table 2.12 Occupations of Shias

Occupation Numbers Percent NA 255 14.3 Government Employee 120 6.7 Business 114 6.4 Unemployed 74 4.2 Daily Labourer 162 9.1 Farmer 57 3.2 Self Employed 52 2.9 Household chores 482 27.1 Private employee 41 2.3 Student 389 21.8 Unemployed/household chores 11 0.6 Handicapped 4 0.2 Too Old 20 1.1 Source: Primary Data

The table shows that the greater engagement of the Shia people is with the Maulanahousehold chores, Azad thereby meaningLibrary, that the ShiaAligarhwomen mostly Muslim don’t prefer workingUniversity outside their homes. The studentship forms the second largest group as far as the occupational status is concerned. There are only 6.7% government employees among the Shias. However, it is evident that there is not a significant percentage that is unemployed (only 4.2%), the others are engaged in some sort of work, be it business

93 (6.4%), Labourer (9.1%), farming (3.2%), self-employed (2.9%) and private employees (2.3%).

The females and some of the males are actively engaged in many of the handicraft employments. Some have their own units and some are working on contract basis i.e. they take up a contract to polish, prepare or design different handicraft products, which is to be completed in the stipulated time. The females in their homes mostly take up these kinds of con tacts, which they attempt to complete in their free time at home. As per the data there are 296 (16.6%) from the 1781 persons that are associated with this skill. It has at times proved to be a satisfactory source of income for those associated especially the females.

Business

From the business point of view, in these 300 households of Shias, 1658 persons from 1781 are not associated in any form of business. However, the rest 123 persons have set up business endeavours of varying nature. The following pie-chart (Figure 2.11) depicts the different business establishments set up by the Shia community in Kashmir.

13 Shop 2.4 Dry fruits

5.7 Handicrafts

2.4 Contractor

Family Business 6.5 Dryfruits Apple

70 Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 2.11 Types of Business Endeavours (in percentages)

94 From those amongst Shias who are engaged in different business endeavors, more than two-thirds of the business is of the setting up of shops (on small or large scale). It is carried out by about 70% households. Nonetheless, there are few who are engaged in shop and sale of apples (13%), dry fruits (6.5%), handicrafts (2.4%), contracting (5.7%) and family business of dry fruits (2.4%).

End Notes

1 CIA: Central Intelligence Agency 2 At the battle of Siffin (37/657) between Ali and Muawiya, the followers of Muawiya put sheets of Quran on the tip of their spears, as a pre-emptive move towards arbitration. Ali, who foresaw the trick, asked his army to continue fighting. Many of his supporters urged him to accept the arbitration. Later the same group changed their minds and wanted Ali to continue the fight which he couldn’t. At this, the group left the army of Ali and were called the Kharijite- ‘those who left’ 3 The separate part of a Muslim household reserved for females.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

95 Chapter 3

Clergy, Charismatic Authority and Factionalism

3.1 Introduction

This Chapter, “Clergy, Charismatic Authority and Factionalism” deals with the fractured nature of Shia community of Kashmir. Relying on the history of Shias in Kashmir, the first part of the chapter explores the role clergy played in dividing the community among different factions. An endeavour has been made to view the role of Shia clergy in Kashmiri Shia society through the prism of Max Weber’s theory of Charismatic Authority. The concluding part of the chapter is dedicated to explore the impact of factionalism on Shia community.

3.2 Factionalism/firqadari

Shia community of Kashmir is divided into groups or factions known as firqas or paat in Kashmiri language. These firqas are subject to charismatic authority of the leader of the particular firqa, thus acting like Weber’s Gemeinde/charismatic community. Each firqa is based on an emotional form of communal relationship within and with the charismatic leader, what Weber called Vergemeinschaftung (Weber, 1978, p. 243). However among different firqas/factions there is a conflictive relationship. Thus the local terms used to denote this factionalism like “firqadari” or “paatdari” have a negative connotation, of the presence of conflictive relationship among these factions. In Shia community of Kashmir, the factionalism started due to the emergence of power relations between the two most prominent clergy-families, the Ansari family of Srinagar and Agha family of District Budgam. Over more than half of the century now, this factionalism has become a visible and a consolidated structure in Shia Society. It has left no arena of the community life unaffected. For tracing the roots of this firqadari, a brief look in to the history of Shias in Kashmir Maulanabecomes Azadindispensable. Library, Aligarh Muslim University In the 14th and 15th centuries, when preachers and scholars from Iran would visit Kashmir for the propagation of Islamic faith, Mullah Alim Ansari, who became the progenitor of the Ansari dynasty in Kashmir, visited the valley accompanying Mir Syed Hussain Rizvi Qumi during the period of Sultan Zain-ul-Abideen (1420-1470

96 A.D.). The Sultan was deeply impressed with the knowledge and piety of Mullah Alim Ansari and got him settled at Syedpora village of Zainagir paragna in Baramullah’s Sopore area. Mullah Alim imparted education to the locals and promoted Shia popularity in the region (Hussain, 2017, p. 425). He earned repute, popularity and thus huge following by his charismatic personality.

The Agha family of Budgam is a Syed family which traces its origin to Prophet Muhammad through Seventh Shia Imam Musa Kazim. In Kashmir the Agha family accepts Mir Shamsuddin Araki (1481-1526), a Sufi saint of NoorbakhShia order as its progenitor. Mir Shamsuddin Araki is highly revered by Kashmiri Shias as he had been instrumental in spreading Shia faith in most parts of Kashmir. He had arrived in Kashmir from an Iranian town Arak.

Both the Aghas and Ansaris form the upper echelon castes in Shia society. The former being Syeds, constitute the upper most caste. The Syed clergymen flaunt this caste by wearing black turbans (amamah). On the other hand, Ansari dynasty constitutes the only family with Ansari caste among Kashmiri Shias. Like other non- Syed clergymen, Ansaris also wear white turbans. The Ansaris trace their origin to Hazrat Ayub Ansari a famous companion of Prophet Muhammad (Ishaq, 2014).

As is the admitted fact that clergy plays an important role in Shia society around the world, Shia community of Kashmir has not been an exception to it. These two families produced charismatic religious figures and preachers in past and continue exercising enormous charismatic authority in the Shia community of the valley.

Apart from being the seats of religious teachings, both the clerical families had been strong economically and politically and the rest of the Shia masses around them insecure and vulnerable owing to their time and again persecutions at the hands of majority Sunni community. It is a norm that weaker sections of the society always seek an alliance with someone very powerful to ensure their security and safety. Same Maulanahas been the case Azad with Kashmiri Library,Shias who Aligarh under certain Muslim compulsions identified University themselves with the families of Ansaris and Aghas to make sure that their family members and property remains safe. Applying Weberian insights again, psychologically the recognition of these two families by vast majority of common people was a matter of complete personal devotion to the possessors of the charisma,

97 arising out of enthusiasm, or of despair and hope (Weber, 1978. p.242). Although both the families had their support and following from the very beginning, the Ansari family remained more popular till 1880’s than Agha family of Budgam.

3.3 Alignment of People towards clerics and Emergence of Power relations

The Shia community got divided on the present lines when pulpits at both the families entered in to power relations. With the division of pulpits, the community as a whole embarked on the ill-fated journey with enduring segregation and socio- economic backwardness as embodiments. Agha Syed Mehdi (d.1892 A.D.), one of the scion of Agha family of Budgam, had gone to Iraq for higher religious studies where he studied for 28 years and attained the seat of Ijtihad (jurisprudence). The popularity of Agha Syed Mehdi of Budgam had spread throughout Kashmir. He returned to Kashmir in the year 1878 A.D. and people began following him more and more in numbers. Mostly the common and downtrodden Shias came to the fold of Agha. It was because of the reason that the Shia elite class associated with the Ansari family had narrowed down the common Shi’ites’ reach to the top Ansari molvis (Ishaq, 2014, p. 75). The elites assembled under the guardianship of Ansari family against the Agha Mehdi now a charismatic leader for vast number of Shias (Ishaq, 2014, p. 75). The popularity of Agha and shifting of the very ‘Shia masses’ towards his fold led to the change in the very base of power relations between the two families. This changing of power relations between the two families and the extensive devotion of people towards them resulted in to a vertical split in the community dividing it in to two groups which came to be known as Firqas /factions and thus the emergence of an obvious conflictive relationship of both overt and covert natures between the two- the firqadari/factionalism.

The Ansari faction being the oldest came to be known as firqa-e-Qadeemi (the older faction), while Agha faction of Budgam came to be known as Firqa-e-Jadeed or (the new faction). Thus Firqadari/Factionalism emerged as an advertent response for Maulanacontrolling Azad and maintain Library,ing of power relationsAligarhby the twoMuslim charismatic familiesUniversity.

The two principal firqas consisted of strong following of people from same or different castes or neighbor-hoods, assembling under the leadership of the clergy of the opposite factions. The extended families, kinship groups and neighbor-hoods got

98 divided, supporting different factions. The stability of the factions appeared to depend largely upon their following.

Firqa Qadeem registered in its associational form with the State government as All Jammu and Kashmir Shia Association and firqa jadeed as Anjuman-e- Sharie Shiyan. However, both the factions fail to prove as associations in the sociological understanding of the concept. Thus, initially the charisma was embedded in the religious attributes of the clergy of these two families. People would approach the learned religious leader for the theological and other religious matters. However, over the period of time the two families settled themselves as the political faces of the Shias in Kashmir as well. The firqadari is not thus only a conflictive relationship among these factions in seeking and holding of the religious seats only, but, now a socio-economic and religio-political conflictive relationship. It perpetuates at the helm of power relations and strengthened after every passing day. These two clergy families have left a profound impact on the socio-religious and political spheres of the Shia community and continue to do so. The two factions were registered by the State Government and thus this yoke of segregation institutionalized and put on the weak shoulders of the whole community. It was found that until 1950’s, no Shia would be issued passport for performing Hajj or Ziyarat pilgrimage unless and until, he/she would show his/her proof of association with either of the faction.

The factionalized followings continue till date. The children are socialized to this segregational system by their families. Asking one of my respondents (who was in his 30’s) about his views on factionalism, he replied,

“Being a Kashmiri, like every Kashmiri Shia, I was exposed to a unique factionalism from the very beginning. It was a sort of benign factionalism meaning family members were divided but not extremely hostile to each other. The division seemed permanent and had a kind of religious sanctity. Everyone would consider it necessary to identify with one or the other religious cleric Maulanawho were Azad mostly s yedsLibrary,(Descendants Aligarh of Prophet). As Muslim a child I did not University know why and how our family members chose their different clerics who they considered supreme and almost infallible. Nobody would dare to question or challenge these religious centres of authority; one would do at his/her own peril. Socialization being the natural phenomenon, we as children were

99 socialized to the benign factionalism as well. As I grew up in one such deeply divided society, I also began to develop a soft corner for those clerics although most of the time tried to keep myself away from their influence and power that they wield. I was for so many years under the impression that I was away from those divisions but later realized that the division and factionalism has been quite successfully institutionalized that one doesn’t get the inkling that one is implicitly strengthening instead of impeding factionalism. Our locality has two Imambaras and I have been visiting for mourning rituals to only one out of those two. Unfortunately I never asked myself or to my parents for that matter as why go to this Imambara and not to the other one. Everyone from my generation has been doing the same by following their parents and grandparents without ever realizing that they were virtually strengthening the roots of factionalism itself”.

3.4 Routinization of Charisma and the problem of Succession in clergy families

The very nature of charisma is ephemeral and transitory. It lasts only as long as the charismatic leader and, consequently, is naturally an unstable form of authority (Weber, 1978, p. 114). For charisma to survive and move beyond its transitory nature, its routinization becomes indispensable. Among various other ways, Weber finds heredity transmission of charisma as one of the ways of routinization of charisma (Weber, 1978, p. 245). In both the Ansari and Agha families, the routinization of Charisma continued down the line to the progenies after the deaths of predecessor heads and thus each family produced outstanding clerical successors. This endured the influence of both the families on Kashmir’s Shia community till date and thus status quo of the factionalism. However, as per Weber’s theory of charismatic authority, the rule is that routinization is not free of conflict and thus the inevitable problem of succession is inherent in charismatic leadership (Weber, 1978, p. 253). Looking through the same prism, the Ansari dynasty unsuccessfully faced this rule of conflict and succession crises after the death of Molvi Jawad Ansari in 1962 when some Maulanainfluential Azad members Library, of the community Aligarh chose deceased Muslim cleric’s elder University son Molvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari as the successor of his father instead of another senior cleric of the family- Molvi Muhammad Abbas Ansari, grandson of the deceased molvi’s brother the noted theologian Molvi Fazal Ali Ansari. Majority of the followers of firqa Qadeem accepted the succession of the teenager Iftikhar Hussain Ansari.

100 However, for many people, Molvi Muhammad Abbas Ansari should have succeeded and thus they accepted him as their leader. These succession crises resulted in to the division of Ansari family and firqa qadeem as well in to Abbasis and Iftikharis. All Jammu and Kashmir Shia Association continued under the patronage of Iftikhar Ansari while as Abbas Ansari formed another association named Itehad-ul- Muslimeen Jammu and Kashmir.

The same rule of conflict in routinization and succession crises successfully manifested in Agha family of Budgam in 1982, after the death of the most renowned Agha, Ayatollah Syed Yousuf. Following the death of Agha Syed Yusuf, a bitter feud erupted in the Agha dynasty with his son Agha Syed Mohammad Fazlullah staking claim on the mantle. The claim was rejected by Yusuf’s deputy, cousin and son-in- law, Agha Syed Mustafa, with a majority of followers declaring him as the legitimate leader of the Jadeedis (Haider, 2012) This family feud led to the division of Agha family of Budgam in to Mustafayis and Muhamdis. Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan was divided in to Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Darul Mustafa led by Agha Syed Mustafa and Anjuman-e-Sharie Darul Yousuf led by Agha Syed Mohammad Fazlullah (See diagram in Figure 3.1).

Ansari family Agha Family

All Jammu and Kashmir Anjuman-e- Sharie Shia Association Shiyan Dar-ul- Mustafa

Itehad-ul-Muslimeen Anjuman-e- Sharie Jammu and Kashmir Maulana Azad Library, AligarhShiyan Muslim Dar-ul- YousufUniversity

Figure 3.1 Divisions in Ansari and Agha Families

101 It is believed that Congress and National Conference both played key role in the split with the former backing Mustafa faction and National Conference supporting Fazlullah. Divided families began running the parallel factions of the Anjuman, and both claim to be its rightful masters (Haider, 2012). Earlier some would have inferred castes of the two families as the bases of segregation and thus would colour it as the ‘factionalism based on caste conflict’, but this study discredits any such endeavor as this firqadari works at the helm of power relations with each faction trying to be assertive at forefront. This is not thus a conflictive relationship between black and white turbans but also between black and black and white and white. This is simply the game of power. Thus, changing power relations first led to the vertical split in the community followed by a horizontal one consequently resulting in to more fractures in the community, with each passing day the consolidation of these fractures. At present the four main factions the Shia community of Kashmir remains divided into are:

1. All Jammu and Kashmir Shia Association presently led by Molvi Imran Raza Ansari, also known as firqa Qadeemi. 2. Itehad-ul-Muslimeen led by Molvi Abbas Ansari, also known as Abbasis 3. Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Darul Mustafa headed by Agha Syed Hassan, famous as Mustafayis. 4. Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Darul Yousuf headed by Agha Syed Hadi, popular as Muhamdis. (See diagram in Figure 3.2)

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 3.2 Community Division and Nomenclature of the Divisions

102 These four sub-factions of Shias have monopolized the constructions, care, and, maintenance of many important Imambaras across the valley. If the Molvis took control of the Zadibal and Ahmedpura Imambara (Figure 3.3), the ‘Aghas’ reigned over the Budgam and Hassanabad Imambaras (Figure 3.4), with Agha Hadi controlling the Bemina bastion (Figure 3.5). The Ansaris however, have no such thing against their name, although he has constructed many educational schools at different places in the valley.

12 times the Imambara was set on fire Imambara Zadibal Imambara Ahmadpura

Figure 3.3 Imambaras under 'Molvis' Patronage

Imambara, Hassanabad Imambara Budgam Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 3.4 Imambaras under Agha Faction

103 Figure 3.5 Imambara Bemina under guardianship of Agha Syed Hadi

3.5 Impact of Factionalism on Shia Society

The inter charismatic conflict and changing power relations led to the disintegration of Shia community in to strong and consolidated factions following the community’s failure to assemble again as one united community. There is in fact no firqa ecumenism visible, but discord, disunity and factional condescension. These firqas continue to remain at odds with each other. This firqadari has been bane for Shia community of Kashmir. It has become a consolidated part of Shia social structure, coercive and constraining. It is functional, performing socio-economic and religio-political functions for the clergy families but dysfunctional for the community as a whole. The community is dealing with the nuisances of this institutionalized segregation from decades. The Shias are living with the yoke of factionalism on their weak shoulders from decades now. It has left a huge impact on the following arenas of the Shia social system in Kashmir.

Maulana3.6 Factionalism Azadand Library,Family, Kinship Aligarh and Marriage Muslim University

All the four principal factions consist of strong following of people from the same or different castes, kinship groupings and neighbourhoods assembling under the leadership of their respective loved clergies. What happened inside the boundary walls of the two clerical families latently resonated in common Shia families and

104 kinship groupings. The families, kinship groupings as well as neighbourhoods and harmonious relationship were densely impacted by this factionalism. Almost each family or kinship group got disintegrated with the division in the clergy families, also giving rise to conflict in family land and property. Among many cases of inter and intra family conflicts I came across during my field study, worth mentioning is a serendipitous case, of a woman in her 40’s in Khanda village of District Budgam. The village recently remained in news for the inter-factional conflict and violence. The woman supported one core faction’s status quo position over controversial naar- matam ritual (See chapter 5), while other family members were in favour of the annihilation of the ritual. There was violence in the village over this issue where district administration had to bring in to motion its law and order enforcement mechanism. Flaunting her stand in favour of a particular faction, the women described how she resisted went against her whole family and even retaliated with force against her husband and son. Also many divorce cases have been reported from the earlier phases of this factionalism, many inter-factional marriages ended up with divorces. Even these days, this factionalism continues to assert itself in the family matters and marriage process.

Among Kashmiri Shias, one person usually a religious erudite person is made vakeel-the lawyer for the marriage contract, who could pronounce the sigha/agreement of nikah. Theoretically the bride enjoys sole authority of choosing the vakeel for her nikah. She could choose anyone she believes to be a pious, just and honest. However, owing to the patriarchal orientation of the community, Vakeel is usually chosen by father of bride. And owing to entrenched firqadari/factionalism, selection of vakeel sometimes becomes a contentious issue between the parties. Each party prefers its faction leader as vakeel to solemnize the nikah. If both the parties follow the same faction, then obviously the vakeel would be their peer-their faction leader. And in case they identify and follow different factions, then one has had to surrender which always does not go well.

MaulanaThe perpetuation Azad of Library,this Firqadari is Aligarhso deep that it Muslimhas not spared evenUniversity the death rituals of one’s life cycle performed when a person dies. In most of the cases it was found that for the performance of funeral and other death ceremonies, the leader of the faction or an another associate clergy is called for performing namaz-e- janaza/funeral prayers and other remembrance rituals for the deceased.

105 3.7 Factionalism and annual Mourning rituals

The profound influence of this structured segregation becomes more conspicuous during the annual observance of mourning rituals. During the mourning months of Muharram and Saffar the firqadari becomes consolidated, concretized and the discord, disunity and gap between the factions widened. Each firqa/faction publishes a calendar of majlis and jalus to be organised under its auspice at different villages and towns during the two months of mourning.As already mentioned, Imambaras have become symbols of segregation in every Shia locality,with separate Imambaras for each faction, the segregated observances of annual remembrance rituals provides a quintessential example of a divided society. The majlis/mourning assemblies and jalus/mourning processions are organized separately by each faction almost in every Shia locality. Each faction has a collection of its own zakirs/ elegy reciters in every locality. These zakirs would recite marsiya in their own faction organized rituals only. The Zakirs of other factions are not invited for marsiya recitation, however, there is no binding on the participation in these rituals. The followers and Zakirs from other factions can also participate.

Apart from Muharram and Saffar, every year usually after the fasting month of Ramzan, each firqa leader issues a fresh calendar for marsiya-khwani/recitation season. Each firqa leader in consultation with their elderly firqa affiliates from particular localities frames out modalities i.e., places and dates for future course of majalis. It is must be noted here that each firqa/faction has an affiliated bunch of famous marsiya orators called markazi zakir/central zakir who would carry out marsiya khwani in the majlis organised under the patronage of their firqa leader. The mourning processions are also organized separately. However, the participation doesn’t remain bound but every Shia can participate.

Like many of the places, the glimpse of this factionalized ritual participation becomes viewed from the historic Ashura and Arbaeen processions in Budgam. The Maulanatwo local Azad factions form Library, two separate dayiraAligarhs known as MuslimMahamdi dayira Universityand Mustafayi dayira wherein the former representing Anjuman e Sharie Shiyan Jammu and Kashmir, Darul Yousuf and the latter representing Anjuman e Sharie Shiyan Jammu and Kashmir, Darul Mustafa. As mentioned throughout the chapter, these two firqas are the sub factions of firqa Jadeedi, the Agha family of Budgam town. The common

106 masses who have been associated with this factionalism for so many years have subconsciously construed the binary of ‘us’ vs ‘them’. Thus an unrewarded but manifested competition and factional condescension among dayiras prevail, atleast deep in the minds and hearts of the followers of each faction during the ritual.

3.8 Factionalism and Community Property

The tearing apart of communal relationship in the community has led to the division of community endowments as well. In fact, the guardianship of community endowments has been the major cause in the division of the society. Each faction wants the guardianship of major endowments. The major community endowments include historical religious centers like Imambaras, shrines and land donated to Imambara or the shrine. Historically the feud within each family has basically been for establishing control and attaining guardianship over these endowments. In the beginning years of this factionalism, The All Jammu and Kashmir Shia Association took in control the guardianship of powerful endowments, including historical Imambaras of Zadibal and Ahmedpura built several centuries ago. While as the Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan took in control the guardianship of the historical Imambaras of Budgam and Hassanabad. After the division in the two families following feud within each, the Shia Association led by molvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari took in his control the powerful Auqaf/endowment, including Imambaras of Zadibal and Ahmedpura and whole of the ancestral property. And in Agha family, the Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan (Darul Mustafa) took the control of Historical Imambaras and other ancestral property. The Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan (Darul Yousuf) has now undertaken the construction of the largest Imambara of the state of Jammu and Kashmir.

Even the Imambaras and shrines present in most of the villages and towns come under the guardianship of these factions. These Imambaras in every Shia locality have become symbols of segregation. Each Shia locality, even too little to Maulanaaccommodate devoteesAzad in toLibrary, single Imambara Aligarhhas more than Muslim one Imambara University, each faction having its own. This has resulted in to structured segregation in almost each village during the annual mourning ritual celebrations. For the construction of an Imambara, a particular faction usually asks for donations from their murids/followers only. Each follower household is supposed to pay for the construction of the

107 Imambara or some shrine. The Imambara becomes the property, identity and proud reason atleast to talk big, for the followers of that particular faction. The Imambaras are source of solidarity and unity for each faction. The community property especially Imambaras have played a major role in the consolidation of each firqa/faction and thus firqadari/factionalism. The clerical families maintain the records of the income and expenditure of these community endowments themselves and such is the widespread devotion towards the clerical families that people do not dare to ask for an audit of these community endowments.

3.9 Factionalism and Shia educational backwardness

It is an admissible reality also found by this study that Shias of Kashmir are educationally backward lagging behind other communities in the state. The factionalism can’t be ruled out as one of the reasons for this educational backwardness among Shias of Kashmir. The common masses have been discouraged from attaining modern education until recently, terming it heretic. All the factions established Madrassas in the localities of their followers. But no faction until recently established any institution of modern education leaving the masses remain educationally backward. The local madrassas, where children are taught Quran and other basic religious texts, are also symbolic representations of a divided society. In madrassas, affiliated to different clerical organizations, the children are disciplined in such a way that they identify themselves with some specific cleric or the organization managed by that cleric. It is a never ending process where new breed is being raised along specific lines of faith. The owners of these madrassas produce a breed which is loyal to them and they are concern of Islam has never been their priority. Since children are usually taught by Mullahs, one can not envisage a suitable environment developing in these restricted spaces of madrassas. One more significant problem with the madrassa education is that it is disciplinary and does not provide space to the children studying it for critical thinking or other kind of education. Thus they are trained in a specific environment that arrests their potential from going beyond the Maulanatraditionally Azad evolved Library, social rules which Aligarh ultimately serve Muslim the interests Universityof these clergy families. Another pitfall of the madrassas is the way the education is imparted. The varicose values and petty principles inculcated in innocent children turn them into submissive creatures who consider the so called clerics with long robes as sacrosanct

108 worthy to be followed and not to be resisted. After all for them resisting and questioning a religious cleric is tantamount to committing a sin.

3.10 Factionalism and Shia economic backwardness

The factionalism has exacerbated the pathetic socio economic conditions of the Shia community. Though both the clerical families are migrant families, and had no property in Kashmir, these have established themselves as the richest families in Shia community and the common Shia masses continue to remain at the back foot. The common Shia masses gifted their lands to these families, the reason being the charisma of the ancestor clergies of both the families. These offerings being attached with the religious sanctity still continue in monetary forms. These are included in the devotional practices of niyaz/nazar by the Shias. These niyaz offerings loaded with sentimental obligations may range from rupees 10 to 100 or more. Even the poorest Shia consider it abominable to do musafah/handshake with the clergy empty handed.

Every year, countless wealth is spent on the commemoration of the tragedy of Karbala, for which the commemorating congregations and mourning processions are organized throughout the year and in the first two months of the Islamic calendar i.e. Muharram-ul-Haram and Safar-ul-Muzaffar in particular. Owing to the entrenched factionalism, multiple majalis are held at one locality each time by each faction. This puts many families on financial strain. The decision of organising the majlis by the firqa leader mostly comes worrying for the poor families as the host village or town is flooded with devotees from whole valley in thousands and the households in the vicinity of the event are supposed to host them. Each household willingly or unwillingly prepares is obliged to prepare lunch and tea for the devotees which puts an economic burden on the family. The families however, can’t object hosting to the devotees as this is “Imam Hussainun dawat” (invitation from Imam Hussain) and as the Shias say, Imam Hussaini watti manz zuv ti kurban/ ready to sacrifice one’s life for Hussain. Also, Kashmiri Shias whole heartedly give money for the construction Maulanaand maintenance Azad of an Imambara Library,s or shrine Aligarhs. However, theMuslimre are more thanUniversity one Imambara in almost every Shia locality constructed by these factions and each family is supposed to donate some money for the construction of these Imambaras.

109 3.11 Factionalism and Shias in Politics

In addition to social, economic and religious functions, factionalism plays the most important role in the maintaining the status and role of Shias in the power structure of the state. This factionalism has exploited the power of people to the best of the interests of the clerical families and has blocked the ascendancy of a common Shia to the echelon positions in state politics. At some time awareness and maturity might have led people to move away from these two families but before they could do so, the two clerical families acquired political power to manage the power relations between themselves and people in general. The political power was one significant tool which people could have used but sensing trouble of losing the clout, the two families took hold of this as a last resort and never gave it up. The hegemonic tendencies of these two families are so strong that common Kashmiri Shias now feel that politics is not their cup of tea. The inferiority complex reigns high and that is the reason why only two families represent Kashmiri Shias both in mainstream politics as well as in separatist camp. The only power vested in the people is the right to vote but not whom to vote. The devotion towards the factional leaders is such that they only vote either to their factional leader if else he is in the fray or to the person whom the leader recommends. This has not only perpetuated the factionalism but also made it near impossible for a common Shia to make his mark on the political stage. The division of the pulpits never let the community to unite for achieving united political goals. For decades now, the community has been represented in state politics by members of these clans. The two clans have always supported and contested elections on opposite party seats. At present Kashmiri Shias have three representatives in the state legislative assembly. The two of them belong to Ansaris, with the leader of the faction himself and his uncle. The third representative is the scion of Agha Family. The vote bank politics among these parties leads to the violence as well. Many cases have been reported when state apparatus was applied to bring the normalcy. On the Maulanaother hand, Azad Abbas Ansari Library, and Agha SyedAligarh Hassan the Muslimleaders of Itehad University-ul-Muslimeen and Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan respectively have sided actively with the separatist camp opposing electoral politics under Indian constitution, and, demanding plebiscite and freedom from Indian rule.

110 3.12 Factionalism and Violence

These Firqas/Factions in which Kashmiri Shia community is divided are always caught up in a conflictive relationship. There have been a series of disputes and violent confrontations among the factions in the past and continue intermittently. Describing how this conflictive relationship usually turned in to riots, Munshi Mohamad Ishaq (Ishaq, 2014, p. 83-84) recalls two incidents of riots that took place between the two primary factions i.e., firqa Qadeem and firqa Jadeed. One of the incidents took place in Ichigam village, now a census town in District Budgam. The strain and discord in the relations had brewed up among the followers of the two factions in the village from 1947 A.D. when an Imambara cum mosque, constructed by the whole village was annexed by one of the faction. In year 1967, the spark to the discord was provided by the disagreement between the two factions on the rout of the zuljanah procession in the month of Muharram. On the day of ritual procession, there was an outburst of this brewed up discord resulting in to a bloodshed fight between the two factions. The people thrashed each other with sticks, and even desecrated the symbolic artefacts. While investigating about the same incident was shown a cloth of an Alam that was torn on the day of incident. Another incident of violence between the two factions had occurred in Balhama village of District Srinagar in 1968. The two factions in this village fought over the ownership of an Imambara which led to the death of one person. The state administration had to deploy police and army to restore normalcy in the village.

The violent confrontations between the factions usually take place during state legislative assembly elections when the followers of the opposite factions campaign for their respective leaders. Recent such violent confrontations have been in 2014 elections in Pattan area between All Jammu and Kashmir Shia Association supporters and Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Darul Yousuf supporters and in 2008 elections between the offshoots of Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan in Budgam. Maulana3.13 Decline of CharismaAzad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Till recently, the common Kashmiri Shias couldn’t muster the courage to challenge this factionalism because these two families because Aghas and Molvis have over the years created a strong apparatus that they could use at will to crush and quell any dissenting voice with brute force. However, with the spread of both modern

111 and religious education in Shia community, the charisma and thus popularity of the two clergy families has shown a slight decline over the last decade. At present Shia community of Kashmir has hundreds of Iraq and Iran returnee non-Agha family and non-Ansari religious scholars and molvis and hundreds still studying in the religious seminaries over there. These molvis have well established themselves as alternative to the traditional factional leaders whose families have been dominating and exploiting the uneducated Shi’ite folk of Kashmir for almost more than a century. This has resulted in to the decline of charisma and thus popularity of the two families, atleast in the religious affairs. The community is no longer dependent on these families for religious matters. Also, owing to the movement against this consolidated and entrenched factionalism and hegemony of the two clergy families over decades, various small Shia organisations headed by non-firqa affiliated molvis have come in to being which have created awareness among youth about the consequences of this centuries old disease of structured segregation.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

112 Chapter 4

Family System and Marriage Ritual Practices

4.1 Introduction

Family and Marriage are the two universal institutions found in all primitive and modern societies. It is through these institutions a man sustains continuity of his race and accomplishes sexual satisfaction in a legitimate, recognised and harmonious manner. The marriage has been associated with religion in almost all the societies of the world. In Islam, marriage follows a strict protocol. It is both a legal contract as well as a social agreement. The law aspects of Islamic marriage are same for Muslims everywhere; however, the customs, ceremonies and rituals in the wedding celebrations vary widely depending on the culture and local traditions of the country, society or the geographical setting. The chapter will discuss their family patterns and will focus on the marriage along-with its important ritualistic practises in the Shias of Kashmir.

4.2 Household Leadership

The field data shows that the Shia community in Kashmir is highly patriarchic. When asked about the authority and headship of the household, it was found that out of 300 samples almost 291 (97%) households are headed by the male members whereas the remaining 9 households i.e. 3% are headed by the females. The 3% female headed were not matriarchic in the real sense but due to the death of the male of the household the headship had come on to the shoulders of the eldest female of the house.

4.3 Family Organization

These days due to various factors of change on the different social institutions, the family has also witnessed changes with time. The increasing trends of the nuclear Maulanafamilies Azad among Muslims Library, were witnessed Aligarh like other communitiesMuslim by University the process of social change as have been explained in the form of westernization and modernization. Likewise, in the Shias of Kashmir, apparently it looks that these factors of change have also made their presence felt. The types of families i.e. joint

113 and nuclear, as observed in Shias is depicted in the pie chart (Error! Reference source not found.).

Joint Nuclear

117 (39%) 183 (61%)

Figure 4.1 Joint and Nuclear Family Numbers

As the figure shows that there are only 39% of families (i.e. 117 out of 300) which are joint, whereas the rest (61%) are nuclear in nature. Apparently, it seems that the Shias are also following the trend of settling into the nuclear families with time. As per the local narratives, earlier people preferred to live together for number of reasons, which aren’t enough for them these days to live together. There may be reasons of education, jobs, or others which force people to migrate or look for nuclear families.

If the trend is searched as per the regions located in the urban and rural areas, only a meager difference is observed from the above general trend but surprisingly in reverse direction i.e. joint families are found more in the urban areas than in the rural areas. In the urban areas, 42% households were living jointly whereas in rural areas, the percentage dropped to 37.5%. Hence, from this section it can be observed that the Shias of urban areas live jointly more than the Shias located in the rural areas. The Maulanainteresting trend Azad can be further Library, simplified by Aligarhlooking at the respectiveMuslim selected University areas. The figures obtained are shown in the following graph.

114 70 70 66 62 62.5 61 58 60 P 52 48 e 50 42 r 38 37.5 39 c 40 34 e 30 30 n t 20 a g 10 e 0 Budgam Budgam B.K.Pora Khaag Chadora Rural Total (Urban) (Rural) (Total) Joint Nuclear

Figure 4.2 Joint and Nuclear family Distribution across different areas

The above graph (Figure 4.2) shows that in all the areas wherever the Shias are located, the nuclear families are more than the joint ones. The trend can be observed more in those rural areas, which are far from the vicinity of Budgam tehsil itself. Thus, the rural areas prefer to live in the nuclear households more than the urban ones. However, the exact reasons behind this interesting outcome can be the objectives of the researches to follow in this regard.

4.4 Marriage: Practices and rituals

4.4.1 Marital Status

Marital status projects the numbers in the population who have married. But here in addition to it, it will be interesting to see that are the blood relations being preferred in marriage or not. The details of marital status are given in Table 4.1 below: Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

115 Table 4.1 Marital Status

Marital Status Numbers Percent NA 216 12.1 Single 707 39.7 Married 800 44.9 Divorced 02 0.1 Widowed 53 3.0 Separated 03 0.2 Total 1781 100.0 Source: Primary data

The table shows that apart from 216 children i.e. 12.1% of the total population, 700 people (39.7%) people are single and the rest (48.2%) are married. Amongst the married there are 2 divorced persons, 53 persons widowed, whereas only 3 persons were found to be separated. This means that the divorce rate among Shias is very less than the other sections. It may be due to the fact that in the Shia sect of Muslims, the oral narration of talaaq (I divorce you) three times is not considered divorce as is easily acceptable in other sects.

4.4.2 Age at Marriage

There are many factors that determine the age at marriage. Various socio- economic, educational, political and cultural reasons have been pedestal to the oscillation of preferable marriageable age. Amongst the Shias the marriageable age is mentioned in Table 4.2 below.

Table 4.2 Age at Marriage

Age at Marriage Numbers Percent (Years) NA 916 51.4 10-15 57 3.2 16-20 336 18.9 21-25 283 15.9 Maulana Azad26-30 Library,144 Aligarh Muslim8.1 University 31-35 36 2.0 36-40 06 0.3 Above 40 03 0.2 Total 1781 100.0 Source: Primary data

116 As is evident from the above table, in Shias 51.4 % persons are unmarried owning to number of factors. There are 71.5 % persons whose marriageable age falls between 16-25 years. Thus, it can be said that the marriages in Shias are solemnized at a very appropriate age/time, which is also highly desirable and asked for as per the Islamic guidelines. The detailed marriageable age data among this community is shown in Figure 4.3 below.

38.8 40 32.7 30

20 16.6 Percentage 6.59 10 4.16 0.69 0 0.35

Age at Marriage(Years)

Figure 4.3 Age at Marriage in Married Persons only

4.4.3 Marriage within blood relation

There are different communities that are strictly endogamous. Similarly in Muslims some caste groups like Syeds practice endogamy. It would be very interesting to see what sort of marriages is preferable in Shia Muslims. Here the data has been gathered in asking whether they the married couples had any blood relations or not. Thus, in a covert manner it is attempted to see whether these people are endogamous or not. The details of the responses are shown in Error! Reference source Maulananot found. Azadgiven below Library,. Aligarh Muslim University

117 Blood Relations with Spouse

28%

Yes No

72%

Figure 4.4 Blood Relations with Spouse

The figure shows that the Shias don’t prefer the marriages among their own relatives. Apart from the 51.9% persons who are single for any reasons or haven’t reached to the marriageable ages, there are only 28% that have preferred their marriage partner to be amongst their own relatives. The rest i.e. 72% persons have married outside their own relatives. Thus, the fact is established that the Shias are not endogamous in nature but it can be said that these are mostly exogamous in nature. However, it was found that if not much rigorously, but Syeds still follow endogamous pattern. They prefer a spouse for their sons or daughters from the Syed families only. In Ichigam village, now a census town, not a single example of Syed and non-Syed marriage was reported from the last 35 years. Only one such marriage has taken place before 35 years, in which Syed male was married to a non-Syed female. In the matters of marriage, the Syeds reflect what Srinivas terms horizontal solidarity while studying castes among the Coorgs of South India (Srinivas, 1952, p. 31-32). They will look for a Syed boy or girl for marriage in other villages if not found in one’s own village.

4.4.4 Selection of Spouse

Earlier mate selection among Shias of Kashmir used to be in the jurisdiction of Maulanamoul/mouj (parents Azad) and zither Library,(elders) of theAligarh family only. MuslimHowever, now -aUniversity-days a belief in the joint selection by parents and children is gradually replacing that monopoly. Though cases of individual selection (i.e., selection by children themselves) are not rare, in majority of the cases however, mores, social etiquettes and the patriarchal setup force the ladke/koor (boy/girl), particularly the koor (girl) to

118 accept the decision taken by the parents, even if the decision goes against her wish to marry a person of her choice. Now-a-days selection of mate is usually done through a manzimyor (go-between). A manzimyor may be a professional one in the field or sometimes a relative, friend, or anyone knowing both the parties, serendipitously becomes a go-between by fixing that particular marital knot. A professional manzimyor gets money and clothes from both the parties as gifts for helping to tie the knot. The manzimyor remains present at every ritual from the day of tying the knot till marriage, and accompanies the parties whenever they visit each other’s house for any particular ceremony.

4.4.4 Initiation of the negotiations

Among Shias of the valley, initiation of negotiations starts from the boy’s side. The manzimyor initiates the process by giving the details to each party about their would-be relatives. In many cases, close relatives or friends of the would-be couple themselves work for the match-making. If the marriage proposal comes from a relative or friend, the two families start the process of marriage just after a formal verification. In case the proposal comes from an unknown family, both the parties start enquiries about one another. Earlier, with the intention of seeing a girl, few ladies from the boy’s side would suddenly visit the house of the girl on one pretext or the other. The parents and the elders of the girl could understand that the boy’s side had come to see the girl. Their coming was usually conveyed by the manzimyor or they could be even taken by surprise. The main purpose of this visit would be to enquire about the physical fitness of the girl. In one way or the other the ladies would investigate: if the girl has some handicap in walking, speaking, listening and seeing even they would skilfully check if the girl is bald etc. Education of the koor was not among attributes to look for. The ladies after entering the house would ask for a glass of water which was usually sent through that particular girl. The visitors would see her and talk to her before leaving. Their decision was sent latter on through the manzimyor. However, now-a-days, there are various means to see the boy or girl. If Maulanathe ladke/ Azadkoor is employed Library, or studen Aligarht, the opposite Muslimparty goes to his/herUniversity office or educational institution to see and investigate about him/her appearance and character. Similarly, if they are involved in any other profession or business, they can be seen at their respective work places. The investigations in all the cases are made from different sources including friends, relatives, colleagues and well-wishers and,

119 sometimes, even from the neighbours to verify the details. The investigation usually revolves around the individual attributes like education, character and economic standing of the ladke/koor (boy/girl) and also the social and economic status of the family and relatives. It was found during the investigation that, caste, as an attribute among non-Syed Shias, does not play any decisive role in the selection of spouse. However, Syed families still find caste as an important attribute for the mate selection. For meeting of the would-be mates with each-other, usually the kor-i-mol (girl’s father) is asked to send his daughter to some particular place, like some garden or a shrine or any relative’s house where she can meet the boy. The girl is usually accompanied by her elder sister or an aunt or by her friend. After seeing each other, both ladke/koor inform their parents about their willingness or unwillingness. If they are satisfied with each other, the two families proceed on to tie the knot and eventually become the soeni (conjugal kins).

4.4.5 Istikhara/ Mashwara

The istikhara ritual is strongly rooted in the culture of the Shia Muslims, especially those of Iran, India and Pakistan. Istikhara means seeking opinion and goodness of Allah. Shias strongly believe in performing istikhara i.e., asking exalted Allah for his opinion whenever they intend to do an important task. Shias believe that istikhara provides the best answer in any matter associated with both worldly and religious life for which the ritual is performed. In the process of mate selection, sometimes one or both the parties end up in dilemma whether to tie the particular marital knot or not. In such case one or both the parties perform traditional istikhara. The ritual can be performed by anyone who knows how to perform it, but parties usually approach a Peer Sahab –an Islamic erudite, pious and godly person. One of the simplest ways this istikhara ritual is performed is as under:

(i) The Peer Sahab keeps in mind the niyat, i.e., the task, with the intention of doing it.

Maulana(ii) Then he Azad recites S alawatLibrary,- salutations Aligarhthree times onMuslim the Prophet University and his progeny, which is follows:

ALLAAHUMMA S'ALLI A'LAA MUH'AMMADIN WA AALI MUHA'AMMAD

O Allah, May you bestow peace and honour on Muhammad and his family

120 (iii) Finally he holds Tasbeeh- a rosary at two different ends by his left and right hand. Then From both the sides he starts moving two beads at a time. If only one bead remains in the end, then the answer is “do what you want to do” and if two beads are left then the answer is “do if you wish to” and if no bead remains, the answer is “do not do it”.

4.4.5.1 Sitar-Bhagnai

The two parties after the due verification about each other try to find if the intended would-be couple possess compatibility in the sitar-bhagnai (astrological matching of stars). This ritual finds no place among the Islamic etiquettes of marriage and thus not practised by all. This ritual, being an essential part of Hindu culture, has been imbibed by Shia culture of the Kashmir from the Pandit community of the valley. If the parties find compatibility in sitar-bhagnai of the intended would-be couple, they proceed and tie the ladke and koor in marital knot. Although, Sitar Bhagnai ritual is denounced by the Ullamas –erudite theologians of the community, this ritual however, practised among the Shias of Kashmir as an important tradition in the mate selection for marriage.

4.4.6 Thaff-traven/ Pyalas-travun:

The first ceremony after both the parties are willing to tie the marital knot is called thaff-traven (to catch hold of) or pyalas-travun (putting in the cup). Pyalas- travun is the basic and important ceremony, held at bride’s house. In this ceremony, one or two or few elderly members from the boy’s side visit the girl’s side. They are served with tea or sometimes a complete feast also. Then one of the visiting members puts an envelope filled with some money on the same plate containing pyale/cup or simply gives the envelope to the bride. The usual figures of the money put in the envelope are 101 or 505 and now-a-days 1011. In many cases some gold ornament is also presented to the girl. This ceremony marks the beginning of new conjugal kinship tie between the two families in general and the couple in particular. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University 4.4.7 Engagement/ Laket-nishani

Nishani - engagement is completed in two phases. First the boy’s side visits the girl’s side called nishani. Second the girl’s side visits the boy’s side called hazir- khane. The date for Nishani is fixed just after the thaff or pyalas-travun ceremony.

121 Nishani can either be nabad-nishani/ laket-nishani (Little engagement) or nikah- nishani/baed-nishani (Big engagement), the latter being the compulsory, without which the consummation is not possible. If parties decide to hold nabad-nishani-little engagement after the thaff-traven ceremony, the compulsory nikah-nishani is hold in the future, at times, on the same day of Khandar-marriage itself. And, if they decide to straightaway hold the nikah nishani after the thaff-traven ceremony, the nabad- nishani ceremony itself becomes insignificant. The dates for either of the nishani are fixed by the mutual consent of both the parties with the help of manzimyor. In case of nabad-nishani only engagement is done. The guests present gold ornaments, gifts, money and clothes including both bridal and non-bridal suits to the girl as a token of love.

4.4.8 Nikah/Baed-nishani- Big engagement

Nikah/Baed-nishani is the most important ceremony of a Shia marriage. Nikah consecrates the marriage contract after being accepted by both the parties. Nikah ceremony takes place any time prior to the consummation of marriage. In case nikah is not performed soon after the thaff-traven ceremony, then the ceremony usually takes place a on the day of khandar/marriage. Nikah ceremony is held at bride’s house, but the festivities take place at both the houses. In theory, the ceremony simply consists of the groom’s proposal and bride’s acceptance known as Ijab-e-Qubul after agreeing upon the amount of mahr to be paid by the groom to the bride. However, it is not as simply practiced, but along with other rituals that have developed over a period of time. During the night before the nikah ceremony, ceremony takes place at both the houses. The relatives, neighbours and friends of both the bride and groom assemble at their respective houses for the maenz/mehndi ceremony. The close friends of the bride dye her hands and feet with maenz/mehndi/henna (Lawsonia Inermis1) and the friends of groom apply maenz on his right hand’s little finger. All this takes place amidst the singing of wanvun-Kashmiri folk songs by the female folk. The people present are served kehwa2- the famous Kashmiri hot drink. Now-a-days a full feast of wazvan is Maulanaprepared and served Azad to the Library, friends, relatives Aligarh and neighbours, Muslim invited on the Universitynikah ceremony.

The following day, one person from the bride’s side comes to the groom’s house with kokar deigh3-chicken filled vessel. In the past a separate batteh trami (tray

122 filled rice and other dishes) was sent to the groom’s house especially for the groom himself as he couldn’t visit the bride’s house on the nikah ceremony, if the ceremony took place before actual day of marriage. However, these days, this simple tray has been replaced by tramuv deigh (copper vessel) filled with cooked chickens along with other dishes of Kashmiri wazvan. The containers containing these varieties are covered by costly and adorned cloth, mezeposh. Also, hushkaent4- a gold ornament for hushh- the mother-in-law of the bride is sent along with.

On the same day close relatives of the groom visit the bride’s house. In case the nikah ceremony is hold before actual day of marriage, the groom does not accompany the party. In olden times, only the male members would visit the bride’s house on the occasion of nikah nishani, but, now-a-days there is no gender bar on these visits and both male and female members from the boy’s side could visit the girl’s house. The party usually includes goubre-moul/goubre-mouj-father/mother of the groom respectively and one molvi also, who officiates the nikah ceremony. There may or may not be another molvi invited for the same by the bride’s side. The nishani waeli- guests, who come for the nikah ceremony, are welcomed to the bride’s house amidst the singing of wanvun by the women folk from the bride’s side. The party is showered with sweets and candies. The elderly males from both the sides negotiate the conditions of marriage contract. The three most important conditions of the contract to be settled are:

I. Amount of Mahr- the bridal gift to be given to the mahrin.

The groom being absent on the occasion is represented by his wali5, usually his father or guardian, who negotiate the amount of mahr with the wali of the bride, usually her father or guardian. The bride and groom have very little say in deciding the amount. The mahr is usually given in cash or in other forms also like land, house or any other property. Few decades earlier, the amount of mahr agreed upon used to be less, few 100 or few 1000 INR. But, now-a-days a huge amount is fixed and agreed upon. In some cases, the amount goes beyond one lac. The amount of mahr agreed Maulanaupon is documentedAzad Library,by the molvi on theAligarhnikah namah /marriageMuslim docume Universitynt. II. The mode of the payment of mahr

The mode of payment of mahr may be wasul-e-mahr/moajjal6-paid instantly at the nikah ceremony itself or the payment may be muwajjal7/deferred to the near future. Usually a part of the mahr is paid moajjal and the rest muwajjal.

123 III. Naming of the Vakeel- Lawyer

Among Kashmiri Shias, one person is made vakeel-the lawyer for the marriage contract, who could pronounce the Sigha of nikah8. This vakeel is usually a religious and a knowledgeable person. This could be the accompanying molvi also. Theoretically the bride enjoys sole authority of choosing a vakeel for her nikah. She could choose anyone she believes to be a pious, just and an honest. However, owing to the patriarchal orientation of the community, vakeel is usually chosen by father of bride. It must be highlighted here that due to entrenched firqadari/factionalism in Kashmiri Shia society, selection of vakeel sometimes becomes a contentious issue between the parties. Each party prefers its peer-faction leader (see factionalism in Kashmiri Shias) to be chosen as the vakeel to solemnize the nikah of their son/daughter. If both the parties identify with the same faction, then obviously the vakeel would be their peer-their faction leader. And in case they identify and follow different factions, then one has to surrender, usually the grooms family.

After agreeing upon the amount of mahr, its mode of payment i.e. moajjal or muwajjal, and the vakeel for the blessed contract, the molvi along with one or two elders from the bride’s side goes to the women’s camp for the formal consent from the bride. The bride in the mahrin-bridal attire is surrounded by the women folk including the female guests from the groom’s side. The women here enthusiastically keep singing wanvun of religious nature (see 4.18 Wanvun). The molvi reads loud the conditions written on nikahnamah which the elders have agreed upon and subsequently asks the bride if she accepts the person concerned (groom) as his husband on the conditions settled by their parents. The bride calls her parents by her side as a token of love and respect, asking them if they are happy and should she give her consent. The parents give their affirmation and pray for her prosperous married life. The bride shyly gives her consent and puts her signature or thumb impression on the nikahnamah. The audience collectively recite Salawat 9 on Prophet and his progeny and seek their blessings for the couple. The nikah namah is then signed by Maulanasome responsible Azad persons as Library, the witnesses of Aligarh the contract. After Muslim the signing ofUniversitynikah namah, the groom’s side distribute nikah sheerni-sweets among the people present there. And then starts a lavish refreshment and feast. The guests are served with the traditional wazvan. After enjoying the feast, the guests give presents and gifts to the bride as a token of love. The groom’s side also present sonne-gold jewellery to the

124 bride called jaidadh. This jaidadh along with vardhan- clothes for the bride are presented to the bride after showing them to the relatives of the bride and other people, especially ladies folk present there. The nearest relatives from the groom’s side present their individual gifts to the bride. These gifts may either be in gold or in cash. The groom’s family also bring with them maeve majmeh- big round trays filled with sweets, candies and dry fruits. Now-a-days, one separate maeve majmeh is brought for the bride which she is supposed to distribute among her yasse-friends who come for next coming days come for mubarkas (felicitations) to the bride for the newly tied knot.

On returning back, similar affirmation is then sought from the groom by the molvi. The molvi asks the bridegroom three times whether he accepts the woman concerned as his wife with the amount of mahr as settled and he answers in the affirmative. Then some responsible persons from amongst the audience sign the nikahnamah (marriage document) as the witnesses. The molvi gives the nikahnamah/vakalatnamah to the father of the groom who goes to the vakeel-the lawyer to get his signature and complete the last and essential part of the ceremony. The vakeel reads loud the nikahnamah and then pronounces the sigha of nikah putting his signature on it. This signing, of nikahnamah by vakeel completes the nikah ceremony.

4.4.9 Hazir-khan/Mubarak

Hazir-khan /mubarak ceremony includes the first visitation to the groom’s house by the bride’s family. Hazir-khan, a part of the nishani/engagement, is theoretically a simple ceremony, meaning to offer felicitations for the newly tied knot to the groom’s family by visiting them. However, this simple ceremony usually costs less or more than one lac INR to the bride’s family. The bride’s family starts preparations for hazir-khan ceremony soon after the completion of nabad-nishani or nikah nishani. On the day fixed, some close relatives and friends from bride’s family Maulanavisit the groom’sAzad house. Library, It must be noted Aligarh here that parents Muslim of the bride Universitydo not visit the house of their soeni-grooms family until the consummation of marriage. The visiting party come along with haiziree that consists of gifts and presents for the groom, his family and even for his secondary and tertiary kins. The gifts for the groom usually include a complete shaving kit, garments, a watch, shoes, groom slippers, golden

125 ornaments- one or more rings, a chain, a tie pin and a brooch for the coat. It was also found that many boys with religious leaning and well versed in Islamic etiquettes do not accept the gold ornaments as Islam does not prescribe a male Muslim to wear gold. It is declared haram-forbidden for a Muslim man. The hazir-khan also consists of the maeve-majmeh- big round trays filled with sweets, candies and dry fruits. These sweets and candies are distributed among relatives and neighbours by the groom’s family. After the hazir-khan ceremony, the families are free to visit each other’s house except groom, bride, koori moul/father and koori mouj/ mother of the bride.

4.4.10 Visitation on festivals

From the day of thaff traven-catch hold ceremony till the marriage, both the families keep visiting each other except groom, bride and her parents. The parents of the bride do not usually visit house of the groom till the consummation of marriage. However, in case of any tragedy like death of a member or a relative from groom’s side, the duo can visit for consolation purpose. Otherwise, they are usually invited by groom’s family on satmi-doh- seventh day after marriage when they head the entourage to bring back their daughter along with groom to their house first time after marriage. The first visit on each festival is made by the boy’s family and subsequently by the bride’s family. These visitations are marked by the exchange of gifts between the families. These gifts and presents which include garments or cash and in some cases golden ornaments also are usually meant for the boy and girl. During the course from the Nishani to marriage, a number of such visitations are made by both the families. The various such occasions can be categorised as:

a) Religious Festivals and occasions

The families customarily visit each other on chief religious festivals and other auspicious days. Amongst the chief Muslim festivals which are commonly celebrated by both Shia and Sunni communities include: Maulana Eid-ul-fitr Azad(The first dayLibrary, of the tenth Islamic Aligarh Month Shawal Muslimafter one monthUniversity of fasting)  Eid-ul-Azha (Tenth day of the eleventh month of Islamic calendar)  Eid-e-Milad-un-Nabi (Birth anniversary of Prophet of Islam on 17th of the third Islamic month Rabi-ul-Awal)

126  Shab e Baraat (The night of records as well as birth anniversary of 12th Imam on 15th of Shabaan)  Maeraj e Aalam (The ascension of Prophet to skies to visit Allah)  Iftar/Roza kusha (An eatable sent to the bride for breaking her fast in the month of Ramazan): During the holy month of fasting, Ramazan, there is the tradition of Iftar/Roza kusha- opening the fast in Muslim world. In Kashmir, Shia families visit and bring fruits, cooked chicken and firin 10 for the bride and groom, break the fast.

Apart from these common Muslim festivals, Shia community has a number of specific occasions to celebrate. The families visit each other on these auspicious occasions with gifts and presents for the would-be couple. These occasions include birth anniversaries of Chaharda Masumeen- the fourteen infallibles and historical events important for the development of Shi’ism and Shia identity. The main among these occasions are:

 Eid-e-Maulud-e-Kabba (Birth anniversary of Ali, the first Imam on 13th of the seventh Islamic month Rajab ul Murajab)

 Eid e gadeer (Birth anniversary of Ali, the first Imam)

 Youm-e-Wiladat –e-Imam Hussain (Birth anniversary of Hussain the third Imam on 3rd of the eighth Islamic month Shabaan)

 Eid-e-Mubahala (24thday of eleventh month of Islamic calendar, Zilhaj)

b) Social ceremonies

The families visit each other on the social ceremonies like marriage Khandar or Mubarkas- felicitation on the birth of a child in the family. In the former case, the guests are treated as most special, given utmost respect and cautiously served and taken care of. The guests in return have had brought fruits and bakery for the family. They also give vartav (cash) to the family as gift for the marriage.

Maulanac) Seasonal Azad occasions Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Navroz (21st of March, the third month of Gregorian calendar): Navroz- an Iranian seasonal festival is also celebrated by Shias of Kashmir.

127 d) Wandhe Suit/Wandhe bhog (winter present): when the harsh winter steps in Kashmir, the groom’s family visits the bride’s house with wandhe bhog (winter present). The present comprises of warm clothes and shoes for the bride. A specially woven kangri-fire pot also makes a part of the present. However, this kangri now-a-days is being replaced by the room heaters, blowers, and electric blankets.

e) Muharram bhog: Every year with the advent of Muharram- the annual month of mourning for Shias around the world, the boy’s family may visit the girl’s family with the Muharram suit-mourning clothing for the girl. The garments are usually black in colour which the girl is supposed to wear during the month of mourning. The girl is given niyaz-poncse –vow making money also for offering to zuljanah, alam, taziya, shabih, sarkhane (see Chapter 6) etc. during mourning ceremonies.

f) Tragedies: In case of a tragedy like death of a member or near relative of any of the two families, the other family visits them. After consoling the loss, the head of the visiting family usually gives dhokh tulven11 -bereavement, generally a gift in cash to the head of the bereaved family. The dhokh tulven is usually given to the father and mother of the boy or girl and a separate gift is given to the boy or the girl also (as the case may be).

4.4.10 Doh ganden/Fixing of Marriage Day and date

There are numerous historical holy occasions within Islam which annually have been subject to both celebration and remembrance. These historical and religious occasions embrace distinctive reasons for their observance, and it must be underscored here that Shia Muslims differ from Sunni Muslims in that they observe many days of sadness, mourning and grief virtually exclusive to them. Owing to these historical occasions of celebrations, commemorations and lamentations, the prescriptions and proscriptions for fixing the day, date and month for marriage are Maulanamuch elaborate Azad among Shi Library,a Muslims. The Aligarh Shias of Kashmir Muslim too follow University these prescriptions and proscriptions while fixing day and date for marriage. Each day and date is not equally auspicious and recommended for marriage but some are inauspicious and ominous as well. One or both the parties of contract consult peer- saeb, who after a thorough check gives a list of available auspicious dates and the

128 parties after mutual consent fix one of them for the marriage. Generally Shias of Kashmir hold marriages in the months of Rajab, Shabaan, after the tenth of Id-ul- Azha and the second half of Rabi-ul-Awwal. Shias in no way marry during the mourning months of Muharram, Saffar and in first eight days of Rabi-ul-Awwal. Like other Muslims of the valley, Shias also avoid holding marriage in the month of Ramzan. Shias do not marry on last two or three days of every lunar month. It is not recommended for a Shia to marry on the days of Qamar-dar-aqrab i.e., when the moon is in the constellation of Scorpio. Also, they avoid holding marriage on 3rd, 13th and 23rd of every Islamic month. Shias discourage marrying on Batwar-Saturdays. They avoid ritual of rukhsati-leaving of bride for her husband’s home on batwaar- Saturdays or shab-i-batwar-evening and night preceding Saturdays (i.e., Friday evening and night). Table 4.3 and Table 4.4 show various naek/auspicious and nahas/inauspicious dates in different Islamic months strictly followed by Shias of Kashmir while fixing marriage.

Table 4.3 Auspicious days (naek) preferable for marriage

Month Name Date Naek/Auspicious For Rabi-ul-Awwal 9th Eid-e-Zahra Immamat day of Imam-e-Zaman 14th Yazid was killed 15th First mosque (Quba Mosque) was established, 1 A.H. 17th Birth of Prophet Muhammad Birth of 6th Imam Jafar-as-Sadiq 18th Birth of Umm-e-Kulsum daughter of 1st Imam Ali Rabi-ul-Saani 8th Birth of 11th Imam Hasan Askari Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1st Death of Harun Rashid 10th Battle of the Jamal/ Camel 15th Birth of 4th Imam Zain-ul-Abideen Jamadi-u-Saani 20th Birth of Fatima Zahra the daughter of Prophet Maulana Azad Library,Muhammad Aligarh Muslim University Rajab-ul-Murajab 1st Birth of 5th Imam Mohammed Baqir 10th Birth of 9th Imam Mohammad Taqi 13th Birth of 1st Imam Ali 20th Birth of Sakina the daughter of 3rd Imam Hussain

129 22nd Niyaz/Nazr of 6thImam Jafar-as-Sadiq 24th Birth of Ali Asgar, youngest son of 3rd Imam Hussain 27th Eid-e-Meraj/Yaum-e-Beasat Shabaan-ul- 1st Birth of Zainab the daughter of Ali Muazzam 3rd Birth of 3rd Imam Hussain 4th Birth of Abbas brother of Hussain and Flag bearer of Karbala battle 5th Birth of Ali Akbar the son of Ali 7th Birth of Qasim the son of 2nd Imam Hassan 14th Shab-e-Baraat 15th Birth of the 12thImam, Muhammad al Mehdi Shawal-ul- 1st Eid-ul-Fitr Mukaram 2nd Battle of the Trench (Khandak) 9th Prophet Muhammed married to Khadija 10th Major occultation 12th Imam, Muhammad al Mehdi 29th Birth of Abu Talib, father of Ali Zilakad 1st Birth of Masoom-e-Qum, the daughter of 7th Imam Musa al Kazim 11th Birth of 8th Imam Ali al Reza 25 Eid-e-Dahwool-e-Arz-The earth was spread, Khana Ka'ba was established, birth of Ibrahim and birth of Isa Zilhaj 1st Fatima married to Ali 3rd Renunciation of Adam and Hawwa accepted 10th Eid-ul-Azha 15th Birth of 10th Imam Ali un Naqi 18th Eid-e-Ghadeer 19th Fatima shifted to Ali's house after their marriage 24th Eid-e-Mubahila Source: Shia Literature Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

130 Table 4.4 Inauspicious Days among Shias

Month Name Date Nahas/Inauspicious for Rabi-ul-Awwal 5th Wafat of Masooma-e-Qum 8th Martyrdom of 11th Imam Hasan al Askari Jamadi-ul-Awwal 14th Martyrdom of Fatima-az-Zahra Jamadi-u-Saani 13th Death of Umm-ul-Banin (mother of Abbas) 26th Martyrdom of 1 0th Imam Ali Naqi Rajab-ul-Murajab 15th Martyrdom of 6th Imam Jafar-as-Sadiq 18th Death of Ibrahim 25th Martyrdom of 7th Imam Musa al Kazim 26th Death of Abu Talib 28th Hussain started his journey to Karbala from Medina Shawaal 8th Destruction of Janat-ul-Baqi by Aale Saud family 15th Martyrdom of Hamzah in Battle of Uhud Zilakad 29th Martyrdom of 9th Imam Mohammad al Taqi Zilhaj 7th Martyrdom of 5thImam Mohammad al Baqir 8th Hussain left for Karbala from Mecca 9th Martyrdom of Muslim Ibn Aqeel & Hanni Ibn Urwah 16th Death of Zainab the daughter of Ali 23rd Martyrdom of two sons of Muslim Ibn Aqeel 27th Death of Meesum-al-Tammar companion of Prophet Source: Shia Literature

4.4.11 Saat-namah

When the dates are mutually settled, the boy’s side visits the girl’s family with Saat naam- (document of dates) of marriage. In this ritual, the Saat-dates are written on a beautiful paper, which is then draped in a mezeposh clad zaen-basket along with maeve, maenz, mushketuji dabba 12 and presented to the girl’s family. A gold ornament is presented to the girl on Saat naam ritual. The Shias of Kashmir especially Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University the women folk consider it auspicious that the maenz to dye and decorate bride’s hands on maenziraat should come from her waeriuv-husband’s home.

131 4.5 Marriage Preparations

Marriage preparations include separate preparation ceremonies and practices at both the houses for the bride and the groom. Though preparations start much before the actual marriage festivities, they gain momentum after the fixation of marriage dates. The families start painting and decorating their houses. Both the families separately make the contract and finalise the modalities with Waza-cook, Pujji- butcher for supplying meat and a camping agency for camps/tents, dastar khan, Trami, sarposh, Tasht and naer to be made available on the date of marriage. The kandur-baker is given order for Kulchi and Sheermal. The families start shopping for all the items indispensable for the ceremony like spices, edible oil and dry fruits for Wazvan feast. Other important preparatory rituals may include:

4.5.1 Vardhan anun and Vardhan suvun

Vardhan anun means buying of clothes and other garments exclusively for a marriage ceremony. It is customary among Kashmiri Shias that each family buys Vardhan-garments especially for the bride, groom and other family members. Vardhan for bride also include bridal dresses and tilla-pheran (a traditional Kashmiri gown with expensive artistic handwork). The bride keeps ready around twenty or more suits at her disposal to be worn on marriage and the ceremonies following. In one of the observed cases, the bride carried 21 suits at her disposal. After the vardhan anun, a local sitchh-tailor is brought home for stitching the vardhan for bride and other family members. This ritual is known as vardhan suvun in Kashmir. In addition to the gifts and garments for the groom, it is customary in Kashmir that the bride takes gifts for her other conjugal kins also. These gifts for conjugal kins usually include:

 Garments for Haherbaab/father-in-law

 Golden jewellery (usually earrings) and garments for Hushh/mother-in-law

 Garments for Badde haherbaab/grandfather-in-law Maulana Garments forAzadBadde Hushh/ Library,grandmothe Aligarhr-in-law Muslim University  Garments for Drui/brothers-in-laws

 Golden jewellery and garments for Derre kaken/ wife of married brother-in-law

 Golden jewellery and garments for Zaam/sisters-in-law

132  Garments for Zaemi/husband of sister-in-law

 Garments for all the children of the family including those of sisters-in-law also

 Garments for Paetre hihur/Paetre hushh-paternal uncle/wife of the paternal uncle of the groom

 Garments for Poffe hushh/Poffe hihur-paternal aunt/husband of the paternal aunt of the groom

 Garments for Maame hihur/Maame hushh- maternal uncle/wife of maternal uncle of the groom

 Garments for Masse hushh/Masse hihur- maternal aunt/husband of maternal aunt of the groom

4.5.2 Ziun-chatun

Ziun-chatun-cutting of fire-wood for marriage is another important preparatory ritual in rural Kashmir. On the day fixed for the ritual, the families call neighbours and relatives mostly males to assist in the ziun chatun ritual. The assembled group goes to the farm(s) of the festive family and cut down some trees making small logs out of it. The wood is brought to the festive houses which latter is used as fuel on the marriage day for cooking Wazvan. After this hard work, the men are served tea and lunch.

4.5.3 Tomulcharun

Tomul-rice being the staple food in Kashmir becomes central for the Wazvan also. So few days before marriage, tomul charun-rice cleaning customary practice is held at both the houses (see Figure 4.4).

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

133 Figure 4.4 Cleaning the rice-grains (Tamul-tcharun)

In this preparatory practice, the relative and neighbouring women are called for cleaning tomul-rice, latter to be used for cooking on the marriage day. The women gather at festive houses and before starting cleaning of rice each woman puts izband/harmal seeds on charcoal in Kangri-fire pot which burns in to fragrant smoke with small bursting sound. This ritual is called izband zalun (see 4.17). The smoke from the burning izband filling the ambience is believed to ward off evils from the auspicious occasion. While cleaning tomul, women sing wanvun relevant to the practice and seek blessings for would-be-couple in their wanvun. In return, they are served tea and mithayi-sweets. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University 4.5.4 Dapun/Invitations

Few days before marriage, both families prepare list of relatives and friends to be invited on the occasion. Both the families start inviting relatives and close friends living in the same or other villages or towns by visiting their homes. This customary

134 practice of inviting exclusively on marriage is called dapun. In some cases, the bride and groom may accompany the invitees depending upon the nearness in relationship with the family to be invited. The closest of relatives or friends are apprised of the visit and they prepare feast called dapun batteh for the invitees. The invitees precisely explain the dates and days for the occasion and verbally invite the family for the same. Other relatives and friends are invited by sending invitation cards. Usually the families to be invited give dapveni- a gift in cash to the invitees which the latter keep proper record of and handover the same to the head of the festive family. The families in local neighbourhood are invited on the actual day of marriage. One person starts visiting each household and inviting the families, verbally mentioning the number of members to come on the feast. On the day of marriage or one or two days before, close relatives start thronging to festive houses to help in the preparations. Others come on the day of marriage for the feast.

4.5.5 Fatimasaebn-i-naav

This practice is an exclusive part of Shia culture, and none of its reflection is found in Sunni community of Kashmir. It was also found during the investigation that the practice is not performed in each Shia marriage. If in any case the girl in her childhood or any time before her marriage faces some health problems, the parents devout her Fatima Saebni Naav-in the name of Fatima the daughter of Prophet Muhammad, to ward off sickness and evils from the girl child. Thus three days before her marriage, the bride is supposed to stay inside a house of a Syed family under the supervision of a lady who herself should be a peer bayi- a Syed. In this practice, the bride stays inside a room for three days, away from male eyes and abstains herself from seeing a male till maenzi raat-mehndi raat. During her stay over there, she keeps praying most of the time. The peer bayi too prays with her and offers supplications for her prosperous future. The bride is served food, tea and everything she needs by an unmarried Syed girl of the family. In compensation of her services, the Syed girl receives a gift, usually a suit and some cash from the bride. The bride returns back to Maulanaher home Azad in the evening Library, of maenzi raat Aligarh-the night of henna. Muslim University

4.5.6 Malle-maenz and Mass-mechrawun

Malle maenz means look-alike maenzi raat or facsimile maenzi raat. This practice is found in the Shia marriage only. As already stated, Shia rituals and

135 ceremonies are bound by the days and dates. Every day and night and date is not equally auspicious for holding occasions like marriage. Shia folklore does not encourage dying bride’s and groom’s hands with maenz on Saturdays and the nights of 3rd, 13th or 23rd of lunar month of Islamic calendar. So, if the actual maenzi raat falls on shab-i-batwar (night preceding Saturday or simply Friday night), or on the above dates, in that case, a look-alike maenzi raat called malle maenz is hold in a night before the actual maenzi raat. Although being a replica of maenzi raat, only a small portion of hands of bride and groom are dyed on malle maenz. The main ceremony of dying hands is held on actual maenz raat itself. This is practiced only to avoid impact of inauspiciousness of the day or date on the auspicious maenzi raat ceremony. Despite being derided by the erudite and educated folk, this folk lore is still believed and practiced in the community.

Another ceremony held for the bride at her home is the mass mechrawun- unlocking of hair. This is held one or two days before the maenzi-raat ceremony. In this ceremony, the ladies and friends of the bride untie little braids that have been tied days before by any of her friends or relatives. The women folk continue singing wanvun relevant to the ceremony.

4.6 Maenzi-raat/Menhdi-raat -the night of henna

Any typical Kashmiri marriage ceremony consists of 3 days of function at groom’s house (mehndi-raat day, baraat day, wathal day) and 2 days at bride’s house (mehndi-raat day and baraat day). Maenzi raat/Mehndi raat- the night of Henna, a night previous to the actual wedding day is the most important ceremony in a Kashmiri Khandar-marriage. In past, maenzi raat used to be held not only on marriage ceremonies but on other life cycle rituals like Zarr-kasni-first head shaving of a child and Khatanhal -circumcision. The Poffe-paternal aunt would apply maenz to child’s hands and feet in all these functions (Lawrence, 1895, p. 271). However, maenzi-raat now-a-days is associated with the wedding ceremony only. Hustle and Maulanabustle starts around Azad in the morningLibrary, itself when Aligarhpreparations andMuslim their executions University start taking their final phase. The wasta waza-head cook (Figure 4.6) along with his men and numerous tramuv-deigh /copper vessels arrive the festive house. He builds verre –wooden fireplace (Figure 4.5) for cooking the grand feast called wazvan, which he has to serve after it is ready (Figure 4.7).

136 Figure 4.5 The verre on which wazwan is cooked

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 4.6 Waaza with a wazwan variety 'goshtaba'

137 Figure 4.7 Waza serving the Wazwan

The maaz woal-meat dealer comes with the flock of sheep the pujji-butcher starts slaughtering them to make meat available for the waza. The tentwoal-camping agency erects sayiban-tents and the house decorator starts house decorations. The ladies engage in cleaning vegetables for the waza and making lipton chai-sugar tea and kahwe available for the whole day. The bride and groom are referred to as the mahrin and mahraz respectively on khandar-marriage ceremony and their parents as yezeman (father) and yezeman bhayi (mother). The pechhi-guests, including panen- relatives, hamsayi-neighbours and doss-friends of both the mahrin/mahraz- bride/groom start arriving to assist the families in the preparations and to be part of the ceremony. Everyone offers congratulations to mahraz/mahrin and yezeman/ Maulanayezeman bayi for Azad the auspicious Library, occasion. Every Aligarh coming lady Muslim burns Izband in UniversityKangri and wishes congrats to yezeman/yezemanbhayi. The elderly men keep smoking jajheer-tamokh- hookah and watching the preparations of wazvan. The ladies at bride’s house have had to hold maenz aedrawen custom also in which a paste of maenz is prepared by mixing water in it. Some coins are also put inside the paste. The

138 bride’s hands and feet are dyed by the same paste of maenz. In a simple shari’e Khandar and in most of the marriages, a congregational recitation of Quran and Dua- e-Qumayl13-supplication of Qumayl or Dua-e-Tawasul-supplication of intercession are held at both the houses at the day or at night of maenzi-raat. This is to invoke the blessings of Allah for the married life of the would-be-couple through the vaseela- intercession of Ahl-e-bayt-the progeny of Prophet Muhammad. In the evening, the mahrin takes an elaborate bathing ritual. After the bath, the mahrin puts on the bridal attire. The yasse-friends of bride prepare her for the maenzi raat. The groom too remains busy with his own preparations assisted by his friends. The guests, relatives, friends, and general public, who are invited for dinner, assemble in tent. Meanwhile, one or two literate men come with a notebook and sit in the middle of the tent. The invited families come and give vartav14-a present in cash, of which these men keep proper record by writing in the notebook. After the sumptuous ceremonial dinner, starts the main chorus of application of maenz, the night is theoretically reserved for, now-a-days preceded by cake cutting by both mahrin and mahraz. At bride’s house, the close friends of mahrin- decorate her hands and feet with maenz making eye catching intricate designs. This is a very enervating task as the bride has to remain vigilant and in a single posture for hours until the girls finish the exhaustive task. The maenz for bride comes from her waeriuv-would be home. At groom’s house, the close friends or brother or cousins of mahraz wash his hands and feet. The friends demand money from the mahraz for the task. Then maenz is applied on mahraz’s little finger of right hand only. Now-a-days, this dyed little finger is wrapped up in the monetary denominations of 100 or 500 or 1000 by groom’s panun tolle-close relatives and friends. All this takes place amidst the singing of wanvun-Kashmiri folk songs by the female folk. In the joyous atmosphere, the ladies beat tumbaknari15 and noat16, which is preferably avoided in some families owing to their higher religious influence. It was also found that most of the Shia bride’s and groom’s cry and shed tears at maenz application. The reason lies in the history of Shi’ism. The bride remembers Fatima Maulanathe eldest Azad daughter Library, of Hussain known Aligarh as the mahr Muslimin of Karbala andUniversity the groom remembers Qasim- the son of Hassan who is remembered as the mahraz of Karbala. In Shia folk lore supported by few historical sources, the two were supposed to marry on the same day of battle at Karbala. But the marriage could not successfully end because of the martyrdom of Qasim the mahraz and the imprisonment of Fatima the mahrin of Karbala at the hands of oppressive army of Yazid. The people present are

139 served Kehwa- the famous Kashmiri hot drink. The waza and his company at bride’s house remains busy in cooking extravagant feast for mahraz saal-groom and his party.

4.7 Yenniwoal/Marriage day

Yenniwoal is the much awaited actual marriage day. Yenniwoal also known as masnandnishini, is a day for some of the major customs both on the bride’s and the groom’s side. At bride’s house the day is earmarked for the preparations for reception of the baraat-groom’s entourage. The preparations include cooking of grand feast for the baraat, preparing of salad and chetin-chutney, filling of refreshment baskets and erection of a separate white house-white tent for the baraat. Along with, lunch for the guests and the relatives has to be served also. The guests, relatives and friends of mahrin and mahraz give them vartav- gifts, mostly in cash. The mahrin, like mahraz has a confidant, usually a close friend, who keeps custody and proper record of this vartav.

For the groom and his family, yenniwoal is a more eventful day. In the morning, one person called salle-mohniuv comes from the bride’s side with invitation card for the mahraz and his entourage. The number of salleri-persons invited to accompany mahraz is mentioned on the invitation card which depends on the financial status of bride’s family. The number generally ranges from 30 to 60. After getting formal invitation, the groom’s family sends for invitation to all those who would be accompanying mahraz in his baraat. The invitation for mahraz saal- groom’s feast is usually extended to closest relatives, neighbours and friends. It is a give and take process. For the mahraz, the busy and frantic schedule starts from the morning itself, as Yenniwoal witnesses many important events and practices for the groom. Some of the customary practices held for mahraz on yenniwoal are as follows:

 Aab-Shehrun /ritual bath and Mass-Kasun/haircut MaulanaIn earlier Azad times, a mahr Library,az would not shaveAligarh and cut hair Muslim for many days University before marriage and on the yenniwoal the traditional nayid-barber of the family would visit his house, shave his beard and cut his hair to make mahraz have charming look on the day. This custom is still practiced among Shias however, the traditional barbers are replaced by more professional barbers and also many mahraz now-a-days would go to

140 modern beauticians, barbers and hair dressers and have an expensive salon treatment on the same day or few days earlier. The barber shaves/trims the beard of mahraz and dresses his hair and while doing this he attempts to show his expertise on the occasion (see Figure 4.8).

Figure 4.8 Haircut and beard trimming (Mass-Kassun)

After haircut and shaving, the mahraz takes the ceremonial bath. Earlier the close friend of the mahraz would assist him in this ceremonial bath. The women keep singing wanvun until mahraz would complete the ceremonial bath. The wanvun sung are relevant to the occasion. The friends of mahraz decorate his room. The bride also takes the ceremonial bath called Aab Shehrun assisted by a yasse or sister. The friends of the bride usually demand some money for bathing her, usually from the maternal uncle of the bride.

 Fatiyas-nerun/visiting the grave yard

After the ceremonial bath, the mahraz puts on kurta-pyjama and leaves for the local maqbarah/graveyard where his deceased relatives are buried. This practice is called as fatiyas nerun (Figure 4.9) Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

141 Figure 4.9 A groom visiying the graveyard for Fatiha

Fatiyas is actually derived from the name of first Quranic surah Al-Fatiha and nerun is a Kashmiri word meaning ‘to leave’. So theoretically, fatiyas nerun means leaving for maqbarah for reciting surah Al-Fatiha at the graves of deceased relatives. However, generally fatiha recitation includes onetime recitation of surah Al-Fatiha followed by three times recitation of 112th surah Al-Ikhlas of holy Quran. The friends and relatives accompany the mahraz to the graveyard. The mahraz puts his right hand on each grave and recites Fatiha. He also prays to Allah for the magrifat-salvation of all those buried in the graveyard. If the graveyard happens to be near the house of mahraz, the women folk would follow him to the graveyard singing wanvun relevant to the occasion. On the way to or back from maqbarah, the neighbours come out with dodh-sherbet-milk sherbet for mahraz and shower mithayi- sweets and candies on him.

 Astaan-gachun/Visiting a nearby Shrine/ Imambargah Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Shias of Kashmir visit local Astaan- shrines and Imambargah (see Chapter 6) on the occasion of marriage (Figure 4.10).

142 Figure 4.10 A groom visiting an Ichigam Shrine

Shias consider it auspicious to visit the shrines to recite Fatiha there. While visiting Imambargah, the mahraz recites Al-Fatiha on taazi, alam, shabih, monzul and other symbolic representations of the memories of the Karbala battle. The mahraz visits the local shrine and nearest famous historical shrine. Shias of district Budgam usually visit the Astaan of Mir Shamsuddin Iraqi (Figure 4.11) located in Chadora Tehsil and the Gupkar Astaan of Syed Sahib located on Gupkar road along Dal Lake in Srinagar.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 4.11 A groom at Mir Shamsuddin Iraqi, Chadoora

143 The Shia mahraz of district Srinagar visit Mir sund Astaan- the first burial place, now a famous shrine of Mir Shamsuddin Iraqi in Zadibal Srinagar and the Gupkar Astaan of Syed Sahib. The Shias of Ganderbal district visit Astaan of Mir Daniyal located at Dabb Ganderbal. The mahraz is also invited by close relatives and friends living in the same village or town for sherbet or chai at their residences (Figure 4.12). The mahraz receives gifts, vartav and is showered with mithayi- candies and sweets (Figure 4.13).

Figure 4.12 A groom having sweet drink (Sharbat)

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 4.13 A groom showered with candies

144 4.8 Leaving for bride’s house

After completion of day long’s hectic schedule, the mahraz and his family start full swing preparations for leaving of baraat for bride’s house. The close friends assist mahraz to put on his nuptial attire. The mahraz usually wears a wedding sherwani- nuptial gown and pagadi-nuptial turban hired from a sherwani shop (Figure 4.14).

Figure 4.14 A groom with donning sherwani and dastaar

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 4.15 A groom leaving to fetch his bride

In the near past, mahraz would wear coat suit and a white dastar on head. It was the traditional barber of the family who would wind dastar for mahraz. The

145 mahraz then sits in a chair waiting for his entourage. All those accompanying mahraz give vartav to mahraz, of which a proper record is maintained by his confidant. The entourage includes close relatives, friends and family members (Figure 4.15). The salleri may include one or more women called dodh-mouj also. The mahraz leads the entourage and sets for bride’s house. The women give him a warm set off singing wanvun in his praise. The mahraz embarks mahraz gadi-groom’s car, decorated with flowers and sits in single on the back seat with only one person, usually a friend in driver’s seat. Other salleri embark other cars or simply walk by foot depending on the distance to reach bride’s house.

4.9 Welcoming of baraat

The preparations for receiving the baraat reach to their executions when the mahraz reaches the bride’s house. The mahraz arrives in a cavalcade of cars. The mahraz is given a warm welcome and is received by an elder from the bride’s family who opens the door of the car. If the marriage is taking place in the same vicinity, the women folk from mahraz side may accompany baraat to bride’s house, leading the entourage in front, not allowing the mahraz-gadi to take over. On reaching bride’s house, the competition in wanvun starts between the women from the two camps, each group chanting wanvun loud and high. One group exalts and praises the mahraz and the opposite group praises and exalts the beauty and status of mahrin. The baraat is given a five-star treatment by bride’s family. The mahraz and his salleri are showered flowers, sweets, candies and coins. The mahraz at the door step is offered a glass of milk by the sister or brother of mahrin. He steps inside Quran-teli/underneath Quran (Figure 4.16).

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

146 Figure 4.16 Underneath Quran (Quraan Teali)

He is garlanded with ropyimaal-wreath of monetary denominations and poshmaal-wreath of flowers, by family members and relatives of mahrin. The salleri are made to sit in a decorated and clean hall or tent prearranged for the occasion. In the same hall, a specially adorned seat facing Qabila-Kabba called masnand17 is pre- set for mahraz. His aides help him to put down dastaar/pagadi and feel relaxed. The mahrin in her typical bridal costume remains in a separate hall. The dodh-maaji are made to sit in the same hall with mahrin. In case nikah is not performed till marriage, the ceremony then starts soon after the baraat reaches the bride’s house (see 4.4.8). And if nikah has been performed earlier, then starts the extravagant mahraz saal feast. MaulanaThe feast Azadranges from Library,Kehwas-peth /Aligarhon kehwa (Figure Muslim4.17) to battas University-peth-on feast (Figure 4.18) depending on the inclinations of the mahraz and his family and the religious influence.

147 Figure 4.17 A groom on only kehwa (kehwas-peath)

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 4.18 A groom on Battas-peath /feast

Mahraz-saal is the best among the wazvan feast served in a marriage. The quality and quantity of dishes make this feast a unique in lavishness among the feasts.

148 It is hardly possible for a person to finish eat his share. And now it has become a practice that extra dishes are packed in polythene bags prearranged by the bride’s family and taken along with by each person. One trami-plate of food shared by four people costs more than 2500 rupees for the bride’s family. After the lavish dinner, starts the presentation of gifts to mahraz by the family members and relatives. The lead is taken by hushh-mother-in-law who presents mahraz a golden ornament usually a neck chain. In a sharie marriage the hushh presents a copy of holy Quran to mahraz. In the ladies camp, dodh-maaji take dinner with mahrin in same trami. After the dinner, start the preparations for rukhsati.

4.10 Rukhsati-Departure of Bride

Arrangements for rukhsati start soon after the dinner. The dodh-maaji from mahraz side help mahrin to wear the burqa that comes from her waeriuv side. However, the burqa culture is gradually being replaced by lehngas by brides. The mahrin starts crying for leaving her mauleun-parental house. She calls and hugs her moul, mouj, boyi, benni, and other close relatives, all trying to console her and pray for her prosperous married life.

Gachh Khudai kerinai baja, Mahrin Fatimeni passe

(May Allah make you prosperous, with the intercession of Fatima- the daughter of Hussain)

The whole ladies camp becomes emotional. The women start singing wanvun relevant to the occasion that adds to the flow of sentiments. The belongings of mahrin are packed in the car along with the gifts she takes for her-in-laws. Also, one trami- a big copper plate filled with sweets, dry fruits, nabad- sugar and covered with sarposh- copper lid is given to the bride by her family. This present is called shebiteogh. The mahraz waits outside for mahrin, now her wife and both embark the same car. The ladies in their wanvun remind and caution mahraz to take care of mahrin. The Maulanacavalcade Azad starts for Library,mahraz’s home .Aligarh The mahrin is Muslim accompanied byUniversity some of her family members, relatives and friends to her new home, but they are not supposed to stay there except one married lady called dodh-mouj, who would stay few days with mahrin at her new home. During the journey back to home, the mahraz’s friends stop

149 his car at a bridge crossing, and demand kadle-taar –money to cross the bridge, from him.

4.11 Reception of mahrin at Groom’s house

The cavalcade reaches mahraz’s home where mahrin is received by former’s close female relatives. She sits on masnand with her head down, surrounded by women folk; all singing wanvun and waiting for mohar tulin-veil lifting ritual (Figure 4.19).

Figure 4.19 The veil lifting ceremony of bride

The ritual is a formal welcome of mahrin by her mother-in-law. The mother- in-law burns izband and showers flowers, sweets and candies on mahrin. Then starts the much awaited part of ritual, the veil lifting from the face of noshh-daughter-in-law i.e., mahrin by her hushh. Hushh raises veil and kisses in her cheeks and forehead. This is followed by exchange of gifts between the duo-hushh and noshh. The hushh usually gives a gift in cash but receives a golden ornament called hushh-kaent from Maulanamahrin. It is worth Azad mentioning Library, here that the hAligarhushh doesn’t start Muslim the mohar-tulin Universityritual in case she is a widow. It is considered inauspicious if a widow lady performs this ritual. So, in such a case, the veil of the bride is raised by some other female relative viz. sister or maternal or paternal aunt of groom and then hush herself takes the ritual further. The guests accompanying mahrin leave after being served kehwa, except

150 dodh mouj who stays with mahrin to help and guide her for few days. The dodh-mouj receives a gift called dodhmaji khabar from the mahraz’s family. The women keep singing wanvun- welcoming, praising and seeking blessings of Allah for mahrin. After sometime dodhmouj and sisters of mahraz take mahrin to groom’s room for suhagraat-the night of consummation. The room is specially decorated with flowers for the night. The bed is given a new viewing with new mattress, sheets and cushions. Dry and fresh fruits, glasses of milk, and water are kept available for the couple. The mahraz after learning the etiquettes of the particular night from his closest of friends, usually married enters the room. The couple performs wudhu-a ritual ablution before offering namaz. The couple offer a two rakat namaz, the mahrin on jayenamaz-mat for namaz and mahraz, preferably on the scarf of mahrin. Both mahrin and mahraz may exchange gifts. The mahrin demands a special gift –cash or kind from mahraz before going in to the sexual intercourse, which the latter fulfils on the spot or promises to fulfil in near future.

4.12 Kahwe-khabar

Next morning, the bride’s family sends a present called kahwe-khabar to their daughter. The present customarily consists of a samavar 18 , sugar, tea, green cardamom, cinnamon and some sweets. The kahwe-khabar was customarily taken by maam-maternal uncle of mahrin and thus was also called as maam khabar. The purpose of sending kahwe-khabar lies in the successful consummation by the couple. The dodh-mouj, after confirming about the consummation from the mahrin conveys same to the bride’s mother who is desperately waiting for the good news.

4.13 Walima/Wathal

Walima is the feast given by the groom’s family on the next day of marriage. It is called wathal in Kashmir. The groom’s family invite close relatives and also the bride’s family on this feast. Though both the mardhe sabb and zanaan sabb are given, the feast is specially meant for ladies as the bride is the centre of focus on this day. MaulanaThe mahr Azadin sits in theLibrary, gathering of women Aligarh with whom Muslimshe has her lunch. University The guests give gifts to both mahraz and mahrin. vartav given to groom is called guli-myuth- kissing on hand, and that given to bride is called is called wuchivun. The bride hands over the vartav received at her waeriuv to her husband’s family. For about seven days,

151 the bride stays at her waeriuv. During these days she distributes the gifts she has had sent on hazir-khan ritual as well as brought along with her on marriage.

4.14 Satim/ seventh day

Earlier this ceremony was practiced on the seventh day, but now-a-days after the third or fourth day of the marriage. In this ceremony, a party consisting of mauleun/parental family members of mahrin along with other relatives and friends visit her Waeriuv/in-laws house to fetch her back. The party brings along with them a huge cache of trousseau for the bride. These gifts are called khabar and usually consist of different household items, electronic goods, gadgetry and more traditionally a trame-sanduk19etc. The party is served a lavish feast, equivalent to mahraz saalin types and number of dishes prepared. The mahrin then leaves for her mauleun after asking for the rukhsati/ permission from her hash/mother-in-law and haherbaab/father-in-law. The mahraz also either accompanies his wife or is invited on the next coming days to his hovur/ in-laws house. The couple returns back after staying there for few days. The system of ceremonies and functions from both the sides comes to an end after phir saal ceremony, when the couple is invited again by the bride's parents after few days.

4.15 Wazvan

Wazvan- the ceremonial and royal banquet in Kashmir forms the centre stage in every Kashmiri marriage with Shias being not an exception. It is worth mentioning here that Shias of the valley mostly hire the services of waza from the majority Sunni community but the vice versa is not true. Majority of the Sunnis avoid slaughter by a Shia hand and food cooked by a Shia waza. With this impression of historical denunciation, less number of Shias enter into these professions. Waza in Kashmiri language means ‘cook’ and wan means ‘shop’ The services of many waza are required for cooking dishes in every marriage and the whole preparations are supervised by a master-chef called vasta-waze. Unlike Kashmiri Pandits, most of the Maulanadishes in wazvan Azadin a Muslim Library, marriage are Aligarh prepared from Muslim meat. The wazvan Universityin Muslim culture includes the preparation of more than 20 dishes. Some of the famous dishes include rista, rogan-josh, tabak maaz, daniwal-korma, abgosh, marchewangan-korma, gushtaba (yakhni), kebab, dani-phoul, meithi-maaz, kokur, waza-palak, ruwangan-chaaman, mujji-chetin, daniwal-chetin, phirni/halwa etc. The

152 first seven dishes are must for each ceremonial occasion like marriage (see Figure 4.20).

Tabakh-maaz Kebaab Rista

Rogan- josh Goshtaba

Trami with Wazwan

Wazwan varieties Wazwan Varieties

Figure 4.20 Few of the Wazwan varieties

The guests sit facing each other on both the sides of long sheets of dastarkhan/eating mat spread in the hall. Then starts dastpaak ritual (the washing of hands) in a copper basin called tasht with a copper water jug called naer, taken around by aides called wodhen-wael. Then the large rice heaped copper plate called trami with; one fried chicken, two kebabs, four pieces of meithi-korma and two tabak- maaz pieces on it arrive. The meal in each trami is shared by a group four persons sitting around it. The meal begins with joint Bismillah i.e., invoking the name of MaulanaAllah. Up Azad to about Library, 20 items are served Aligarh thereafter byMuslim waza (the ju niorUniversity cook). The course starts with rista and ends with gushtaba. Each trami is served with one basket containing of; polythene bags for packing extra dishes, disposable spoons, knives, gushtaba bowel, and glasses, one big size cold drink, water bottle, four curd packs, tissue papers, small sized four towels, and mouth refreshers, pulauv, yogurt and

153 chutney are served separately in disposable plates. There are separate feasts for males called mardhe sabb and for females called zanaan-sabb and special feast for groom and his party called mahraz-sabb.

4.16 Vartav trawun

Vartav/heon-diun is a traditional exchange of gifts usually in cash on marriages. On marriages, the families in the locality, as well as relatives and friends who are invited for the feast present vartav to the festive family. The vartav can also be in kind like golden ornaments usually presented by relatives. The vartav is given to the family as a whole by other families, to bride and groom by their friends and to the mother of bride and bridegroom by the married ladies in the neighbourhood. Though vartav giving practice starts from the day of tying the knot, but the main process takes place on marriages. On marriage, vartav is mainly given during; mardhe-sabb-feast for males, on yenniwoal day to bride and groom, as ropyimaal-cash garland to mahraz on his reception at bride’s home and on wathalsaal-walima feast, both in mardhe- sabb and in zanaan-sabb- female feast. The main chunk of vartav is received in family’s name. The amount given is carefully noted down. Almost every family keeps a vartav dairy also called heon-diun copy. Vartav is usually reciprocated on marriages.

4.17 Izband-zalun

In Kashmir izband-zalun–(Rue seeds burning) has been a part and parcel of both Muslim and Hindu culture and Shia Muslims do not make any exception in this tradition. The burning of seeds of izband (Peganum Harmala) also known as Harmala in English and Harmal in Hindi and popularly known as wild-rue has been an important part of many life cycle rituals like birth of a child, first head shave of the baby, circumcision of the baby boy, marriage functions and other auspicious occasions like passing out an examination, getting a job, construction of a new house etc. According to folklore, smoke from izband seeds fills the ambience and wards off Maulanathe evils and an Azadevil eye. The Library,izband burning Aligarh practice is done Muslim by women. Marriage University in Kashmir is a special occasion and Izband-zalun adds to its auspiciousness. Traditionally, women who visit the festive house place izband seeds on red hot charcoal in kangri, wherein they explode with small popping sound discharging a fragrant smoke. The izband is used at every ritual and practice in marriage.

154 4.18 Wanvun

Wanvun is a traditional folk song sung in Kashmir especially on the occasion of marriage (see Figure 4.22 and Figure 4.21). Wanvun is the culture of the Kashmiri soil and not associated with any particular community.

Figure 4.21 Traditional Wanvun (Marriage folk-songs)

Maulana Azad Library,Figure 4.22 Wanvun Aligarh (the marriage Muslim folk-songs) University

The tradition is equally popular among both the Muslim and Hindu communities. The women folk from both the Muslim and Pandit communities sing wanvun in their marriages. The women divide themselves into two groups facing each

155 other. One group sings a line and the other group either repeats or sings the next line. Wanvun is generally sung in standing, each lady holding other’s back. There is particular wanvun for a particular ritual e.g., nikah-wanvun, maenziraat-wanvun, mahraz yunuk-wanvun (reception of baraat wanvun) and rukhsati-wanvun as follows:

Nikah-wanvun

Qaezi sahibus neul krank waajay.....Nikah Lekhaan Khaana Maajjay

(This molvi has a blue stone in ring, And here he writes nikahnama of our darling daughter)

Maenziraat-wanvun

Maenz kemi lejiy pannay vasiyay...... Yihy maenz wansay pooshenaey

(Your friend is applying maenz to you, May! this maenz last forever)

Reception of mahraz

Asalamualikum sani mahrazo...... Chani yine gah peov alameis

May! you live long oh our groom, Your arrival has enlightened the universe

Rukhsati-wanvun

Osh matte travtum pherei pherei....Weni chekh maalnichi haray peth

(Oh, bride don’t shed tears, you are still at the door steps of your father’s home)

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

156 Endnotes

1 Maenz is a dye prepared from the plant Lawsonia Inermis, also known as the henna tree or the mignonette tree 2 A traditional Kashmiri tea 3 Copper vessel filled with mutton or chicken 4 Gift given by the bride to her mother in-law 5 Guardian of boy or girl 6 Mahr paid at the time of nikah 7 Mahr paid up front in the future 8 A set of phrases and sentences recited at the time of nikah to give religious and legal cognizance to the contract 9 Salutation on prophet and his family 10 A sweet Indian dish of thickened milk, dried fruit, and ground rice 11 Relieving from the tragedy 12 Incense sticks 13 A famous supplication taught by Ali to Qumayl Ibn Ziyad, one of best companion of Ali 14 Monetary gifts given to the bride or groom with an obligation of returning back 15 An age old musical instrument native to Jammu and Kashmir 16 An earthenware pot traditionally used in Kashmir for carrying and storing water and also as a Kashmiri musical instrument 17 Masnand is a special seat for groom and bride in a marriage. 18 A samavar is a traditional metal container used to make tea in Kashmir 19 A box filled loaded with copper utensils

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

157 Chapter 5

Life Cycle Rituals and Religious Ceremonies

5.1 Introduction

There are some forms of observances associated with the life cycle of an individual in all the religious and non-religious groups, creeds, castes and races around the world. These life rituals are usually connected with the three main important phases of an individual’s life i.e., birth, marriage and death. Some rituals find their roots in the teachings of a particular faith and some embedded in the traditions of the region. In religious groups professing Islam also, a basic pattern of rituals, with minor differences are connected with the life cycle of a Muslim. There are some ritual universals also, similar to all the Muslim sects around the world, embedded in the teachings of Islam. Accordingly, the Shias of Kashmir follow more or less the standard pattern of Islam in connection with birth, marriage and death ceremonies with some distinguishing differences. These ritual differences from other Muslim sects are however, seen as the part of the separate Shia identity, binding the community into the group distinct from other Islamic groups. These differences are seen as the source of community consciousness and solidarity within the community. In Shia community of Kashmir valley, a panorama of rituals is entwined with the life cycle of its members. The important life events like birth, marriage and death of an individual are attended with an elaborate set of interesting rituals and ceremonies, thus making the life cycle of a Kashmiri Shias rich field for sociological and anthropological enquiry. This chapter endeavours to analyze with elaboration of the ceremonies connected with life cycle of the Shia Muslims of Kashmir valley.

5.2 Birth Rituals

Birth rituals and ceremonies among Shia Muslims of Kashmir Valley can be subdivided in to two categories: Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University I. Rituals before birth

Soon after the consummation of marriage, the families of the couple eagerly wait for the good news from the couple about successfully conceiving of child. The would be father does not himself inform his family members about the pregnancy of

158 his wife but it is the women folk of the family who enquire about the same from the expecting mother. These female members of the family then inform other members also. It is joyous moment for the whole family. In case, if a woman due to any reason fails to conceive, it becomes a worrisome for the whole family. Every ritual and practice embedded in the tacit traditions is observed to overcome the failure in conceiving. Taweez/amulets are brought from molvis, vows are made, and knots are tied at shrines, niyaz is sent to the holiest Shia shrines in Iraq, Iran and Syria. Many would bring a special flower from the shrine of 8thImam Ali al-Raza, from Mashhad Iran. The flower is given to the female after reciting some recommended supplications on it. The woman would either eat the petals of the flower or soak it in water and then drink it as prescribed in the tacit traditions. Many customary practices after conceiving till the actual birth of a child can be studied under two captions.

A. Preventive

Soon after the pregnancy, a list of preventive prescriptions and proscriptions embedded in the tacit local traditions are time and again given by the local elderly women to the expecting mother such as:

 She is strictly prohibited from visiting a marghwan/place of funeral, as it is surrounded by the spirit of the deceased.

 She is strictly prohibited from passing through the graveyards, fearing these haunted places by spirits and jins/ghosts may overpower her and have evil influence on the baby.

 She is advised not to move outside in the dark and any member who comes from outside in the night is believed to be followed by spirits and thus advised to put his hand on the head of the expecting mother, to protect her from those spirits.

 She is strictly prohibited from going to any place of accident like a house caught in fire or a road accident as these incidents may trigger and overwhelm her with fear which could not be good for the baby in her womb. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University  She is strictly advised to remain inside during lightening and thundering outside.

 She is prohibited from exposing herself to the lunar and solar eclipse.

 She is advised not to use sharp objects like knives or needles to cut or prick anything.

159  She is prohibited to see an animal being slaughtered.

 She is proscribed from cutting and cooking fish.

 She is advised to wear an amulet for the protection of the baby and to have a safe delivery.

B. Customary practices

It has been a customary practice among Shias of Kashmir valley that the expecting mother shifts to her maleun/ paternal home few days or weeks prior to the actual date of her delivery. One or two members from her paternal side would visit and ask her in-laws to send the women to her parental house. An auspicious date is decided after thorough check of the calendar. On the day, the woman is accompanied by some members from her in-laws to her paternal house where the guests are served wazvan feast. The woman would return to her husband’s house few months or in many cases a year after the birth of the baby.

Until few decades earlier, the expecting mothers would hardly visit any gynaecologist for medical check-ups but only in some emergency. The delivery would take place at her parental home under the supervision of a dhai/traditional mid-wife who would receive gifts both in cash and kind for her services after the birth of the child. But now-a-days, owing to the availability accessibility and affordability of medical assistance at government run hospitals, regular consultations are made and the mother with her baby inside her womb remain in the supervision of gynaecologists from the day of conceiving till the birth of the baby.

II. Rituals after birth

As a preventive measure to avoid any risk, and for the safety of both mother and baby, most of the deliveries generally take place at maternity hospitals under the supervision of experienced gynaecologists. However, in order to have a safe delivery, help of Allah is sought for which a taweez/amulet is tied on arm of the expecting Maulanamother. Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

The inculcation of the Shia belief to the newly born starts right from his birth. When a child is born, the first practice embedded in the traditions is to recite Azaan (call for prayers) in the right ear, and, Iqama (set up for prayers) (see chart.) in the left ear of the baby by a male, as enjoined in Islam. The call for prayer (Azaan), include

160 the lines which distinguish a Shia Azaan from that of the Sunnis. Though both the acts confirm the importance of Islam in the life of the newly born, following lines from both Azaan and Iqama confirm the importance of Shi’ism in baby’s life:

Ashhadu ana Ali yun Waliullah.....Ashhadu ana Ali yan Hujjatullah (I testify Ali is vicegerent of Allah...I testify Ali is Ambassador of Allah)

The inculcation of a separate identity does not stop here but is followed by inculcating love, affection and loyalty towards Hussain and other martyrs of Karbala. Many Shias put a pinch of khaak-e-Karbala/dust of Karbala in to the mouth of the infant. Such is the height of devotions among Shias of Kashmir towards Imam Hussain that they even make the newborn to have a pinch of khaak-e-Karbala.

After knowing about the birth of the baby, both the houses cook tehri -a boiled rice with turmeric powder mixed with a chicken and distributed among the children and other people walking on the street or road. Also some rice and some cash (niyaz) are sent to the local shrine. Soon many women from close relation and from the neighbourhood start coming to the two households to offer congratulations. Some also visit the hospital for congratulations with some bread or fruits for the mother of the baby. The women and her new born baby stay at the former’s parental house after being discharged from the hospital.

5.3 Naming the child

Like other Muslims, Shias of Kashmir valley often give their new born baby boys and girls names having Islamic meanings and background. However, no ceremonial event is organised on the name giving. The family members prepare a list of most liked names and within few days after birth one of the names is chosen after due consultation with a molvi. Until few decades earlier, the names chosen for the boys sometimes made reference to one of the names or attributes of Allah also like Rahman, Rahim, and Abdullah etc., which are less popular today. The popular names frequently used by Shias for boys have been after the name of Prophet of Islam his Maulanaprogeny and the Azad followers ofLibrary, the progeny. The Aligarh most popular Muslimnames for boys Universityinclude: Muhammad, Ahmad, Ali, Hassan, Hussain, Abbass, Asgar, Akbar, Mehdi etc. Baby girls are mostly named after Prophet’s female relatives, the most popular being Fatima, Zahra, Khadijah, Zainab, Kulsoom, Ruqaya, Sakeena, Fiza, Maryam, Hajra, etc.

161 5.4 Shadinama, Mubarak and Pyaav niun

Shadinama literally means blissful-news. Few days after the birth of the child, few women from the baby’s maternal house visit his/her father’s house with the blissful news of the birth of the child which they are not unfamiliar with. The women bring along sweets and bakeries and offer congratulations to the host family. Mubarak simply means felicitation. In this post child birth practice, women folk ranging from 10 to 20 from baby’s father’s side visit the baby and his/her mother at his/her maternal house. The ladies bring sweets and bakeries for the host family and offer monetary gifts to the baby and his/her mother. The guest women are offered tea and bakeries or a full wazvan feast depending upon the financial status of the family. Pyaav niun few days after the Mubarak, the family of the father’s family makes another visit to the baby and his/her mother again with monetary as well as many non- monetary presents for the duo. This ritualistic practice is called pyaav niun. The pyaav actually comprises of the presents both in cash in thousands and clothes for both mother and baby along with other baby products like powder, soap, shampoo and hair oil etc. Usually a cradle and a baby-walker are also brought for the baby. For the fast recovery of the mother from the weakness after delivery, kulchas/ traditional bakery and eggs are also brought.

5.5 Zarr-kasni/head shaving

Zarr refer to the hair that has grown on the scalp of the baby in uterus of his/her and kasni means to cut. The zarr-kasni simply refers to the first head shaving of the baby. This ritual is recommended to be performed on the seventh day after the birth of the child, but it is usually performed after three months of the birth of the child till he/she reaches one year old. The hair of the baby after the shaved off is weighed and an equivalent weight in silver or cash is given to charity. Zarr-kasni is a ceremonial event in Kashmiri Shias. It is usually performed at a shrine of a famous Shia saint. Immediately after the birth of the baby, the mother or grandmother of the Maulanababy makes Azad a promise Library, of performing Aligarh the zarr-kasni Muslimritual for the University baby at any particular shrine. On the day of the ritual, the relatives, friends and some closest neighbours are invited for the ceremony. The party along with baby visits the shrine in a vehicle where the barber shaves the head of the baby (see Figure 5.1).

162 Figure 5.1 Zarre Kasni at Dab Ganderbal on Syed Daniyal's Shrine

The barber gets remunerated in cash. The baby is showered with candies, flowers and monetary gifts called guli-myuth by relatives and family members after the head shave. The family of the child serves lunch to the party, cooked at home and brought in the pots along with. Some of the famous shrines visited by the Shias for the performance of the ritual are:

 Astaan of Mir Shamsuddin Araki located in Chadora Tehsil of district Budgam  Astaan of Mirza Sayyid Hussain Jalali Sabzvari located on Gupkar road along Dal Lake in Srinagar.  Mir sund Astaan- the first burial place, now a famous shrine of Mir Shamsuddin Araki in Zadibal Srinagar.  Astaan of Mir Sayyid Ali Shams-ud-Din Thani at Tularzu Bandipura.  Astaan of Mir Sayyid Daniyal located at Dabb Ganderbal  Astaan of Mir Sayyid Hussain Qumi at Zainagir, Sopore, Baramullah.

For figures of these revered places in Kashmir, see Figure 5.2. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

163 Chadora, Budgam Gupkaar Road, Zadibal, Srinagar Srinagar

Tularzu, Bandipora Dab, Ganderbal Zainagir, Baramulla

Figure 5.2 Famous Shia Shrines in Kashmir

After few days of the first head shave, the new hair grows and many would visit some other shrine for the shave of the head again. This ritual is called arde-kasni.

5.6 Aqeeqah

Aqeeqah is another important ritualistic practice in one’s life cycle rituals. This ritual is not obligatory but recommended which is the reason that it is mostly performed by financially well off families. The practice of aqeeqah is rooted in the belief of Muslims that it safeguards the child from sickness, calamities and evil effects. Aqeeqah is recommended to be performed on the seventh day and if due to some reasons, it is not performed on the seventh day after birth of the child, it may be performed at any time, even after the child attains puberty or he/she grows old. Sometimes, aqeeqah and hair cutting ceremony are performed on the same day. In this ritual, a sheep is sacrificed for the new-born child as a sign of gratitude to Allah. Among Kashmiri Shias, aqeeqah offering is not a simple ritual but a complex one. MaulanaThe ritual Azad has developed Library, many prescriptions Aligarh and proscriptions Muslimaround Universityit. The sheep or goat meant for the aqeeqah, must not be sick or having any physical disorder. It must be a young and healthy. The ritual requires the service of an expert butcher and a cook who usually turns out to be the same. An utmost care is to be taken off while killing the animal, separating flesh from the bones without striking and hurting the bones

164 with the knife. The fear associated with the ritual lies in the belief that if any of the bone gets struck and broken off, it will result some defect in the child. The meat is then cooked without adding pepper to it and then distributed among neighbours and relatives. The cooked meat is then distributed among the relatives and neighbours. It may be distributed in utensils or it may be distributed in putting small pieces of flesh in roti/bread (see Figure 5.3).

Figure 5.3 Putting the aqeeqah meat inside roti (bread)

Living with the matured belief that the flesh of the sacrificed animal equates with the flesh of the child, members of the family disapprove from eating the sacrificed animal meat. The family members do not even taste the meat. They even disassociate themselves from the active participation in the ritual. The bones, the skin and the head of the animal are buried usually under a fruit tree.

Maulana5.7 Khatna/circumcision Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Khatna/circumcision- the removal of the foreskin of the penis is mandatory for the male children in Islam. Shias, like other Muslims consider circumcision of male children as an important religious obligation until he reaches the age of puberty. In

165 Shia school of thought, it is recommended to perform Khatna of a male child after few days of his birth preferable on the seventh day, but normally it is performed when he attains the age of three to seven years. Traditionally, a family barber used to perform Khatna and would receive remunerations in the form of cash and kind.

Figure 5.4 A money garlanded, just circumcized child

But now-a-days khatna is performed at a medical clinic by a doctor. The relatives and neighbourhood women offer felicitations to the family and presents to the circumcised child. The child is garlanded with ropyimal/money garlands (see Figure 5.4). Many times, khatna is merged with aqeeqah if the later has not already been performed.

5.8 Kothi-tchott

When the child begins to stand up and start moving without any support, sweet Maulanabread or Azada bakery cake Library, is kept on the Aligarhknees of the child Muslim and broken. TheUniversity cake is then distributed among relatives and neighbours as sign of happiness and charity for the safety of the child. This traditional practice is known as Kothi-tchott, (Kothi=Knee, tchott=bread).

166 5.9 Socialization and Enculturation

There are many rituals throughout the life of a Shia, that encultures him/her to the rich ritualistic patterns of culture. All these things start right from the cradle and end till one’s lifetime, i.e. one’s socialization. If the inculcation of mourning sentiments through participation is concerned, the enculturation onsets at a very early stage of a child. The following discussion substantiates the statement.

Nothing contrasts a Shia Muslim from a Sunni Muslim more than the culture of mourning among Shias i.e., participation in the annual mourning rituals. The culture of lamentation is inalienable part of Shia identity. An individual is born as a Shia and gradually made conscious of this separate identity through the process of socialization and enculturation. The annual mourning rituals provide the space and platform for the process of socialization or enculturation to develop an individual in to an adult practising Shia. Socialization of the child takes place from the lap of the mothers. The child learns about Shia Twelve Imams from the lullabies or cradle songs sung by mother or other elders. One of the famous Shia lullabies that introduce the child to the concept of Imamate reads:

La Illa Ha Illalah! Jantas Maz Chui Akh Kulla! Godde Chuss Akh Teyi Lang Chiss Bahh! Godniuk Lang Chuss Hazrat Shah! ABCyas rechhtan Sui Moula! (There is no God but Allah! In paradise, there is one tree! With one stem and twelve branches! The first branch is Hazrat Ali! The Child named ABC will be protected by the same master)

The child is taken to mourning assemblies, celebration of the birth and death Maulanaanniversaries of Azadthe Ahl-e- BaytLibrary,and other processions, Aligarh which Muslim socialize him/her University about these religio-cultural matters (see Figure 5 and Figure 5.6).

167 Boys reciting Hymns Girls reciting Hymns

children holding Alam Young Zakir at marsiya rehearsals

Figure 5.5 Socialization of Shia kids

A child readying for Alam procession Another kid with Alam

Figure 5.6 Child socialization MaulanaSlowly Azad and graduallyLibrary, child gets Aligarh familiarised withMuslim the Ahl-e-bayt University, their repute, honour, sufferings and the tragedy of Karbala. The child learns to beat the chest with the clumsy jerks and chanting noha and ya Hussain ya Hussain in broken voices from the babyhood itself. These mourning assemblies and processions prove as hot beds for identity inculcation.

168 5.10 Death rituals

Death becomes obvious for everybody who is born in this world. It is inescapable and fated. Everyone does accept and resign to what is called ajal/ "one's appointed time". Various religious rituals and the local customs and practices are associated with the occasion of death of a person everywhere.

Like in every society and religious group, margh/death is a miserable occasion in Shia society also. Death is considered as a permanent inteqal/transfer from the duniya/world to the akhirat/afterlife and the words used to describe someone’s death are marun, inteqal or wafaat. The idea of mentioning death and reflecting on death is very important in a Shia daily life. Death, followed by various practices around it is considered as an important religious and social event in which participation of people whether known or unknown to the deceased Muslim is encouraged. It is also an occasion of kinship affirmations. Like in other societies, various rites and rituals are performed in the funeral ceremonies of Shi’ites also. When a person is on his deathbed /akhiri-shaand, he is laid with his head towards East and soles of his feet towards west direction (Qibla). He/she is given water as his/her last drink with the spoon and when he stops taking in any more, then a piece of soaked cotton is used to keep his/her lips wet. The chapter of Al-Yaseen from Quran is recited again and again to relieve the pangs of death and ease the dying of the bed ridden person. All those present around the dying person would recite the Kalima (Testifying Allah as the only God and the Prophet Muhammad the last Messenger and Hazrat Ali the rightful Imam) and if possible the dying person too is made to recite it. In the Shia belief, Hazrat Ali pays visit to the person at his/her death bed. Only a pious, righteous and his true follower could see him easing the pangs of his/her death.

Soon after the person dies, his/her the eye-lids are closed. The mouth is also closed by tying the two jaws called hond-watten, with a cloth, to prevent the opening of the mouth. The legs and arms are flattened and arms placed on the two sides of the body. The body is covered with a sheet or blanket. The relatives and friends around Maulanahim/her break into Azad moaning Library,and weeping and Aligarhthe rest consoling Muslim them. University

5.10.1 Ghusl-e-mayat

The preparations for the funeral start from the moment the person dies. The news of the demise is given through the mosque loudspeakers and people are asked

169 for participation in the funeral. Men and women gather at the deceased’s home soon after his/her death. The local youth would get sraan-takhte/bath plank, taboot/coffin, a tent, and other things to be used in the ritual from the nearest mosque. The local grave diggers would be sent to maqbara/the local graveyard for digging a grave for the deceased. The tailor and molvi are called to stitch Kaffan/shroud, usually a cotton white cloth, for the dead. Many Shias would bring kaffan/Shroud for themselves from the city of Karbala, Iraq when on pilgrimage only to be used after his/her death. Also, two canisters of Sidhr/Lote-tree leaves and Camphor water are prepared. There are few known persons in every village or town, who are familiarised with performing the ghusl-e-mayat/ablution of the dead, and would be called for the same when a person dies. There are separate experts in ghusal/ablution giving for men and women i.e., a male for the male deceased and a female for the female deceased, and also there is no intermingling of the sexes during the whole funeral ceremony.

The body is placed on the plank inside the tent erected for the ghusl-e- mayat/ablution of the dead, with soles of the feet facing the Qibla during ghusl. The whole process of ghusl-e-mayat consists of three separate ghusl after completely washing the body with plain water to remove all the dirt. The first of the ablution then given is by Sidhr water followed by Camphor water and finally with plain water. The body is then wrapped into kaffan/shroud and a sarbandh/headgear. A rosary of earthen beads is tied to the right hand and Sajdagah/a clay tablet from Karbala, on which Shia Muslims bow their foreheads while offering Namaz is placed on forehead under the sarbandh/headgear of the dead body. This is to show the angels how much love and devotion the deceased has had for Hussain- the Imam and intercessor, and how privileged is to be among Shia-ne-Ali/Shias of Ali. Also, two small twigs known as jareedh, usually of Pomegranate trees wrapped in a piece of cotton and white cloth, are kept one each in both armpits of the dead. The piece of cloth covering jareedh has names of forty persons testifying that deceased was a pious man. The body is then placed into taboot/coffin.

Maulana5.10.2 Talkeen Azad/religious Library,dictations Aligarh Muslim University

A molvi is then called for reciting talkeen/religious dictations in Arabic language to the dead. One person slowly keeps shaking body of the deceased while molvi recites talkeen. It is worth mentioning here again that like birth, the death has

170 some distinct rituals that ascertain the Shia belief of the deceased. In the talkeen, he/she is dictated all what makes him/her a Muslim and a Shi’a. He/she is sent on his/her eternal abode with an identity he/she was born with. This can become clearer from the translated text of the talkeen below. The molvi dictates:

Listen and understand, listen and understand, listen and understand O______son/daughter of_____. Are you on the same covenant on which you were when you parted from us? That covenant is the testimony of the fact that there is no God but Allah, Who is only One, and Who has no partner. And the testimony of the fact that undoubtedly Muhammad, may the Peace of Allah be on him and his progeny, is the slave and prophet of Allah and is the lord of all the prophets and is the last of them and that Ali is the chief of the believers and the leader of all the successors and he is such an Imam whose obedience has been made obligatory on the whole world. And that Hassan and Hussain and Ali son of Hussain, and Muhammad son of Ali and Jafar son of Muhammad, and Musa son of Jafar, and Ali son of Musa, and Muhammad son of Ali, and Ali son of Muha-mmad, and Hassan son of Ali, and Muhammad, the awaited one, son of Hassan – may the Peace of Allah be on them all – are the Imams of all believers and are the authorities on the whole world, and all these Imams are guides for the pious persons.

O_____son/daughter of______, when the two favourite angels sent by Allah approach you and enquire of you about your God, your Prophet, your religion, your book, your Qibla and your Imams, do not be afraid or grieved or worried, but say in reply: “Allah, the Glorious and Dignified, is my Lord, Muhammad, peace of Allah be upon him and his progeny, is my Prophet, Islam is my religion, the Quran is my book, Kaaba is my Qibla. Ameer al Momineen Ali Ibn e Abi Talib is my Imam, Hassan e Mujtaba is my Imam, Hussain, the martyr of Karbala, is my Imam, Ali Zain ul Abideen is my Imam, Muhammad Baqir is my Imam, Jafar Sadiq is my Imam, Musa Kazim is my Imam, Ali Reza is my Imam, Muhammad Jawad is my Imam, Ali Hadi is my Imam, Hassan Askari is my Imam, Hujjatul Muntazar is my Imam. All these great persons, may Allah’s peace be upon them, are my Imams, my leaders, my chief, and my intercessors and I keep friends with them and have Maulanahatred for Azad their enemies Library, in this world as Aligarhwell as in the world Muslim to come.” University

O_____son/daughter of ______, know that Allah, the Exalted, is undoubtedly the best of Providers, and Muhammad, may the peace of Allah be upon him and his progeny, is undoubtedly the best of the prophets and that Ameer-al-Momineen Ali Ibn e Abi Talib and the eleven Imams who are his descendants, are undoubtedly the

171 best Imams and leaders. Whatever message Muhammad, may the peace of Allah be upon him and his progeny has brought is true. Undoubtedly death is true, the questioning of Munkar and Nakeer in the grave after death is true, coming to life after death is true, the scale [Meezan] is true, the Path [Siraat] is true, accounting of deeds is true, and undoubtedly there will be a Day of Judgment. Allah will undoubtedly bring to life those who are in the graves. O_____son/daughter of______, may Allah keep you firm on these beliefs and may He guide you on the right path and may Allah introduce you to friends in the vicinity of His mercy. O Allah, make the ground spacious for him/her on both the sides and raise his/her soul towards you and direct Your Guidance to him/her. O Allah, pardon us, pardon (Retrieved from http://www.duas.org).

5.10.4 Marsiya Khwani

Like every Cultural group, Shias too have rituals and traditions to facilitate mourning for the miserable loss. After talkeen recitation, the doors of the taboot are closed and a piece of cloth with Al-Quran written on it is spread over taboot. The taboot is then lifted from the tent and placed in the courtyard of house for the most awaited ritual, the marsiya khwani. As already explored throughout this study, mourning culture has become an indisputable part of the Shia identity in Kashmir. Shias of Kashmir perform this ritual even on the funeral of a deceased. They forget their own dead and recall the sufferings and deaths of Ahl-e-bayt. The men would sit around the taboot, and women on veranda or on one side of the courtyard. Soon a junior zakir would stand up and recite few lines of marsiya followed by other senior zakir of the locality. Each zakir would recite only the dardh segment of a particular marsiya. The tradition makes a zakir selective in choosing a marsiya. He has had to keep in mind the age and sex of the deceased person and chooses the marsiya recalling selective deaths and sufferings of members of Ahl-e-bayt. If the deceased is an older male person, the death of either Hazrat Ali or Imam Hussain would be recalled. For a young male dead person, the martyrdom of either Abass, the brave brother of Hussain or Ali Akbar, the eighteen year old son of Hussain would be Maulanarecalled. AzadIf the deceased Library, is a child, the Aligarh death of Ali Asg Muslimhar, the six months University old son of Hussain would be remembered. If the deceased is an elderly female, the death and suffering of Fatima Zahra or Hazrat Zainab would be recalled. And if the deceased is a girl child, the death and sufferings of Hazrat Sakeena, the three year old daughter of Imam Hussain would be recalled. The bereaved family, relatives and friends are

172 relieved by recounting the sufferings and martyrdoms of Ahl-e-bayt, the most beloved persons of Allah. The zakir would add to this solace giving by saying:

Yi Soun Margh Fida Imam Hussainis Marghas (This death of ours be sacrificed on the deaths Imam Hussain witnessed)

The emotionally drenched moment gets heightened by marsiya recitation. Forgetting about the death, the funeral congregation cries, wails and mourns for the sufferings inflicted on Imam Hussain, his family and his companions at Karbala and thus fetches the manifestations of the ritual i.e. to console the bereaved and ask for the intercession of Ahl-e-bayt for the deceased. After the ritual of marsiya khwani, the doors of the coffin are opened again and closed after the last face seen ritual. The women folk of the household (mother, sister, daughter wife, aunt etc.) and other relatives are called to see the face of the deceased last time.

5.10.5 Namaz-e-Janaza and Burial

The taboot/coffin is then lifted by four men, preferably by the relatives of the deceased on the shoulders and supported by others also and start funeral folk walk towards the graveyard and if the graveyard is not spacious for holding namaz-e- janaza/funeral prayers, then to the mosque or Imambargah park for the namaze-e- janaza ritual. The women would not follow the funeral walk. The people would chant Kalima while walking in the funeral walk till it reaches to the graveyard. Every Village or neighbourhood has a common graveyard. The local organisations look after its maintenance. The taboot is placed in front of the grave, with feet of the corpse towards the south and men would folk stand behind their Imam, in rows, facing Qibla (west) and offer namaz-e-Janaza to the deceased. The Imam usually belongs to the firqa/faction the deceased’s family would be associate with (See factionalism). Only men perform namaz-e-janaza, both for the dead male and female.

After completion of namaz-e-janaza, and if the grave is ready, the corpse is Maulanathen taken out fromAzad the tabo Library,ot (Figure 5.7). OneAligarh of the close Muslimrelative of the deceasedUniversity assisted by others would carefully lay down the dead body inside the grave (see Figure 5.8).

173 Figure 5.7 Taboot/ Coffin

Figure 5.8 Laying a body inside the grave

The body is rested on the right shoulder with face towards Qibla and feet towards south direction. Then they start again the ritual of talkeen recitation (see Maulanatalkeen above).Azad The Library, body is then buried Aligarh inside by fillingMuslim the grave University with soil. The grave is then given rectangular shape from outside and water is sprinkled over it. The people waiting for the burial of the deceased would recite fatiha by putting hand on the fresh carved grave. The molvi would offer prayer of wahshat-e-mayat for the deceased besides his/her grave. The people led by chief mourners would folk-return to

174 the house of the deceased where condolences are offered to the bereaved family. There are many post burial rituals and practices observed at the house of the deceased. The bereaved family doesn’t cook for three days. The neighbours and relatives would bring meals for them for three days. The family would start household chores from the fourth day of the death of the deceased.

5.10.6 Fatiha khwani and Quran Khwani

The relatives and the people of the village or neighbourhood would visit the graveyard early in the morning for four days for Fatiha khwani and Quran khwani. The people after reciting fatiha would sit around the grave of the deceased to recite Quran (see Figure 5.9).

Figure 5.9 Quran Khwani at the funeral of one of the deceased Shia

From the fourth day, only relatives and friends would visit the grave of the deceased and it continues till the fortieth day. The people would visit the bereaved household after namaz-e-Magribain/evening prayers to recite Quran for the solace of Maulanathe departed soul Azad(see Figure Library,5.10). Aligarh Muslim University

175 Figure 5.10 Quraan Khwani at the deceased's house

Fourth day, the main day of fatiha khwani ritual, is the busiest of the four days. On this day, relatives, friends, neighbours and men and women from other villages also would visit ceremonial event. The men would first pay visit to the grave of the deceased and would then assemble in the house of bereaved family to offer prayers and fatiha there also in favour of the deceased. Many zakir and molvi would also pay condolences to the bereaved family. The molvis would deliver sermon and pray for the peace of the departed soul and zakir would recite marsiya and invoke intercession of Ahl-e-bayt for the deceased. The women would directly visit the bereaved household to pay condolences to the bereaved women of the house. They would hold separate marsiya khwani congregations all the day in which the famous lady zakir would recite marsiya. The guests are served with famous Kashmiri tea (pinkish salty tea) prepared by the bereaved family.

5.10.7 Patchwar, Chehlum and Waharverd

Shias organise majlis-e-Hussaini in memory of the deceased on pachhwar/ Maulana15th, chehlum Azad/40th Library, and then on every Aligarhwaharverd/death Muslim anniversary. University Organising a majlis-e-Hussain is to invoke the intercessory powers of Ahl-e-bayt, for the peace of the departed soul. The majlis is organised on a local level. The authority of organising a majlis lies with the family of the deceased. The family may organise a marsiya majlis and invite a zakir to recite marsiya, or a waaz majlis inviting a molvi for

176 delivering the sermon. Such event remains restricted to mohalla or village only. The family would either cook a full wazvan dinner or tea only for the people present in the majlis. The zakir and molvi would also be paid for their services.

5.11 Religious festivals and ceremonies

The Shia community of Kashmir has maintained its identity in the ritual observance and social transactions also. Though they frequently mix up with the other Muslim sects and attend their festive gatherings if invited, but they have kept their own religious rituals so dear to them that they endure as a distinctive religious identity.

The community engages in the celebration and observance of religious festivals and ceremonies. Like other Muslims, Shias devotedly celebrate religious occasions like Eid-ul-Fitr, Eid-ul-Azha, Shabb-e-baraat and Eid-e-Milad-un Nabi. They also engage in many more religious occasions embedded in their distinct historical identity. These ritualistic occasions include: Eid-e-Gadheer, Moulud-e- Kabba, Navroz and birth anniversaries of ‘Fourteen Infallibles’ and other members of the ‘House of the Prophet’. The annual ritualistic occasions Shias engage with are briefly discussed as follows:

1) Eid-ul-Fitr

Eid-ul-Fitr also called ‘feast of breaking the fast’ is an important festival common to both Shia and Sunni Muslims worldwide. It is celebrated on the first day of Islamic month Shawal. Eid-ul-Fitr marks the end of holy month of Ramadan-the month of fasting. After observing fast on 29 or 30 days, depending on the appearance of new moon (crescent), from the dawn to sunset, Shias like other Muslims celebrate first day of Shawal as the day of Eid. On the day of Eid, Shias perform ablutions and offer collective prayers called Namaz-e-Eid in local Mosques, and Imambargahs. In Budgam, the large Eid prayer gathering happens to be at Imambargah of Budgam Maulana(Figure 5.11) and Azad in Srinagar, Library, in the Imambargahs Aligarh of Zadibal Muslim (Figure 5. University12) and Hassanabad. Shias also pay alms to the poor called zakat-al-fitr, usually through clergies. Being the day of merriment, Shias offer greetings to each other. Delicious dishes are prepared and new clothes are worn on the occasion.

177 Figure 5.11 Eid-ul-Fitr prayers at Imambara Budgam

Maulana AzadFigure Library,5.12 Eid-ul-Fitr Aligarh Prayers and Zadibal, Muslim Srinagar University It is again worth to mention here that because of the entrenched factionalism, celebration of Eid-ul-Fitr becomes segregated among Kashmiri Shias. As already mentioned, the celebration of Eid-ul-Fitr is subjected to the sighting of new moon. From the last few years, there have been cases when one faction gets some

178 trustworthy witnesses of moon sighting, and others do not. After failing to reach the consensus whether the new moon has been sighted or not, the Eid celebration becomes segregated, the followers of one faction celebrating on one day and others on next day. Also, each faction announces the timings for Namaz-e-Eid offerings at different places under their respective banners. The followers of the particular faction preferably would offer Namaz-e-Eid at the place dearer to him and his faction. The faction followers would also give zakat-al-fitr to the respective clerical leaders whom they believe would justly distribute among the needy.

2) Eid-ul-Azha

Eid-ul-Azha marks another common festival of Shias and Sunnis throughout the world. It is celebrated on 10th of Islamic month-Zilhaja. It is a symbolic day, remembering the willingness of Prophet Ibrahim to abide by the commandments of Allah and sacrifice (qurban) his son Ismael who too showed his complete submission and bowed down before the will of Allah and to get sacrificed. However, Allah intervened and got a lamb sacrificed instead of Ismael. Shias like other Muslims commemorate this historical sacrifice by offering sacrifice of animals as per their financial status. The ritual of sacrifice is carried after offering Eid prayers like Namaz-e-Eid of Eid-ul-Fitr. The Eid prayers (Figure 5.13) are offered in congregations in mosques and Imambargahs.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 5.13 Eid Prayers at Zadibal, Srinagar

179 3) Milad-al-Nabi

Milad-al-Nabi means the birthday of Muhammad, the holy Prophet of Islam. The day is celebrated only by those Sunnis who follow Barelvi School of thought and considered as innovation (bidat) by some Sunni schools of thought. However, for Shias celebrating the day is auspicious without considering any notion of innovation with it. Sunni historians consider 12th of Islamic month Rabi-al-Awwal as the actual date of birth of Prophet and thus celebrate it on the same date. The Shia historians on the other hand emphasise on 17th day of the same month as the correct date of birth of Prophet. Shias, however, follow Khomeini of Iran who had stressed to observe entire week from 12th to 17th Rabi-al-Awwal as unity week (haft-e-wahdat) to reinforce the idea of unity in Ummah. Shias of Kashmir organise congregations and processions to mark the auspicious occasion, even invite the fellow scholars from the sunni

community, as the following pictures portray (Figure 5.14, Figure 5.15).

Figure 5.14 A Sunni Scholar on Eid-e-Milad-un-Nabi at Ichigam

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

180 Figure 5.15 Eid-e-Milad Procession in Budgam

4) Shabb-e-Baraat

Shabb-e-Baraat means the night of the records, the night of the assignment and the night of deliverance. It falls on the 15th of Shabaan, the 8th Islamic month. For Shias, the auspiciousness in the occasion is doubled by the fact that this date coincides with the birth of their 12th Imam al-Mehdi.

Shia Muslims in Kashmir observed this night as festive and spend the entire night in religious acts such as supplications and prayers. Shias also remember their deceased ancestors on Shabb-e-Baraat. They visit graveyard and offer prayers for the peace of the souls of their deceased. The graveyards and houses are illuminated with Maulanacandles (see FigureAzad5.16 ,Library,Figure 5.17 and AligarhFigure 5.18 )Muslim. Ziyarat and University special supplications for the appearance of 12th Imam are also recited. Processions are organised in each locality in which children as well as adults participate.

181 Figure 5.16 House lit on the eve of Shabb-e-Baraat

Figure 5.17 Glittering scenes at Shia graveyard on Shabb-e- Baraat

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 5.18 Another image of Shabb-e-Qadr

182 5) Shabb-e-Qadar

Shabb-e-Qadar is an auspicious and blessed night in the holy month of Ramadan observed by both Shias and Sunnis. The two sects however, differ in actual date of the occasion. Sunni, emphasise on 27th night of Ramadan as being the auspicious Shabb-e-Qadar. However, Shias believe that the actual Shabb-e-Qadar falls either of the three nights on-19th, 21st and 23rd. Thus they observe all the three nights but more fervently 23rd night, so to achieve the merits of the night. They spend whole night in prayers and supplications till the obligatory dawn prayers

6) Moulud-e-Kabba

Moulud-e-Kabba which literally means ‘the one born in Kabba’ is a Shia specific celebration. Shias believe that Hazrat Ali was born in Kabba on 13th of Islamic month Rajab al-Murajab. So they celebrate this day as the birth anniversary of Hazrat Ali every year. Processions and congregations are organised to eulogise the esteemed status Ali has been bestowed by Allah.

7) Eid al-Gadheer

Eid al-Gadheer is a Shia specific occasion, celebrated fervently. It is celebrated on 18th of Zilhaja every year. According to Shia belief, the day marks the historical occasion when holy Prophet Muhammad, while returning from the last pilgrimage declared Hazrat Ali his vicegerent before a multitude of Muslims at a place known as Gadheer-e-khum. On the historical occasion, the Prophet is believed to say, “He of whom I am the moula, of him Ali is also the moula”. However, though Sunnis acknowledge the historical event of Al-Gadheer and the above tradition, they infer “friend” as the meaning of “moula” rather a vicegerent. The Shias of Kashmir organise congregations and processions eulogising Hazrat Ali as the rightful Imam and successor of Prophet Muhammad without any gap. The Shias greet each other by saying ‘Shah Sund Chuv Mubarak/greetings of Ali to you.

Maulana8) Navroz Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Navroz is a Persian word meaning a new day. It is celebrated on 21st March every year. It is on this day that the sun completes its cycle of passing through all the ‘celestial stations’ and is celebrated as Eid-e-Navroz in Iran, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Iraq, Kurdistan, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan.

183 In Iran, Navroz is an event lasting 13 days during which people wear new clothes, exchange gifts, and visit friends and relatives (Hussain, 2017).

In Kashmir, Navroz celebration by Shias is due to the impact of Iranian culture. On Navroz, Shias wear new clothes, congratulate elders, kinsfolk and friends, and offer sweets. On the eve of Navroz special kinds of dishes are prepared. Cooking of Nadru (lotus stem) is among the special preparations for the day. Children especially love Navroz. They get their monetary gifts (Eid-i-yan/Salamaan) from their elders. The relatives are invited for the meal on the eve of Navroz.

9) Youm al-Quds

Apart from the above discussed religious occasions and festivals, Shias of Kashmir observe Jumma-tul-wida/last Friday in Ramadan as Youm-al-Quds (the day of Quds). The essence of this observance lies in supporting the Palestinian struggle for the liberation of Al-Quds from the Israeli occupation. The participants castigate Israel and USA in their slogans.

Figure 5.19 Al-Quds rally in Budgam Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

184 Figure 5.20 Shia Women participating in the Al-Quds event

It was Iran’s Khomeini, the architect of Islamic revolution, who, one year after the victory of the 1979 Islamic Revolution called upon Muslims around the world to observe last Friday in Ramadan as the International Quds Day. Ever since, on this day, Muslims and even non-Muslims rally in defence of the rights of Palestinians. In Kashmir, Shias organise rallies in every nook and corner in support of the Palestinian cause (see Figure 5.19 and Figure 5.20).

Likewise many attempts have been made from both the communities (mostly by Shias) to come together on many such occasions. The following figure (Figure 5.21) bears witness to one such attempt by the Shias wherein Sunni scholars are also invited.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

185 Figure 5.21 Shia-Sunni Scholars together at an event

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

186 Chapter 6

Mourning Rituals, Devotions and Community Identity

6.1 Introduction

The culture of mourning over the sufferings of Ahl ebayt-e-Rasool 1in general and on the tragic death of Hussain, the grandson of Prophet of Islam in particular, has become synonymous with, and an inalienable aspect of the Shia identity around the globe. This culture of mourning distinguishes Shia community from other sects of Islamic world.The Twelver Shi‘is in particular have focused on the persecution of the Imams, who according to their belief were murdered by their opponents (except the Twelfth Imam, whose advent is awaited). This tragic view of history especially that of martyrdom of Hussain has led to the creation ofrituals of lamentation, in which the faithful acknowledge the terrible sufferings of the most virtuous of all humanity (Ernst, 2013, p. 171). The sufferings of the Holy Family of the Prophet are seen by the Shi’i community as the culmination of all suffering of the pious from the beginning of the human history until its final consummation (Ayoub, 1978, p. 24).

The Battle of Karbala has been the most important symbolic event in the Shi’i history. The battle has left an indelible symbolic mark on devotional practices, on the transmissions of Islamic history, and on subsequent developments in aesthetics, mysticism, and reform movements throughout the Muslim world (Hyder, 2006, p. 3). There is consensus among researchers having specialisations in Shi’i studies, and Yitzhak Nakash also follows the same line, who finds no other single event in Islamic history as significant as the martyrdom of Hussain and his companions at Karbala, that has played so central a role in shaping Shi’i identity and communal sense among the members of this community (Nakash, 1993, p. 161). Nakash traces the origin of mourning rituals practised by Shi’ites around the globe to the death of Hussain. Maulana“Although Azad prior to Library, Husayn's death MuslimsAligarh were alreadyMuslim divided University into two main sections in support of either Ali's family or Muawiya2, a Shi’i community distinguished by its own rituals and collective memory did not yet exist. By contrast, the traditions and hagiography that elaborated on the episodes connected with the battle of Karbala created a religious symbol out of Husayn's suffering and martyrdom.

188 This symbol established powerful and long-lasting moods and motivations among Shi’is, reinforcing their Shi’i communal sense and distinct sectarian identity as distinguished from the Sunnis. Indeed, Shi’i collective memory caught and retained the dramatic episode of the battle of Karbala, giving it a great and symbolic significance. In renewing the memory of Husayn every year, the Shi'i community renews its bond with the twelve imams, the focus of devotion for Shi’i believers” (Nakash, 1993, p. 161). Karbala, for majority of the Shia, is the cornerstone of institutionalized devotion and mourning (azadari), since it is a substantive component of their historical memory, theological understanding, and religious identity. Karbala’s tale of martyrdom and suffering is vividly recounted in the Shi’i commemorative assemblies (sing. majlis, plur. Majalis) during the first two months of the Islamic calendar, Muharram and Safar (also known as ayyam-e-aza, or the days of mourning), and throughout the year in various other contexts, such as when personal losses are mourned. Karbala bestows on Shi’isma sense of legitimacy; it provides a language of martyrdom and suffering, while bolstering the argument that the succession of the Prophet should have remained within Prophet’s family. One of the primary purposes of the majlis gatherings is to express condolences to the Prophet’s daughter Fatima. Fatimah, who is believed to be present in the Majlis-e-Hussaini, epitomizes the quiet suffering of a pious woman for Islamic piety in general and Shi’i piety in particular. She is considered the mistress par excellence of the House of Sorrows. As she endured the greatest sufferings here on earth, she will, on the Day of Resurrection, enjoy great rewards and total vindication and an authority to vindicate Holy Family and the entire community (Ayoub, 1978. p. 24-25). Quoting the actual words of Noble prize winner Elias Canetti, Chelkowski says that the suffering and Commemoration of Hussein for the majority of Shi’i Muslims "became the very core of the Shiite faith...Of all the traditional religions of lament which could be adduced for closer consideration that of the Islamic Shiites is the most illuminating... The lament itself, as an impassioned pack opening out, to become a true crowd, manifests Maulanaitself with unforgettable Azad power Library, at the Muharram Aligarh Festival of the Muslim Shi’ites"(Chelkowski, University 2014, p. 20). The practice of lamentation has continued as the most distinctive and most widely known of all Shi'ite customs (M., Donaldson, 1933. p. 277). Although the battle of Karbala occurred over thirteen hundred years ago, its tragedy is made vivid and glittering for every Shia and many others through the annual mourning observances. The death of the Hussain is kept alive by repeating, recounting and

189 interiorizing the tragic details of the event in ever-growing emotional intensity. The suffering of lmam Hussain has been taken as a source of salvation through the interiorization and emulation of that suffering by the community and through the high favour of the Imam as an intercessor. This intercession is the direct reward of the sufferings of the entire family of the Prophet, and of Husayn especially, as his status could be attained only through martyrdom (Ayoub, 1978, p. 15). Every year, during Muharram and Safar, the first and the second months of the Islamic calendar, in almost every Shia domiciled nook and corner, the devotees gather together to mourn the martyred Imam in heart-rending Noha (dirges), Marsiya (elegies) to recount the familiar tragedy and doleful tale of Karbala. All the textual and oral discourses at these gatherings are meant to move the participants to tears by recounting the tragic events in the most vivid details (Hyder, 2006, p. 9-10). The devotees immerse themselves in the grief and wale more and more to earn benediction and affirm loyalty not only to Hussain and other martyrs of Karbala, but to Ali- the martyred father of the martyred Imam and the first Imam of Shia Muslims, Hassan- the martyred brother of the martyred Imam and the second Imam of followers of the community, Fatima- the oppressed, mournful and grief stricken mother of the martyred Imam and thus to Muhammad- the Prophet of Islam and the grandfather of the martyred Imam. The memory that the ceremony of Ashura3 is trying to maintain is not only or mainly that of the past, but the memory of the future, that of the promise of the coming of the Mahdi, the Shi‘ite messiah, as well as the corresponding promise of Twelver Shi‘ites to wait for him. The exemplary promise has until now been the messianic one, for at least three reasons. First, it has been the longest lasting, spanning centuries, even millennia. Second, it has been maintained “in the face of accidents, even ‘in the face of fate’: Twelver Shi‘ites have maintained the promise to wait for the successor of al- Hasan al-Askari– the eleventh Imam, who died in AH 260/873-74, even though the latter apparently left no son, and even though the occultation of the presumed twelfth imam has by now persisted for over a millennium; and they have maintained their Maulanaexpectation Azad that the Library,twelfth Imam will Aligarh fulfil his promise Muslim to appear again.University Third, it implicates a supramoral, antinomian attitude (Toufic, 2002, p. 12-13). For the Shia, the Ashura or in general mourning rituals are the sources of solidarity and harmony and act as glue that holding Shia society together. These Azadari rituals give consciousness of the membership in the community not only at the local level but at the global level. Each Shia at individual level identifies himself or herself to be a part

190 of a macro level unity and identity i.e. the Shia community of the world, the followers of the House of the Prophet, the Azadars, and the supplication of Fatima.

“There have been processions in central and western Asia since time immemorial. The Shia Muslim's ancient processional practices commemorating the death of Hussein (the Prophet Muhammad's grandson) are still followed today and have even been adapted for the political arena. These Muharram and Safar mourning processions developed from simple parades to complex ambulatory rituals occurring annually among the Shi’ites of Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, the Turks and the people of the Indian subcontinent” (Chelkowski, 2014, p. 18). These vast majority of distinctly Shia rituals are derived from the events that took place in the Battle of Karbala (Elbadri, 2009, p. 24). Over a period of twelve centuries the Muharram observances developed to include visual, theatrical, and violent aspects. The various Shi’i communities did not adopt any one binding format and the rituals differed greatly from one place to another. Indeed, the diverse nature of the Muharram observances reflected the specific cultures and concrete socio-political realities within which they developed. As such, the comparison of the rituals of Ashura as observed by different Shi’i groups can shed further light on the particular ethnic, social, and cultural attributes which have distinguished Shi’i communities in the Arab world, Iran, India, and Turkey.

What happened at Karbala in the seventh century is the foundation story of the Sunni-Shia split. Told in vivid and intimate detail in the earliest Islamic histories, it is known to all Sunnis throughout the Middle East and all but engraved on the heart of every Shia. It has not just endured but gathered emotive force to become an ever- widening spiral in which past and present, faith and politics, personal identity and national redemption are inextricably intertwined (Hazleton, 2009, p. 2-3).

6.2 Historical evolution of mourning rituals

The event of Karbala (see chapter 2) soon acquired cosmic significance; by the Maulanamid-4th/10th century, Azad Shi’ite Library, hagiography placedAligarhHussain’s Muslimdeath at the centreUniversity of world history: It was decreed by God before creation, and subsequently revealed to all the major prophets, who vicariously shared in it; at Hussain’s birth legions of angels came to the Prophet expressing their joy for the new child and their sorrow for his impending death. Hussain himself knew all the details of his coming tragedy and

191 chose it willingly as an act of self-sacrifice in the way of God. After his death, all things—the heavens and earth, sun and stars, paradise and hell—mourned him. Fatima, the sorrowful mother of the Imam, continues to shed bitter tears in paradise until the day of final reckoning, when the blood of the martyr shall be avenged and she vindicated (M. Ayoub, 1987).

6.2.1 The Remembrance of future tragedy, Hussain’s death before the Battle itself

Although Hussain was martyred in 680 A.D., the remembrance of his martyrdom dates back to the actual tragedy itself. Before Karbala, even from Adam, the prophets are said to have participated in the sorrows of Muhammad and his vicegerents, and especially in the martyrdom of his grandson. Following are some of the Shi’i hagiographical references showing cosmic nature of the battle and Prophets of Allah mourning for Hussain. The foremost action of Adam, the father of humanity and the first Prophet was to mourn Imam Hussain. Angel Gabriel became the first Zakir-reciter of the sufferings of Imam Hussain and Adam the first listener and mourner (Al-Majlisi, 1980, p. 85-86). When Adam disobeyed the divine command, and was consequently expelled from paradise, the angel Gabriel taught him to seek Allah’s forgiveness through the intercession of Panjtan-e-Pak –five infallible souls (Muhammad, Ali, Fatima, Hassan and Hussain). When Adam mentioned the name of Hussain, his heart sank and his tears streamed. He asked the angel why and was told about the tragedy of Karbala and the way Hussain would be afflicted with highest calamity ever. Hearing this, Adam wept bitterly like a mother grieving for her loved one (Ayoub, 1978, p. 27-28). Like Adam other prophets like Abraham, Moses and Jesus wept over him. They condemned his killer and ordered the Israelites to curse him (Al-Muqarram, 2011, p. 59).

When Noah, the second major heir to the prophetic gift after Adam was ordered to build the ark, the angel Gabriel brought him both the plan of the ark and Maulanathe nails Azadwith which Library, to construct it. FiveAligarh of these nails Muslim shone like the University sun, and Noah found great joy and consolation in beholding four of them, but sorrow and despondency in the fifth. He asked the angel why, and was told that the nails symbolized the Prophet Muhammad, his cousin and son-in-law Ali, his daughter Fatimah, the radiant one (al-Zahra), and their two sons, Hasan and Husayn. In his

192 sorrow Noah unconsciously anticipated the greatwrong (zulm) and calamity (musibah) that would befall the man symbolized by the fifth nail. Noah's life is further linked with Husayn. His ark floated smoothly over the waters of the flood until suddenly, caught by the raging wind and waters, it began to sway violently. The occupants within thought that they were doomed to drowning as punishment for a sin they had committed of which they were not aware. Noah complained to God of this unexpected punishment and learned that the ark was passingover the land of Karbala where the grandson of the Seal of the Prophets, Husayn, would be martyred at the hands of the wicked men: for this reason the ark was troubled. Noah wept for the death of the Imam and cursed his murderers and the ark went safely on to its resting place on the mountain (Ayoub, 1978, p. 31-32).

6.2.2 Emergence of remembrance rituals aftermath of the Battle

The Karbala witnessed the first funeral and remembrance for Hussain immediately after his martyrdom. The lamentation and mourning must have been predominantly of a family nature in which women and young girls from the family of Ali, wives, daughters and sisters of Hussain participated (Al-Din, 1985, p. 105). After pitilessly slaughtering Hussain along with his men not exceeding 72, Yazid's troops raged the camp where the women and children were staying, taking captives and setting the tents on fire. The survived were chained and taken to Yazid's court in Damascus. Their captivity is understood by Shi'ites to be a horrible ordeal of injustice and humiliation, especially considering that they were direct descendants and relatives of the Prophet Muhammad (Aghaie, 2005, p. 44). The courageous lamentations and recounting of the Karbala tragedy by the captive Zainab, sister of Hussain, initiated the mourning commemorations of weeping, telling stories about the Karbala tragedy (Hegland, 2014, p. 243). From the day of tragedy itself, spanning over a period of thirteen centuries, there developed various remembrance rituals around the battle of Karbala. These rituals listed by Nakash, (Nakash, 1993. p. 163) include; the annual memorial services (majalis al-taziya), the visitation of Hussain's tomb in Karbala Maulanaparticularly on theAzad occasion Library,of Ashura (Ziyarat Aligarh-e-Ashura), the Muslim tenth day of Muharram University and on the fortieth day after the battle (Ziyarat-e-Arbaeen), the public mourning processions (al-mawakib al Hussainiya), the representation of the battle of Karbala in the form of a play (shabih), and the flagellation (tatbir). Within these major rituals other rituals like chest beating (Latm), recitation of Karbala narratives (qirah) by a

193 recite (qari or khateeb), and recitation of rhythmic lamentation poetry (niyahah) also developed. The development and firm entrenchment of these rituals in to Shi’i identity has had to pass through different changing political scenes. The development of these remembrance rituals can be located in the different periods of changing political scenes in the Middle East, as discussed below:

I. Umayyad Period (661 to 750 A.D.)

The Umayyad period marks the first phase in the historical development of the remembrance rituals around the battle of Karbala (Hussain, 2005, p. 80). The oldest vehicle for creating and transmitting the memory of Karbala was the memorial services in which Shi’is narrated in Arabic the episodes connected with the battle, and lamented the death of Husayn and his companions. Traditions relate that the memorial services were begun immediately following Husayn's death by his women-folk even before they were sent to Damascus. During the Umayyad period the mourning of Husayn's martyrdom was observed in secret in the homes of the Imams and their followers (Nakash, 1993, p. 163). As far as an annual commemoration of Husayn’s death is concerned, the first instance in the historical sources appears to be the accounts of the tawwabun (repenters) (Al-Tabari, 1991). It was probably already in this formative period of Shi'ism that the tradition of the commemoration of Ashura was first established (Nakash, 1993, p. 163).

II. Abbasid Period (750 to 1258)

The fall of Umayyad dynasty gave a sigh of relief to the Shias and family of the Prophet. The Abbasids had taken control of the government, emphasizing the tragedy befallen on Hussain and his family at the behest of Umayyads, sloganeered their affiliation with the Prophet's family and thus instigated people against the Umayyads. Imamal-Sadiq, the sixth Imam of the Shias and his followers enjoyed a great deal of freedom during this period. There were numerous directives and instructions issued by the Imam so that he would complete the structure of Shi'ism Maulana(Muhammad Azad Mahdi, Library, 1985, p. 114) Aligarh. By the early Muslim Abbasid period, University the memorial services were no longer confined to private houses alone, but were also held in public mosques. Early Abbasid rulers, and more important, the rulers of Shi'i dynasties, found it useful to bestow their patronage on the rites of Ashura. Thus, in the tenth century, there were already in Baghdad, Aleppo, and Cairo special gathering places,

194 Hussainiya, built especially for these observances (Nakash, 1993, p. 163). Besides, this period also marks the development and popularity of the annual pilgrimage (ziyarah) ritual to the mausoleum of Hussain on the day Ashura, the tenth of Muharram and Arbaeen, the fortieth day after the martyrdom of Hussain (Muhammad Mahdi, 1985, p. 114). The Imams particularly dating back to Sixth Imam Jafar-al- Sadiq were themselves attempting to institutionalize this ritual practice of Ziyarat-e- Ashura and Ziyarat-e-arbaeen. Also, a plethora of literary accounts documenting the oral transmissions that were safeguarded by Shia during the Umayyad period developed during this initial support from the Abbasid’s (A. J. Hussain, 2005, p. 83). However, this support from the Abbasid dynasty that was in full control of the empire by 9th century did not last for long. The dynasty soon felt threatened and locked horns against these annual commemorations of Karbala tragedy and the symbolism Hussain had achieved through these commemorations. The Abbasid caliph al-Mutawakkil (847–61 AD) not only banned the annual visitation to Hussain’s Shrine but also razed the shrine of Hussain to ground (A. J. Hussain, 2005, p. 81).

III. Buyid Period (945- 1055)

The decline of the Abbasid authority in Iran and Iraq in tenth century resulted in to a local Shia dynasty of Western Iran called Buyid dynasty taking complete and effective control of Iran and Iraq, accepting the titular authority of the Abbasid caliph in Baghdad. During this Buyid period, the annual rites of remembrance of Hussain found a fertile ground and freedom to evolve, get legitimized and be expressed in public without any fear and opposition from the state. Also the oppressed community found a favourable environment for strengthening solidarity within the community (Aghaie, 2005, p. 45). Quoting the authority of historian Ibn Al-Kathir, the scholars and experts in Shi’i studies like Chelkowski (Chelkowski, 2014, p. 20), Nakash (Nakash, 1993, p. 169) and Hussain (A. J. Hussain, 2005, p. 81) find the appearance of another ritual, ‘the public processions’ under the patronage of the Shi’i rulers of Buyid dynasty. The first public mourning processions as the remembrance ritual for MaulanaHussain is traced Azad to the year Library, 352 of the Muslim Aligarh calendar (963 Muslim A.D.) on the University day of Ashura, in Baghdad when Sultan Muizz ad-Dawla of the Shia Buyid dynasty ordered the markets closed. Processions of Shi’ites circled the city while weeping, wailing and lamenting Hussain. The women were dishevelled and everyone wore torn black clothing. Hussain's murderers were acquiescently, audaciously and soundly cursed.

195 This public procession ritual soon spread and became part of the remembrance rituals in other parts of Iraq and also in Iran. This ritual began to incorporate the acts of striking heads, slapping their faces and beating theri chests (Latm) in grief. The form of the public processions varied from one place to another, reflecting a concrete social reality and the tensions within each individual society. It could very well be that in some places the Hussainiya served as the starting point of the Muharram processions. The mourners would parade through the streets of their town or village, and then return to the Hussainiya or the actual conduct of the memorial services. The religious fervour created by the processions always had the potential to lead to sectarian strife between Shias and Sunnis and many times to anti-government protest and thus, at times, both Sunni and Shi’i governments sought to restrict or even abolish the processions altogether (Nakash, 1993, p. 169).

The development of the Muharram rituals demonstrated how socio-political change transformed the nature of Shi’i Islam over a period of twelve centuries. The memorial services and the visitation of Husayn's tomb were the oldest vehicles for invoking the memory of Karbala and reinforcing Shi'i collective memory. Whereas these two rituals were established in the formative period of Shi’ism, when the Shi’is constituted a minority ruled by Sunni dynasties, the appearance of the public processions and the shabih reflected the policies of Buyid and Safavid rulers who sought to elaborate the Muharram observances and use them to gain religious legitimacy in the process of Shi’i state formation. The introduction of the ritual of flagellation by Turkoman tribes and Christian Armenians reflected the input of Shi’i converts, demonstrating the influence of Christian practices on Shi’ism.(Nakash, 1993, p. 181)

IV. Fatimid Period (909-1167 A.D.)

During tenth century, the Fatimids –a Shia dynasty like Buyids, also had confronted and reduced the temporal power of the Abbasid Caliph. They ruled over Maulanavarying areasAzad of the Library,Maghreb, Egypt, Aligarh Sicily, and the MuslimLevant from 909 Universityto 1171 A.D. However, unlike Buyids they were not as successful in their introduction and development of Shia commemoration rituals (Elbadri, 2009, p. 39). Historical references show that in the year 363/973 al-Mu‘izz li-Din Allah, a Fatimid ruler sponsored a large procession on the day of Ashura. The participants who were mainly

196 Shias were reciting dirges and mourning Hussain’s death passed by the shrines of Kulthum and Nafisah. The Sunnis, however, did not participate in the commemoratory ritual continued to conduct business as usual on the day of Ashura. This caused tensions between the majority Sunni community and the minority Shia community resulting in to rioting and bloodshed (A. J. Hussain, 2005, p. 89). With growing tensions between the two communities, the Fatimids decided to cancel public processions, and the Ashura rituals became events of simply mourning and reciting poetry in the mosques, which was amenable to Sunni participation (Elbadri, 2009, p. 39). Afterward, the official Fatimid Ashura commemorationsin Cairo consisted of no morethan simply mourning and reciting poetry in the mosques, which was more amenable to Sunni participation. The majority Sunni community condoned and sometimes even participated in honoring and mourning Hussain, but did not participate in or even tolerate the public rituals developed in commemoration of Ashura and the symbolism of Shi’i communal identity that pervaded it (A. J. Hussain, 2005, p. 89).

V. Hamdanid Period (944-1002 A.D)

The Hamdanids, another Shia dynasty, taking advantage of the dying Abbasid Empire extended their domination over Syria and Mosul in 944 AD. Aleppo became a centre for Shi'ite jurisprudence just as it became a destination for Shi'ite men of culture, scholars and poets. Although under the protection of Hamdanid government Shi'ite thought and institutions flourished (Muhammad Mahdi, 1985, p. 70), however, the remembrance rituals did not receive the support as should have been anticipated from a Shia dynasty. The Hamdanids faced the similar conditions as faced by the Fatimids. As with the Fatimids, the Hamdanid’s annual Ashura remembrances in Aleppo consisted of no more than simply mourning and reciting of lamentation poetry, far different from the Ashura commemorations performed by the Buyids (Elbadri, 2009, p. 40). Between the 11th and 16th centuries there were no Shia rulers to sponsor huge Muharram displays (Chelkowski, 1985, p. 20). However, till this Maulanaperiod, the favourable Azad political Library, situation in Iran,Aligarh Iraq, Egypt, Muslim and other places University, and sympathetic approach though temporary, by the state provided the rites of remembrance for Hussain a golden opportunity to become widespread. By the end tenth century, mourning commemorations in Aleppo, Baghdad, and Cairo were held in mosques or in special places built especially for these observances called

197 Hussainiyas. Also by the end of this period, the memorial services and the visitation of Hussain’s shrine, which were the oldest vehicles for invoking the memory of Karbala, developed a high degree of formalization. The rituals continued to evolve somewhat sporadically over the centuries in isolated communities, and under the patronage of regional Shi'ite notables or rulers. The rituals services incorporated acts of wailing and lamentation (niyahah), and were sometimes led by a poet or another person (qari or khateeb) whose function was to chant elegies and to read traditions and stories on the sufferings of the Imams from the martyrdom literature, which was developing at that time. It is also quite likely that the evolution of formalized rituals like chest beating (Latm) to the rhythm of recited poetry can be traced to this period (Elbadri, 2009, p. 40).

VI. Safavid Period (1501-1722 A.D)

The establishment of Safavid dynasty led to the establishment of Twelver Shi’ism as the official religion of Iran. The Safavid period not only proved to be the most prolific for the systematic development of Shi’ism in to a separate and well established branch of Islam, but also a watershed event for the development of remembrance rituals of Hussain. Under the patronage of Shah Abbas I (1588–1629), Muharram rituals became elaborate civil and religious festivals (Afary, 2003, p. 7) and, consequently, the annual mourning ceremonies of commemoration of Imam Hussain acquired the status of a national institution. The Muharram observances developed into an integral part of Iranian culture, and Persian literature became centred on Shi’i martyrs and saints. A new ritual called the shabih, i.e., the representation of the battle of Karbala in the form of a carnival play developed (Nakash, 1993, p. 169-170). Also the recitation of the Hussain saga by a specially trained story-teller who, by changes of voice, cadence and gesture in recitation and chanting, brought the audience into the strongly reactive emotional state induced by the processions (Chelkowski, 1985, p. 22). A sea of new literature around the battle of Karbala developed and each year new works both in prose and poetry were added Maulanato the existing Azad heritage. Library, The majority Aligarh of these works Muslimwere grief expression University oriented, prepared to suit mourning ceremonies in order to make the people cry more that become clear from the themes of the books composed in this period. Paying close attention to the names of the majority of the books shows that there are some key words in them such as buka(crying), huzn (sadness), ibtila (suffering), ashk (tears),

198 and musibat (calamity) (Rasul, p. 25). It was in this environment that the popular religious orator, Hussain Waiz Kashefi composed his seminal work, “Rawzat-al- shohada” (The Garden of Martyrs) which encompassed a countless earlier historical accounts and pious elegies (Calmard, 1996, p. 155). No other text has dominated the popular perceptions of Karbala in South Asia more than Kashefi’s Rawzat Al-shohada (Hyder, 2006, p. 22). The book represents a new trend involving the synthesis of various historical accounts, elegiac poems, theological tracts, and hagiographies into a chain of short narratives that together formed a much larger narrative. This new genre of pious narratives was read aloud in religious gatherings and evolved into mourning rituals called rawzeh-khwani, which means “reciting from the rawzeh” or the book “Rawzat al-shohada”. The rawzeh khwani, the ritual still practiced, in which a sermon is given based on the book “Rawzat Al-shohada” was introduced and became a popular ritual of remembrance in the Safavid period. The trained speaker would move the audience to tears and make them wail and lament through his recitation of the detailed tragedy of Karbala battle with a great deal of improvisation (Calmard, 1996, p. 155). Last but not least, a violent blood shedding ritual of self-flagellation developed and eventually added to the annual rites of remembrances in Safavid Period in Northern Iran. Though, no one knows exactly when and where Shia mourners first used knives, swords, and chains to shed their blood in commemoration of Hussain’s death, however, many attribute the origin of this blood shedding ritual to Turkoman tribes and Christian Armenians who converted to Shi’ism in the 16th century during the Safavid period. These new converts shed their blood for Hussein the same way the Christian Catholics self-flagellated to mourn for the shedding of Christ’s blood (Nakash, 1993, p. 174). Among many other important accounts of travellers who visited Iran in early and mid-Seventeenth centuries and witnessed various rites of remembrances, Nakash, (ibid, 174-75) through his investigative binocular of history finds Ottoman traveller Evliya Chelebi’s descriptions of blood-shedding instruments incommemoration of Hussain's death as one of the earliest description who first Maulanawitnessed the ritualAzad of self Library,-flagellation from Aligarh the city of TabrizMuslim in 1640. University Nakash quotes;

“The finest show is in the variegated tent of the khan, where all the great men of Tabriz are assembled, and where a Hymn [maqtal] on the death of Husayn is recited.... The hearers listen sighing and lamenting, but when the reciter

199 arrives at the passage where Husayn is killed by [the] accursed Shimr, a curtain opens behind him, and a severed head and trunk of a body, representing that of the imam when dead, is thrown on the ground, when there rises such an uproar of cries and lamentations that everybody loses his wits. At this moment some hundred men mingle in the crowd with razors, with which they cut the arms and breasts of all loving believers, who desire to shed their blood on this day in remembrance of the bloodshed by the imam; they make such deep incisions and scars, that the ground appears as if it was blooming with tulips. Some thousands brand the marks and names of Hasan and Husayn on their heads, arms, and breasts. They then carry Husayn's body away from the ground with much pomp, and finish the ceremony with great howlings.”

The blood-shedding ritual of self-flagellation was neither reported in Southern and Central Iran and nor in the Arab world before nineteenth century. The Shrine cities of Karbala and Iraq witnessed the practice of head-cutting in the nineteenth century by Shi‘is of Turkish origin and was confined in Iraq mainly to Shi‘i Turks and Persians. It was first practiced in Iraq by Shi‘i pilgrims from the Caucasus, Azerbaijan, or Tabriz (Nakash, 1994, p. 149). In a nut shell, the Safavid period proved to be very important in the development of new commemoration rituals of mourning viz. shabih, rawzeh khwani and self-flagellation which are still practiced throughout the Shia world.

VII. Qajar Period (1794-1925 A.D)

The Qajar dynasty, basically a Shia Turkmen tribe dynasty ruled Iran from 1794 to 1925. To legitimize their rule, the Qajar rulers sponsored and supported mourning remembrance rituals. The taziya play reached its zenith during this stopping short of becoming an Iranian national theatre early in the twentieth century. Under royal patronage the play evolved into a complex melodrama, particularly in Tehran and in other large cities in Iran. The literary and artistic additions reached their peak Maulanaduring and Azad shortly after Library, the reign of NasirAligarh al-Din Shah Muslim (1848 - 1896). UniversityWhile the main theme was still the battle of Karbala, much stress was laid on individual heroes around whom separate plays were written. To create a greater effect, authors of the taziya plays added new characters and transformed existing ones. The Muharram observances were further elaborated with the spread of blood shedding ritual of self-

200 flagellation (Nakash, 1993, p. 171-172). The Qajars were great sponsors of remembrance rituals, and social and religious status among the elites were based partly on their ability to sponsor such events on a large scale (Aghaie, 2005, p. 47).

VIII. Pahlavi Period (1925-1979)

The Pahlavi period in Iran began with the crowning of Reza Shah Pahlavi in 1925 and ended with the success of Iranian Revolution in 1979 with the overthrown of Reza Shah Pahlavi's son Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (Elbadri, 2009, p. 48). The Pahlavis unlike Qajars attempted to run the state machinery driven by the secular modernism. They did not support and upheld the remembrance rituals of Ashura to legitimize their control over Shia clergy (Aghaie, 2004, p. 47). They instead anticipated the dangers posed by these rituals to their rule and state machinery functioning on the new paradigm. They disregarded the Shia clergy, deserted help and state supporting of majalis and Ashura ceremonies. Until the early 1930s Muharram rituals were merely discouraged in some areas or were diverted to certain neighbourhoods. Furthermore, only extreme rituals such as Qamah Zani (striking the shaved head with a sword) were banned at this time. However, the hostility to these rituals grew so high to eventually ban them from public sphere in 1930s (Aghaie, 2004, p. 51-53). This tough stance from the Pahlavi state significantly led to the decline of the remembrance ritual practices of Ashura. The annual remembrance rituals became mainly supported by neighbourhood organizations such as, Ulema, landowners, merchants and different guilds. The practice was limited to temporary ritual sites that were located on private property. This private support enabled the rituals to evolve on their own without state control (Elbadri, 2009, p. 47).

However, the same hostile stance subsequently led to the death of Pahlavi rule and the paradigm based on secular modernism. In 1963 Muharram, Khomeini –the central Ulema figure from the opposition camp, repeatedly spoke against the government. His criticism of the governments among others included land reform Maulanalaws and women Azad enfranchisements. Library, Besides Aligarh him, among Muslim many others, theUniversity most influential and strong opponents of the Shah regime included Mohammad Taqi Sharieti, Murtaza Mutahari and Ali Sharieti. The revolution against the Pahlavi regime was embarked on the vehicle of “the Karbala Paradigm” with the annual rituals of remembrance its driving force. By the 1960s and 1970s, the Karbala

201 Paradigm and the Muharram rituals surrounding it had become effective means for critiquing the Shah’s regime and for expressing alternative social and political views. Lectures, often the centrepieces of these rituals, became increasingly politicized. Their use for this purpose was an important development within the oppositional discourse under Pahlavi rule. The Shah ruler of the time and his followers were labelled as followers of Muawiya and Yazid, and the Iranian masses were equated with the martyrs who died with Hussain in 680 in the deserts of Karbala (Aghaie, 2004, p. 78).

IX. Iran Islamic Republic

The post-revolutionary Islamic regime banned the controversial blood- shedding Qamah-Zani ritual, effectively enforced first in Tehran and then other parts of the country. Later, Ayatollah Khamenei, the successor to Ayatollah Khomeini as spiritual leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in a speech to an audience of religious scholars denounced the self-flagellation ritual as a wrong practice based on ignorance contrary to religion (Aghaie, 2004, p. 53). It should be pointed out that the most dominant trends in relation to Shi’i rituals were not those strains directly controlled by the state. The state-sponsored rituals were generally isolated events, sometimes with large attendance, sometimes with more limited attendance. They were important politically. However, the vast majority of religious rituals were organized by individuals and groups in the society for a wide variety of purposes. Furthermore, Shi’i rituals continued to evolve independently from state control. Hence, it can be said that while the state was quite effective in influencing Shi’i rituals, the greatest influences came from the society and culture as a whole. Broad-based changes (and continuities) in Iranian society and culture ultimately determined the path of evolution of these rituals (Aghaie, 2004, p. 141).

In addition to Iran, the most important country for Shia Muharram rituals is Iraq, where the holiest Shia shrines are located, such as Karbala and Najaf (the tomb Maulanaof Ali). TheAzad processions Library, in Iraq do notAligarh differ greatly Muslimfrom those in Iran.University In Iran the procession is called dasteh, while in Iraqi t is called mawakib. As in Iran the processions are organized by town districts and guilds. There are local differences in timing and manner of execution. In Lebanon, where one of the oldest Shia communities lives, Muharram rituals were restrained until the second half of the 19th

202 century. A great deal of the Iranian influence can be noticed. In Bahrain, where more than 50% of the population are Shiites, the processions follow Iranian pattern with local modifications (Chelkowski, 1985, p. 27).

6.3 Mourning Rituals in Kashmir

Mourning rituals, also called as azadari or matamdari, are the annual social events which Kashmiri Shias organise to commemorate the martyrdom of Hussain and his companions. Over a period of almost more than 200 years (the period from fall of Shia Chakk dynasty till the Dogra rule), the rituals were organised indoors, during nights (Shabana majlis and jalus) fearing the experienced persecution, riots, plunder by the majority community. However, owing to the termination of the persecution period of Afghans, Mughals and strategic moderate policy of Sikhs and Dogras followed by soft stance from the government of Jammu and Kashmir, these rituals are performed now in an open air even in the hot beds of Sunni dominance. However, the Ashura processions were not allowed during the day time but to observe the ritual during night and culminate it before dawn.

Muharram in Kashmir is undoubtedly the time of the year when Shias become most conscious of their sectarian religious identity. With the arrival of Muharram, each Shia locality, whether living in majority or minority comes alive. The black banners eulogising the martyrs of Karbala and portraits of Iranian and other Shia leaders are erected in each market, street and road with the arrival of the mourning season (see Figure 6.1).

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 6.1 Picture of Muharram Preparation in Srinagar

203 These localities display a vibrant and emotional association with this culture of mourning, which instils a sense of attachment within the community and enhances the historical detachment with the majority community. These mourning rituals are not merely an embodiment of a culture of death, but, function like other rituals; emergence social integration, consciousness of their separate identity, and also act as sites for displaying this separate identity to the world. The Karbala centric devotional practices, consisting of a set of symbols and rituals act as a unifying glue for Shias of Kashmir and enable them to feel themselves being a part of some larger Shia identity, than justtheir own individual existence. Each village and town organises remembrance rituals in which Shias participate in thousands. However, those Shia dominated villages and towns which fall along or close to the main vehicular roads, become the main centres of focus for the devotees. The main centres being the town areas of Budgam, Magam, Zadibal, Hassanabad and Bemina, and the villages like Ichigam (now a census town), Chattergam, Khanda, Gariend in Budgam District, and Cheenabal and Ahmedpura, in Baramulla. These localities organise the main mourning events (Majlis and Jalus) which are visited by devotees in thousands. Local tanzeem/organisations design the modalities for the organisation of rituals.

The Shi’imourning rituals are both stationary and ambulatory in nature, former comprising of majlis (See symbolic rituals, below) with its associated rituals and the latter comprising of jalus (See symbolic rituals, below) with other associated rituals. The present study has categorised all the rituals which Kashmiri Shias perform in remembrance of the martyrs of Karbala in to the following schematic diagram (see Figure 6.2), with elaborate description of each ritual.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

204 Participatory Rituals

Ziyarat/ Mourning Monetary Pilgrimages Rituals Devotions

Liturgical Devotions

Figure 6.2 Categorization of Annual Mourning Rituals among Kashmiri Shias

6.3.1 Participatory Rituals

Participatory rituals constitute all those mourning rituals in which a devotee himself takes part as an active member of the community. As already stated mourning culture constitutes a compendium of rituals and practices performed in the remembrance of the tragedy of Karbala. A mourner may take part in lamentations or the rituals having symbolic significance or may simply provide his services to the mourners. So, depending upon the form of participation in these rituals, participatory rituals canfurther be divided in to: Symbolic rituals and Lamentation rituals as shown in the Figure 4.3 below.

Symbolic Lamentation Rituals Rituals

Participatory Maulana Azad Library,Devotions Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 4.3 Participatory Devotions: Types

205 6.3.1.1 Symbolic rituals

Shias relive tragedy of Karbala through the symbolic representations of the events, signs, artefacts and even feelings that were associated with the battle of Karbala. In the annual remembrance of the tragedy of Karbala, even emotions and feelings expressed through the performance contain symbolism to the emotions, feelings and sufferings of the Hussain and his family at Karbala. Symbolic ritualsin Kashmiri Shia community constitute of symbolic congregations and processions and many symbols and artefacts transporting meaning from very few and small congregations and processions held by the women folk to mourn their dear ones after the battle, and artefacts that made their presence during the battle. The two main symbolic rituals organized by the Shias are the majlis/mourning assemblies and jalus/mourning processions.These Symbolic devotional practicesform the two pillars of Shia piety and identity in Kashmir. The majlis and jalus provide the platform for the performance ofother rituals. These associated rituals include symbolic or iconic rituals like zuljanah, alam, taziya and taboot lamentation rituals like (chest beating and self- flagellation, and liturgical like marsiya-khwani/elegy recitation, noha-khwani/dirge recitation. It is during these two symbolic pillars that another form of devotional practice in the form of providing devotional service to mourners (sabeel and nazar) is also performed. These mourning assemblies and processions are held on various occasions throughout the year particularly during the mourning months of Muharram and Saffar. These are discussed as below:

I. Majlis/Mourning Assemblies

One of the major Symbolic ritualistic pillars of Shi’ite society and culture in Kashmir is the majlis/mourning assembly. Majlis refers to a commemorative gathering at which a speaker (zakir) narrates the suffering of Hussain and the other martyrs of Karbala. The symbolism in organising a majlis is to remember the mourning held by Hussain’s women folk especially his sisters Zainab, Umm-e- MaulanaKulsoom Azad and his daughters Library, after the former’sAligarh martyrdom. MuslimIt is through University these majalis the Shia community has preserved its identity in Kashmir. The Kashmiri Shia intellectuals unanimously acknowledge that message of Shi’ism in Kashmir has had spread from pulpits in Kashmir and these majalis have had safeguarded Shi’ism from getting vanished in the times of persecutions. Although, demonstration of sorrow

206 over the injustice and oppression wreaked on prophet’s family, in particular sufferings inflicted by Muslims on prophet’s grandson Hussain and his family at Karbala are essence of majlis organisation, however, these ritual gatherings have proved to be influential educational vectors for the Kashmiri Shia community. The structure of a majlis is composed of an educationally informative speech on queries related to fundamentals of Islam, its history, ethics, finally ending with the evocation of emotional sufferings of the Prophet's family. Majlis is an integral part of Shi’ite social-religious life.

In Kashmir, majlis or majlis-e-Hussaini as they call it may either be a marsiya majlis or a waaz majlis. However, each majlis concludes with the recitation of marsiya. In a waaz majlis, there is a Waaiz (orator) –usually a well versed molvi, who is invited for delivering sermon on the occasion. In a waaz majlis, the waaiz sitting on mimbar/pulpit evokes in details the sufferings of the Hussain, his family and his entourage in the battle of Karbala. The waaiz aims for creating tears and other signs of sorrow among the mourners present in majlis. In a marsiya majlis, one or many zakirs are invited for marsiya recitation without any waaiz for sermon. Unlike Shi’ites of other Indian states, marsiya majlis have been more popular than waaz majlis in Kashmir (see Marsiya majlis). The majalis constitute the stationary rituals, organized usually in a community edifice like Imambargah or a mosque and in case of the absence of a large spacious edifice, then in a park or courtyard, sun shaded by an erected tent and sometimes in a private house also, depending on the size of expected gathering. Kashmiri Shias usually organise majlis on the occasions like:

(a) In the mourning months of Muharram and Saffar:

Each year in the months of Muharram and Saffar, all the villages and towns inhabited by Shi’ites organise majlis and jalus. However, during nights of the first ten days of Muharram each Shia domiciled neighbourhood, village, and town whether living in minority or majority, the majlis are organised at local level. After Ashura, the tenth of Muharram, majlis and jalus are organised at different places which are Maulanavisited by the devotees Azad from Library, other villages andAligarh towns. Owing Muslim to the participation University in these traditional ceremonies over decades, people now remember different dates on which different villages or towns organise majlis or jalus. Each firqa/faction publishes a calendar of majlis and jalus to be organised under its auspices in different villages and towns during the two months of mourning. The local tanzeem- committee then

207 frames the modalities and provide highly structured context for the jalus and majlis in which the congregants participate.

Shi’ites organise majlis hoping to obtain intercession from Ahl-e-bayt in general but from Hazrat Zahra, the mother of Imam Hussain in particular,to attain proximity to Allah and get their specific wishes and vows viz. health, marriage, child, prosperity, job etc. answered. A promise is made to Allah to organize a majlis-e- Hussaini once the wish has been granted. Majlis is organised on mohalla level in an Imambargah or a mosque. The family either cooks a lavish wazvan dinner or tea only for the people present in the majlis.

(b) On the death anniversaries of Ahl-e-bayt of Prophet Muhammad:

Each year Majlis and jalus are organised on the death anniversaries of Ahl-e- bayt at various places. Each firqa/faction organises majlis and jalus at places having its stronghold. After culmination of the majlis, a jalus/procession of Shabih or Taziya or Alam is also organised. A calendar of some of the important anniversaries outside of the main mourning period followed by Kashmiri Shias is shown in Table 6.1 below.

Table 6.1. Mourning anniversaries followed by Kashmiri Shias

Month Name Date Remembrance Muharram 10th Day of Ashura/ Martyrdom of Hussain and his 72 companions at Karbala 25th Martyrdom of 4th Imam Zain ul Abideen Saffar 7th Death anniversary of Hazrat Sakeena, daughter of Hussain 28th Death anniversary of prophet Muhammad and Imam Hassan Rabi-ul-Awwal 5th Death anniversary of Masoom-e-Qum 8th Martyrdom of 11th Imam Hasan al Askari Jamadi-ul-Awwal 14th Martyrdom of Fatima-az-Zahra 26th Martyrdom of 10thImam Ali Naqi Rajab-ul-Murajab 15th Martyrdom of 6th Imam Jafar-as-Sadiq 25th Martyrdom of 7th Imam Musa al Kazim 26th Death of Abu Talib 28th Hussain started his journey to Karbala from Medina Zilakad 29th Martyrdom of 9th Imam Mohammad al Taqi MaulanaZilhaja Azad Library,7th MartyrdomAligarh of 5th ImamMuslim Mohammad University al Baqir 9th Martyrdom of Muslim Ibn Aqeel &Hanni Ibn Urwah 16th Death of Zainab the daughter of Ali 23rd Martyrdom of two sons of Muslim Ibn Aqeel 27th Death of Meesum al Tammar, companion of Prophet Source: Shia Calendar

208 (c) Khwani Season: Each year usually after the fasting month of Ramzan, each firqa leader issues a fresh calendar for marsiya khwani/recitation season. Information about the dates and places for upcoming majlis is given in each majlis. Each firqa leader in consultation with their elderly firqa affiliates from various places decides modalities i.e., places and dates for future course of majalis. On the selected date, devotees from whole valley turn out in thousands to the venue of the event. In anticipation of the event, relatives and friends living in other places are also invited by the families in the village or town of the event. A number of famous zakirs/marsiya reciters are invited for the event. It is must be noted here that each firqa/faction has an affiliated bunch of famous marsiya orators called markazi zakir/central zakir who would carry out marsiya khwani in the majlis organised under the patronage of their firqa leader. Marsiya khwani starts in the early morning, given a short pause at the time of lunch and Namaz-e-zohrain. In the afternoon the molvi i.e., the faction leader himself attends the congregation delivering a sermon narrating the tragedies suffered by Ahl-e-bayt turning the atmosphere emotional and mournful. His sermon is followed by wath-diun by a zakir and a brief chest beating on the marsiya chant culminates the ritual. The devotees leave for their homes after the culmination of the event.

(d) On the funeral and death anniversaries of a deceased:

Majlis ritual has become an indisputable part of the Shia identity in Kashmir. Shias of Kashmir do organise this event even on the funeral, fatiha, pachhwar, chehlum and on the waharwerd/death anniversaries of loved ones. The authority of organising a majlis lies with the family of the deceased. The family may organise a marsiya majlis and invite a zakir to recite marsiya, or a waaz-majlis (Figure 6.4) inviting a molvi for delivering the sermon. Such event remains restricted to mohalla or village only. The family would either cook a full wazvan dinner or tea only for the people present in the majlis. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

209 Figure 6.4 Fatiha Majlis/Waaz Majlis

Some of the largest majlis events organised in Kashmir are:

 Majlis-e-Hussaini at Zadibal Imambargah Srinagar  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Budgam Imambargah  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Imambargah Bemina  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Imambargah Chattabal, Srinagar  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Imambargah Ahmedpura, Baramullah  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Hassanabad Imambargah, Srinagar  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Shalimar, Srinagar  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Ichigam Budgam

 Majlis-e-Hussaini at Cheenabal, Baramullah

 Majlis-e-Hussaini at Magam, Budgam  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Chattergam, Budgam  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Khwaja Gund Qasim, Baramullah  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Gariend, Budgam Maulana Majlis Azad-e-Hussaini Library,at Khoshipura Aligarh, HMT, Srinagar Muslim University  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Shadipura, Bandipura  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Dab, Ganderbal  Majlis-e-Hussaini at Nowgam, Sonawari, Bandipura

210 II. Jalus/The mourning processions Another symbolic ritualistic pillar characterizing annual mourning remembrance of Karbala battle in Kashmir is the organization ofjalus or jalus-e- aza/mourning processions (see Figure 6.5 and Figure 6.6).

Figure 6.5 Mourning Procession (Juloos) at Ichigam

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 6.6 Mourning Procession (Juloos) at Sanzipora

211 Jalus refers to a commemorative mourning procession in which mourners narrate in groups the sufferings of Hussain, his family and the other martyrs of Karbala by chanting noha/dirges in unison along with or without self-flogging. Jalus is also considered as an annual protest against the oppression of any of its kind. Unlike majlis, which is organised throughout year, the organisation of jalus-e- aza/mourning processions is closely linked to the months of Muharram and Saffar, especially first ten days of Muharram. The mourning processions are also organised on the death anniversaries of Imams and other members of Ahl-e-bayt. Jalus comprises the ambulatory ritual practice, emerging at one venue and culminating at another.

The procession usually follows a traditional route. It usually emerges from an Imambargah, shrine, mosque or a private house and after moving on main vehicular road or passing through the streets of the village or main artery of a town, finally culminates at another Imambargah, shrine, mosque or a private house. It was also found that these processions lead to interruptions in traffic for several hours. The procession consists of groups, each group called as dayira (See Figure 6.7).

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 6.7 Part of a Dayira

212 In a noha-dayira the mourners participate standing in a line on the stretch of both the sides of a street or a road facing each other and perform lamentations on the chant of noha. Unlike Shi’ites of Hyderabad, Kashmiri Shi’ites take processions in groups based on Mohalla/neighbourhood or village and not in the form of guilds/associations. In a village level procession the villagers form mohalla wise noha-dayira and participate in the ritualistic mourning procession. Each dayira is called dayira Hussaini followed by the name of Mohalla. For example, in Ichigam, the jalus comprises of dayira Hussaini Butpora, dayira Hussaini Hajipura, dayira Hussaini Bangam, dayira Hussaini Bangerpura, dayira Hussaini Tooni mohalla, and dayira Hussaini Wulina. And if the procession is attended by the mourners from other villages also, then dayiras are formed on village basis. For example, in the famous historical mourning procession on the day of Ashura, the tenth of Muharram in Budgam town, different village based dayira participate like dayira Hussaini Pallar, dayira Hussaini Khanpura, dayira Hussaini Karipura, dayira Hussaini Mahwara, dayira Hussaini Sandipura, dayira Hussaini Gariend, dayira Hussaini Watervani, and the local mohalla based dayira of the Budgam town itself. Again, owing to the deeply entrenched Firqadari/factionalism, Budgam jalus-e-aza consists of two more dayira from the town itself, named on the firqa/faction they follow i.e., Mahamdi dayira and Mustafayi dayira. The former representing Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Jammu and Kashmir Darul Yousuf, while, the latter represents Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Jammu and Kashmir Darul Mustafa. It must be noted that the two firqas are the sub-factions of firqa Jadeed, which emerged following after succession crises in the Agha family of Budgam town.

The procession ceremonies provide a platform for displaying the separate Shi’i identity and association with the macro Shia identity. Now-a-days, the portraits and banners of Shia leaders from Middle East (Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia) to Nigeria in Africa also make their presence in during Muharram processions. The famous being; Iran’s former Ayatollah Rohullah Khomeini, MaulanaAyatollah Syed Azad Ali Khamenei, Library, former president Aligarh Mahmoud Muslim Ahmadinejad, UniversityMajor General in Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Qassem Soleimani, Iraq’s Ayatollah Syed Ali Hussaini Al- Sistani, Lebanon’s Hezbollah Chief Syed Hassan Nasrullah, Yemen’s Ansarullah Chief Sayyid Abdul-Malik Badreddin al- Houthi, Bahrain’s jailed cleric Sheikh Isa Qassim, executed Shia cleric of Saudi

213 Arabia Sheikh Nimr Baqir al-Nimr and Nigeria’s jailed Shia cleric Sheikh Ibrahim Zakzaky (see Figure 6.8).

Imam Khomeini Imam Khamenei Ahmadenajad Qassem Solemani

Qassem Qassem Qassem Qassem Solemani Solemani Solemani Solemani

Qassem Qassem Solemani Solemani

Figure 6.8 Most Revered World Shia Leaders (Source: Web)

There are various other rituals associated with the mourning processions which Shias perform. These constitute other symbolic or iconic rituals. Depending on the core ritualistic icon to be taken out in procession, a jalus/mourning procession can be: jalus-e-alam, jalus-e-zuljanah, jalus-e-taziya or jalus-e-shabih/taboot.

(a) Jalus-e-Alam

The term alam literally means a flag or a signpost and in Shi’ite culture it means a standard flag representing Hussain’s army in the battle of Karbala. Like other Maulanaplaces, inAzad Shi’ite culture Library, in Kashmir also,Aligarh an alam consists Muslim of a long poleUniversity wrapped up with a well decorated cloth or many and surmounted with usually a silver paw, encrypted either with the namesof Panjtan i.e., prophet Muhammad, Ali, Fatima, Hassan, and Hussain (Figure 6.9/Figure 6.10).

214 Figure 6.9 Alam/Flag Figure 6.10 Alam/Flag

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 6. 11 Juloos-i- Alam in Ichigam, Budgam

215 Alam has a symbolic importance in Shia pietyand is one of the major icons of annual remembrance rituals. The alam is the most venerated and also the most important symbolic object of devotion displayed and carried in every mourning procession, most commonly during the months of Muharram and Saffar in Kashmir (Figure 6. 11). An alam not only symbolizes the Shia devotion but also provide a space to perform certain other rituals like noha-khwani/cadenced reciting of dirges, accompanied by other lamentation rituals including rhythmic chest beating and self- mortification practiced in annual mourning procession. In such a procession, the person who lifts and carries the alam all throughout the ritual is also known as alamdar (Figure 6.12).

Figure 6.12 Carrier of Alam (Alamdar)

Visualized as a replica of the standard flag of the battle of Karbala, an alam usually personifies the bravery and faithfulness of Abbas, the younger half-brother of Hussain. Abbas is remembered as Alamdar-e-Karbala/ the flag bearer of Karbala, as Maulanahe was theAzadcarrier of Library, it in the historic Aligarhbattle. He is also Muslim considered as theUniversity protector of women until he was alive in the battle of Karbala. While he was alive no-one dared to approach towards Hussain’s camps. But after the death of Hussain, the Hussain’s women folk including his sisters and daughters were snatched off their hijab/dupattas (long head scarves) covering head and face. To commemorate this symbolic tragedy

216 suffered by Hussain’s women folk, many Shi’i women offer and tie dupattas to alam in the annual mourning processions.

Having strong belief that Ahl-e-bayt can intermediate between a devotee and Allah, Abbas is considered as Bab-ul-Hawayij (door of wishes) in the Shi’i piety. Many devotees make vows, tying knots (deshi-gandin) and monetary offerings/niyaz to the alam and seek divine help through Abbas’s intercession for the solution of their daily life problems viz. wish to have a baby, seeking of job and cure for a disease etc. In a display of love, faithfulness, respect, grief, empathy and to gain the blessings through the sacred alam people touch the sacred symbol and if the Jalus or majlis is crowded, the devotees surge towards the alam, extending arms out to touch and to kiss the sacred symbol.

(b) Jalus-e-Zuljanah

Zuljanah literally means horse ridden by Hussain in the battle of Karbala. In Shi’ite annual commemorations, zuljanah constitutes the symbolic representation of returning back of riderless steed of Hussain from the battle ground to the kheemgah/tents, after the latter’s martyrdom. The riderless horse thus signifies a sacred symbol of the martyrdom of Hussain in the battle of Karbala, because women waiting inside kheemgah/tents realized his death when the horse returned without his rider.

In Kashmir, the horse used as shabih-e zuljanah/replica of Hussain’s horse for the symbolic ritual is costumed in a very elaborate way carrying; a special zeen/saddle, a well ornamental blood stained kaan chadar/arrow riddled blanket on his back, coloured dupattas tied around his neck, forehead and saddle, and an umbrella to shade the rider (Hussain) who is believed to be sitting on the riderless steed. The sacredness of the symbolic moment is heightened by the burning of incense sticks. Reins of the zuljanah remain in the hands of two elderly men of the locality or a leader of the firqa/faction if the procession is organised by it (see Figure 6.13). Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

217 Figure 6.13 Juloos-i-Zuljanah (2014) at Ichigam, Budgam

Unlike alam, zuljanah does not form part of every mourning procession; however, it becomes symbolof a popular devotion and wholesome attention when itis the part of the procession walking on the roads and streets. The steed attains sacredness the moment it becomes zuljanah and devotees begin showering and bestowing love, affection and complete attention on it. Many devotees including many Sunni and Hindu women (Figure 6.14) make vows, tie knots (deshi gandin) and monetary offerings/niyaz to zuljanahand seek divine help through Hussain’s intercession who is believed to be sitting on the zuljanah, for the solution of their daily life problems viz. wish to have a baby, seeking of job and cure for a disease etc.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

218 Figure 6.14 A Hindu Lady showing her devotion to Zuljanah (Ichigam)

In a display of love, faithfulness, respect, grief, empathy and to gain the blessings through the sacred zuljanah people touch and kiss the sacred symbol. The commotion reaches its emotional peaks when zuljanah is brought in among the women devotees first at the time of its emergence for the farewell, symbolising farewell of Hussain from his womenfolk on the battle day and also at the culmination of the ritual symbolising return of wounded zuljanah to the waiting womenfolk without Hussain on his back.

Like alam, zuljanah not only symbolizes the Shia devotion but also provide a space to perform many other rituals like noha-khwani/cadenced reciting of dirges, accompanied by other lamentation rituals including rhythmic chest beating and self- mortification practiced in annual mourning procession. A great commotion erupts each time when zuljanah is brought in different dayiras who form part of the procession. The devotees in the procession while beating their chests or flagellating Maulanathemselves with Azadsharp metallic Library, blades (hankal) Aligarh chant the noha/dirge Muslimor with cadencedUniversity but distraught voices:

Yi Chu Zuljanaye Sayidi Shohda!! This is the steed of Hussain!!

219 (c) Jalus-e-Taziya

Taziya –one of the symbolic icons of Shi’ite annual mourning ritualsin Kashmir as well as in other parts of India and Pakistan refers to the replica of Hussain's zariya/mausoleum in present Karbala. In annual Kashmiri remembrance rituals, taziya is dedicated to Hussain only and not associated with other martyrs of Karbala. So the display of taziya in a majlis or jalus signifies the martyrdom of Hussain. Taziya in Kashmir are permanent relics made of well decorated and carved wood, metal and glass with a Quran and a blood painted turban on one end inside the taziya, symbolising the amamah/turban of Hussain. For its display in a majlis or jalus, at least four persons are required to lift it at its four ends (see Figure 6.15).

Figure 6.15 Jalus-e-Taaziya

In Kashmir, unlike other parts of India and Pakistan, taziya are not buried or immersed in water after the Muharram celebrations but preserved with respect and love in an Imambargah or a shrine room for the future use. Also, only one or few taziya are displayed in a remembrance gathering. The funeral ceremony of Hussain at MaulanaKarbala Azad about 1400 Library, years ago is relived Aligarh each year Muslim by Shi’ites by participatingUniversity in taziya rituals. Unlike alam and zuljanah, Taziya processions in Kashmir are not long but confined to the vicinity of an Imambargah, Mosque or a Shrine.

220 (d) Shabih/Taboot

Taboot refers to the replica of coffins of martyrs of Karbala which were carried after three days of Ashura as well as that of Prophet Muhammad, Shia Imams and other members of the Ahl-e-bayt. Like taziya, tabootare permanent relics made of wood, metal and glass with shrouded bulge and a blood painted turban inside, symbolising a martyr in the coffin. Like taziya, at least four persons are required to lift a taboot in a majlis or jalus. Taboot lifting ritual is usually practiced on the death anniversaries of the members of Ahl-e-bayt and other Imams. In Kashmir, other than Muharram, taboot ritual is carried particularly on the death anniversaries of Prophet Muhammad on 28th Saffar ul Muzaffar (see Figure 6.16), Hazrat Ali on 21st Ramadan and other Imams on their respective death anniversaries. Only one taboot is displayed in a remembrance ritual. Like taziya, taboot in Kashmir are not buried after the celebration of the ritual but preserved for the future annual ceremonies.

Figure 6.16 Taboot on Death Anniversary of Prophet Mohammad in Budgam

The annual mourning processions are organised almost in every Shia town, Maulanavillage or neighbourhood. Azad However,Library, some of Aligarh the important processionsMuslim organised University in Kashmir include:

 Jalus-e-aza at Zadibal Srinagar on 10th Muharram and 20th Saffar ul Muzaffar and 21st Ramadan.  Jalus-e-aza on 7th Muharram, from Kathi Darwaza to Hasananad in Srinagar.

221  Jalus-e-aza at Budgam on 10th Muharram, and 20th Saffar ul Muzaffar.  Jalus-e-aza at Hassanabad, Srinagar on 28th Safar-ul-Muzaffar  Jalus-e-aza at Shalimar Srinagar 25th Muharram.  Jalus-e-aza atBemina Srinagar on 20th Saffar ul Muzaffar.  Jalus-e-aza atIchigam Budgam on 10th Muharram.  Jalus-e-aza, at Magam Budgam on 11th Muharram.  Jalus-e-aza, at Cheenabal, Pattan, Baramullah on 25th Muharram.

The State administration makes arrangements for the smooth culmination of the annual processions in every neighbourhood, however, extra effort and labour is required for the success of above processions because these run on the main vehicular roads, thus bringing halt to the movement of vehicular traffic and people till the culmination of the ritual.

Although, persecuted over centuries, mourning processions become hot beds for displaying a separate identity by Shia Muslims in Kashmir. The public act of self- flagellation is a powerful, masculine affirmation of the Shias willingness to sacrifice their lives for religion and Imam Husain’s family. Like elsewhere, the Shia community flaunts its separate identity through tears and blood. Participation in the flogging rituals nevertheless gives out a latent message to Sunni Muslims of strength and readiness by the community against any violent opposition. However, invocations endorsing unity of the Muslim Ummah are frequently reverberating in these processions. This inclination towards longing for the unity of Muslim Ummah shows their submission to the fatwa given by the current iconic Islamic Mujtahids of Iran and Iraq. Apart from mourning ritual practices, following slogans endorsing Shia- Sunni unity reverberate in most of the Shi’i mourning processions:

La Sharkiya La Gharbiya!!..... Islamia Islamia!!

(Neither East nor West!) (But Islam!) Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University La Shia la Sunni’a!!...... Islamia Islamia!!

(Neither Shia nor Sunni!) (But Islam!)

222 6.3.1.2 Lamentation/matam Rituals

There are three basic types of lamentation/matam rituals found among Shi’ites of Kashmir valley. These three types may be differentiated as, as the matam by weeping and shedding tears, the matam by using one’s bare hands only and the matam by using implements (metallic). The second type includes chest beating or dogh- tulun/sinah-zani, buthi-buthi and lell-karni while the last type includes the extreme forms of self-flagellation like hankal-wayin, churri-wayin or razor/blade wayun.

The last two matam rituals have three characteristic in common but differ in two of their respective characteristic. The common characteristics include; both are customarily performed along with other symbolic rituals viz. zuljanah, taziya or alam, both are performed in groups and not in private by a single individual, and both are customarily performed to the rhythm of noha or marsiya recitation. However, the two rituals differ in, that dogh-tulun ritual is performed by all including the group of flagellants, but the bloody self-flagellation ritual is not performed by all but a small group of youth. Also, the doghtulun ritual only, though in segregation, and not the self-flagellation ritual is performed by Shi’ite women in Kashmir.

(i) Dogh-tulun

Dogh-tulun (Bare-handed chest beating) as lamentation ritual is the most common among rituals performed during mourning ceremonies. Being the simplest form of matam, Dogh-tulun can be observed in almost every mourning ceremony in Kashmir, like majlis, jalus and marsiya, taking place with the commencement of Muharram and continues well after Ashura throughout the season of mourning for the martyrs of Karbala and in every ritual of remembrance performed throughout the year. In this ritual, the matami/mourner rhythmically strikes his chest on the chant of noha or marsiya, with the open palms or closed fists of both his hands, beating left side of chest with right hand and right side of the chest with left hand (see Figure 6.17). Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

223 Figure 6.17 Chest Beating (Dogh Tulun)

The dogh-tulun ritual in a matami jalus/mourning procession is commanded and enthusiastically performed by the youth, and the elderly men usually keep standing in the periphery of the dayira, doing dogh-tulun slowly with one hand only. While as in marsiya majlis, it is the elderly men who guide this ritual from the centre stage of the majlis settings. The women too actively participate in dogh-tulun ritual though behind the walls and curtains. The hands are raised high in the air rhythmically on the noha or marsiya chant and put down with a strong blow on the chest.

(ii) Buthi-buthi

Buthi-buthi/face slapping, with open palm of hand by a mourner is another form of lamentation (see Figure 6.18 ).

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

224 Figure 6.18 An elderly man doing buthi-buthi

There is no prescribed timing for the practice of this matam. It is performed by anyone when his emotions run beyond one’s control during the marsiya khwani, majlis or noha khwani. On listening to the tragedies Hussain and his family members faced in Karbala, the mourners resort to wailing, screaming and shedding of tears in grief, but resort to buthi-buthi matam when the weeping and screaming alone fail to control the intensity of his grief. The mourner stands amid screams from the other mourners and slaps his face incessantly with both his hands until some other mourner stops him by holding tight his arms. The zakir, on the request of mourners in a marsiya majlis has had to repeat the most sorrowful and tragic lines of a marsiya again and again, narrating a particular suffering of Hussain and his family members. Amid a cadenced echo and sky high reaching marsiya chants, the mourners sans age bar can do buthi-buthi matam with their hands. Some mourners even smear khaak on their faces to show the depth of their grief. The women sitting behind the curtains also Maulanado buthi-buthi matam Azad amid loudLibrary, screaming and Aligarh crying. Muslim University (iii) Lell-karni

Lell-karni ritual is another matami ritual practiced by Shi’ites of Kashmir valley. This ritual in fact is found only in Kashmir. When I asked about Lell-karni as a practice of matam to one of my important respondent Ali Mohammad Qasmi, who is

225 an erudite and also a famous zakir of valley, he said that lell-karni has developed as a ritual of displaying grief from a perfunctory human response i.e. swinging arms, to a sorrowful, tragic and desperate moment e.g., death, accident, incident of fire and other tragic moments which put a person into despair and melancholy. In Kashmir, this perfunctory human response developed, ritualised and took particular form over centuries among Shi’ites. In this ritualised practice, the mourners either sitting or standing in majlis continuously swing arms either vertically, lifting one arm up in the air and simultaneously dropping the other or horizontally, swinging arms from left side to right side in a state of grief (see Figure 6.19). Being least strenuous among the matami rituals, lell-karni is performed by all and the zakirs also keep frequently recommending for this practice during the marsiya-khwani.

Figure 6.19 Lell-karni (Moving arms up-down or sideways in grief)

(iv) Hankal wayin

Matam with implements, however, the most exhausting form of self- flagellation, is primarily performed but not confined to the eighth, ninth, and tenth of MaulanaMuharram Azad at most of Library, the places. The selfAligarh-flagellation ritualMuslim is performed University after tenth of Muharram also, depending on the date a particular village annually celebrates as the remembrance day of the mourning rituals. The instruments used for the ritual may be: zanjir, hankal, churri-short swords, surgical blades or razors.

226 The most widely used form of self-flagellation in Kashmir is hankal. Hankal, which literally means –a chain and used by Kashmiri Shi’ites is same to what the Iraqi Shi’ites call Qamah, and zanjir by the Shi’ites of Pakistan and India. Hankal is basically a flail with a well-furnished wooden handle to which are connected five to fifteen metallic blades/knives, each by a separate chain. The blades may be six to seven inches in length. The hankal is used by the azadar/mourners for lacerating their scalp and back. The self-flagellants who are usually youth stand dispersed with enough gaps among, so as not to harm others while performing self-flagellation. Enculturation of young boys in to these rituals takes place from their early childhood. Boys as young as five or six begin swinging hankal with two or three blades with clumsily jerks towards their backs (see Figure 6.20). The flagellation is done very smartly. In case of scalp flagellation, the mourners swing hankal vertically; raise it high in the air above the head and with force hit the scalp with the blades. And in case of flagellation of the back of the body, the mourners stand keeping legs apart, swinging hankal horizontally with both hands so that the blades of the hankal strike the exposed back. Churri are short swords are used to lacerate one’s scalp and razors to inflict wounds to one’s scalp, chest and upper arms. The azadar/mourner holds one or two surgical blades/razors in one or one in each hand, as the case may be, and rhythmically on the chant of noha-dirge strikes his head, chest on both the breasts, and/or upper arms with his hands containing razors. Each strike means a possible cut and oozing of blood from each cut. As mourners cut away at their scalps, upper arms and backs, blood sprouts out and runs down, soaking their salwar or trousers (See Figure 6.20). The members of the medical team deployed by the district administration for medical assistance and the volunteers, even from the local Sunni community also keep watching carefully as to which of the mourner needs assistance. The mourner’s face is cleaned with the cotton and his wounds wrapped with the white bandage. Sometimes the elders have had to snatch the hankal, razor or churri from the mourner who they feel has lost enough blood and stop him from further self- Maulanamortification. Those Azad mourners Library, who do not performAligarh self-flagellation Muslim perform Universitysinah- zani. The flagellation ritual is performed rhythmically with the chant of the noha. The flowing of blood, clanging of the metallic blades and beating the chest with a heavy rhythmical thud, amid collective chanting of noha keep the adrenaline rush of the mourners flowing and the ritual continuing, even with the increasing pain from the incessant striking on the wounds.

227 Figure 6.20 Hankel-wayin (Self Flagellation) in Ichigam, Budgam

Because of the potential harm to bystanders, hankal wayin is not performed in tightly packed crowds in rooms or Imambargah. It is performed in streets or roads whichever fall as the route of the jalus-procession, or in the courtyard of an Imambargah. The procession of mourners stops each time for the ritual performance after moving some distance, then moves up a short way before stopping again towards it destination. In expectation of this much awaited ritual, women try to find vantage positions so not to miss the emotionally laden ritual. The women sit on hidden terrace or behind window panes or curtains to see the swinging arms, clanging metal, and naked backs streaming with blood. The women from their vantage points evasively take part in the rituals by slowly beating of chest by one hand on rhythm of noha chant of men on ground and weep on the sufferings of Hussain and his sister Zainab in Karbala. The participation of women in ritual performances remains restricted within walls and behind curtains. Whenever the sound of clanging metal arises, the bystanders who Maulanagenerally Azad belong to SunniLibrary, community Aligarhmove in the direction Muslim of the noise University to witness the scene of self-flagellation. (v) Naar-matam Naar-matam is the ritual of walking barefoot over a bed of hot charcoal by some Shi’i mourners in Kashmir (see Figure 4.21). Naar-matam ritual actually

228 symbolises the rescue run of Lady Zainab, Sakeenaother women and children as well as Ali-ibn-Hussain, the 4th Shi’ite Imam from one fiery kheemgah/tent to other they were sheltering in, set ablaze by the enemiesimmediately after the death of Hussain. However, being the least practiced lamentation ritual by Kashmiri Shi’ites, naar-matam is performed in three Shia dominated villages, Khanda and Shalina of district Budgam and Harnara village of District Baramullah only.

Figure 4.21 Naar-Matam at Shalina

It is practiced on 8th shab4 of Muharram, the night dedicated to the remembrance of Hazrat Abbas-the brother of Hussain known for his bravery and remembered as the protector of kheemgah/tents, Abdhar-e-Karbala/the water bearer and Alamdhar-e-Karbala/the flag bearer of Karbala by the Shi’ites. In this ritual, those who desire to perform the bare foot-walk on the burning charcoal remain in worship during the whole day inside Imambargah. Though the walk is ephemeral lasting only for few minutes, devotees from different areas start thronging in thousands from the early evening to these villages especially Khanda to witness this ritual. After Namaz-e-Magribain5, the molvi delivers his sermon ending with Maulanarecounting the heightAzad of sufferings;Library, killing Aligarh of Hussain, burning Muslim of kheemgah Universityby enemies and rescue run of Hussain’s women folk and Imam Zain-ul-Aabideen from the burning tents. This is followed by wath-diun/giving connection by a zakir who stands up and recites few lines of a popular marsiya titled “samar” meaning fruits, narrating same tragic scenario in chants and people desperately waiting for the main

229 chorus of the ritual; cry, weep and wail while reciting the marsiya in chorus. Meanwhile few local village men keep fanning the charcoal in to red hot. Amid the screams from every single mourner, the zakir ends his marsiya recounting how in despair the three year old daughter of Hussain orphaned few moments earlier called his uncle Abbas-the water bearer for help.

“Yite Aabe Mashka Heth Abdharo Kheem Naraen Essi Kerri Zaye”!!! (Come along with waterskin oh water bearer Torched tents have ruined us!!)

The whole crowd then stands up and starts rhythmic dogh-tulun/chest beating on the chant of the first line of the above marsiya, with each mourner’s curious, wet eyes staring at the entrance of the Imambargah from which a group consisting of 10- 20 mourners, who are supposed to perform the ritual, emerges. These performers; in black attire, bare footed, khaak on forehead, wailing, crying and doing lell, walk in a straight line towards the bed of hot charcoal for the ephemeral walk (see Figure 4.22). The emotionally torched scene reaches to its height when these performers start walking one by one on the hot red bed of charcoal, picking embers in their hands and, slapping their cheeks and heads. They complete the ritual by making two or three rounds of walk and eventually moving back to Imambargah. Many devotees collect and take home the extinguished charcoal from the site of the ritual which becomes consecrated after the ritual.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 4.22 A Naar Matam Performer

230 6.3.2 Monetary devotions/Nazar/Niyaz:

Shi’ites fervently organise and participate in annual devotional rituals because of the belief that mourning on Imam Hussain relieves some of the grief of Ahl-e-bayt especially Fatima Zahra, the mother of Hussain and the daughter of Prophet Muhammad. Also with deeply embedded belief in the intermediary power of Ahl-e- bayt, annual remembrance rituals are organised to obtain intercession from Ahl-e-bayt in general and from Hazrat Fatima Zahra, the mother of Imam Hussainin particular, to attain proximity to Allah and get their specific wishes and vows viz. health, marriage, child, prosperity, job etc. answered. Among other important devotional practices include the monetary devotions. Every year, the Shias spend huge amounts in cash and kind or kind on different religious occasions in general and for the commemoration of the anniversaries (birth and death) of the fourteen infallibles in particular. However, countless wealth is spent on the commemoration of the tragedy of Karbala, for which the commemorating congregations and mourning processions are organized throughout the year and in the first two months of the Islamic calendar i.e. Muharram-ul-Haram and Safar-ul-Muzaffar in particular (see Figure 6.23). This spending on the name of Hussain and other Alh-e-Bayt is called niyaz or nazar and Shias often say, “Niyazan chu bajjar” meaning “niyaz carry amplifications”. While interacting with the Shias during my field-work, many interesting facts, regarding this commemoration popped up. Particularly regarding the annual expenditures on the practice, some people even went on saying,

 “May our entire life and property be sacrificed for the cause”  “If I need to sell my son for the expenditures on the commemoration, I will be more than happy that I could perform the job”

A strange case was recorded at Khanda, Budgam during the field-wok. There in Khanda, a practice of Naar-matam (walking on the fire) was going on from decades, to commemorate the burnt tents of the household of Imam Hussain (may Maulanapeace be upon him)Azad on the eveningLibrary, of Ashura Aligarh, but it was closed Muslim two years before University due to the factionalized rift between the two important factions of the area. When I posed the question about the annual expenditure to a person from this area, the tears rolled down his cheeks unstoppable. He went on explaining, that, “on the day of naar- matam, my entire courtyard used to remain filed with mourners and I used to feed

231 about 400 people on the day i.e. 7th Muharram, but after the practice was stopped since two years, it pains me when I see that I am not spending anything for the cause.”

Monetary Devotions

Organising a local level Hosting devotees on the annual majlis annual majlis

Organising majlis in the memory of a deceased

Fulfilment of The construction of The symbolic vow/wish Imambargahs artefacts

Figure 6.23 Monetary Devotions: Intentions of Usage

From the above Figure 6.23, it becomes clear that the monetary devotions or niyaz or nazar spending which may include cash or kind are spent by a household on the following occasions:

 Organising a local level annual majlis: In each neighbourhood, village or town, majalis are organised on each day and night of the first ten days in Muharram, on other symbolic days in Muharram and Saffar and on the death anniversaries of Imams and other members of Alh-e-Bayt. A particular household organises a majlis on a particular date in its respective locality. The household invites people from the locality for participating in the majlis. Either one molvi may be invited to deliver a sermon or one or more zakir are invited for reciting the traditional Maulanamarsiya. Azad After theLibrary, majlis the devotees Aligarh are either servedMuslim a lavish wazvan University dinner or tea prepared during the day. In addition to the spending on dinner, the host family is supposed to pay the molvi and zakir also for their services.

 Hosting devotees on the annual majlis and mourning processions: Almost each neighbourhood, village or a Shia town organises an annual majlis or an

232 annual mourning processions or both. In the anticipation of hundreds and thousands of devotees from other areas visiting the locality for the ritual, almost each household makes arrangement for lunch and tea for the guests. Also local level tanzeem/organisations collect niyaz from the local households and set up Sabeel/ drinking water camps to keep available water, sherbet, tea and coffee for the mourners (see Figure 6.24).

Figure 6.24 Sabeel (Drinkig water/tea/coffee) camps

 Organising majlis in the memory of a deceased: Shias organise majlis-e- Hussaini in memory of deceased. Organising a Majlis-e-Hussain is to invoke the intercessory powers of Alh-e-Bayt, for the peace of the departed soul. The majlis is organised on a local level. Organising a majlis means spending on the dinner, or tea for the invited devotees and also paying zakir or molvi for their services.

 Fulfilment of a vow: Usually those having wishes to be answered (health, job, baby etc.) and pray Allah for also invoke the intercessory powers of Alh-e-Bayt for their fulfilment. A vow to organize a Majlis-e-Hussaini once the wish is Maulanaanswered isAzad made. Library, Aligarh Muslim University

 The construction and maintenance of Imambargahs: The Kashmiri Shia whole heartedly gives money for the construction and maintenance of an Imambargah, a shrine or an Islamic Library. Imambargah is also regarded as Hazrat Zahra sund ghare (house of Hazrat Zahra) and people consider it a duty

233 and opportunity to contribute in its construction. The above reason along with the structured segregation in the community gives explanation to the fact that that we find more Imambargahs in Kashmiri Shia society than mosques. Almost each village has one Imambargah or the number may go up if the village is too large to accommodate all the villagers in one Imambargah or the village is divided in to firqas/factions (see Chapter 3: Factionalism).

 The symbolic artefacts (alam, zuljanah, taziya, taboot): Monetary devotions are also paid for the decoration and maintenance of the symbolic artefacts like alam, zuljanah, taziya and taboot which are to be displayed in mourning majlis and processions.

6.3.2.1 Annual Expenditure on Devotions

Shias spend whole heartedly on the Muharram majlis/rituals of any kind. They consider it as their blessing to be even a little part in spending/serving the guests/azadars of Imam Hussain. The expenditures on this devotion are shown in below given Table 6..

Table 6.2. Expenditures on Devotion

Range of Expenditure (Rs) Frequency Percent Less than 10000 124 41.3 10001-20000 60 20.0 20001-30000 52 17.3 30001-40000 24 8.0

40001-50000 13 4.3 50001-60000 6 2.0 60001-70000 5 1.7 70001-80000 7 2.3 Maulana Azad90001 Library,-100000 Aligarh5 Muslim 1.7University More than 100000 4 1.3 Source: Primary data

234 Interestingly, none of the sampled families denied spending or expenditure on the commemoration of the death anniversary of the Prophet’s grandson Hazrat Imam Hussain (May peace be upon him). It can be seen from the table that no family has spent less than Rs. 10,000 per year on the cause. A fat 27% household spends more than Rs 50,000 on the cause whatever the circumstances may be. However it will be very interesting to see its relation with the income category these households belong. The cross tabulation of the income with their annual expenditures on the devotion towards the supreme sacrifice of Imam Hussain in the Battle of Karbala is shown in Table 6.2.

Table 6.2 Cross Tabulation of Income and Expenditure on Devotion

Total Annual Expenditure on Devotions (in Rs.) Total Household Less 10001 20001 30001 40001 50001 60001 70001 90001 More Income than ------than (Per Month 10000 20000 30000 40000 50000 60000 70000 80000 10000 100000 in Rs) 0 Less than 2 0 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 5 3000 3001-6000 29 13 10 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 56 6001-9000 23 11 9 2 2 0 1 1 0 0 49 9001- 22 6 4 5 1 0 1 0 0 1 40 12000 12001- 8 11 6 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 29 15000 15001- 10 4 2 2 1 0 0 0 1 0 20 18000 18001- 9 4 5 2 0 0 0 1 1 1 23 21000 21001- 7 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 24000 24001- 2 1 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 7 27000 27001- 4 2 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 11 30000 More than 8 7 8 5 6 5 3 4 3 0 49 30000 Source: Primary Data

The above table explicitly shows that not a single family, irrespective of the Maulanaincome they belong, Azad shying Library, away from spending Aligarh on these devotional Muslim practices. University Even if the amount is little but they make themselves count by any means at their disposal. As already discussed, it sometimes makes the restless/sad if they couldn’t spend anything for the name of Imam Hussain. The monthly income group of anything less than Rs 3000 has also 5 families i.e. they spent almost more than half of their income

235 on these devotional practices. It is evident that the people from the lower income groups proportionately spend more than the high income groups. It can be supplemented by the fact that from these 11 income groups, the first five income groups i.e. whose monthly income is not more than Rs. 15000 has 11 such families whose expenditure on it is more than Rs. 40,000, however, there are only 8 such families in the monthly income groups of Rs. 15000-30000, which spent more than Rs. 40000 annually on the practices. Nonetheless, those with monthly income of more than Rs. 30000 have 20 such families which spend more than Rs 40000 annually.

6.3.3 Liturgical Devotions

Liturgical devotions include composition and recitation of marsiya and noha (Figure 6.25). There is a strong belief among Shias that, anyone who cries for Hussain or causes someone to cry for Hussain shall go directly to paradise. It is for this reason that marsiya writer and a noha writer consider writing for Hussain a pious a job that would be rewarded in the form of intercession in this world and on the day of judgement. A zakir and noha-khwan are also referred to as ‘the pigeons of Hussain’ i.e., who recite for Hussain. Reciting sufferings of Hussain in marsiyas/elegies and nohas/dirges are among the famous devotional practices of Kashmiri Shias. These devotional practices of Shias are briefly discussed below:

Liturgical Devotions

Recitation of Marsiya Composition of Maulana Azadand Library, Noha Aligarh MuslimMarsiya Universityand Noha

Figure 6.25 Liturgical Devotions

236 6.3.3.1 Marsiya Khwani

Marsiya khwani/elegy recitation ritual has been the most important ritual of the Shi’ite culture in Kashmir. Within Kashmiri milieu like in other languages, the term marsiya refers to a poem describing some event related to the martyrdom Hussain at Karbala. The culture of Marsiya nigari/elegy writing and Marsiya khwani/elegy recitation was introduced to Kashmiri culture by the Shia Ullamas/clergymen and missionaries who had come from Iran with message of Islam in early 14th century. Though the early marsiya showed a comprehensible impression of the traditional Persian format, but soon local influences and ideas also got assimilated because though the subject matter was alien to Kashmir- the notion of lamenting a loss was not (Hakim, 2009, p. 38). Marsiya in Urdu were first written in the 16th century in South India, in the kingdoms of Golkonda and Bijapur. These two kingdoms were Shi’ite orientation and closer to Iranian religious traditions than the Turk and Pathan kingdoms of North India (Najam, 1983, p. 101). In Kashmir, this Iranian poetic tradition was soon localized. It acquired regional flavour and thus departed from the Arabic, Persian or Indian mode of recitation (Hussain, 2017, p. 443). For Shi’ites of Kashmir, Marsiya khwani had in fact been the only medium to commemorate, in the times of persecution at the hands of different rulers and the majority community, the sufferings of Prophet’s progeny particularly Hussain and his family at Karbala. It should be kept in mind that marsiya in Kashmir; is primarily not meant for private perusal in moments of leisure, that it has a particular public- religious context, that it also has a somewhat edifying goal beside the usual literary purposes that any good poetry has. With the ability of attracting the large audiences, the Kashmiri marsiya not only remained the most important medium of mourning but also an unrivalled medium of sermonizing and the widest dissimulator of religious teachings for Shi’ite community of the valley (Hussain, 2017, p. 447). This becomes more conspicuous even from the mazmoon/theme given to each marsiya that gives an idea about the contents in the marsiya. Some of the most recited marsiyas are:

Maulana Aab Azad(water) , Library, Aligarh Hajj (pilgrimage Muslim to Kaba University),  Chashm (eye),  Hiyer (Ladder)  Dosti (Friendship)  Iqbal (Fortune)  Duzdhi (Theft)  Isa (Jesus),

237  Jahaz (Ship)  Musa (Moses),  Kakazgari (paper making),  Nargis (Narcissus)  Khyati (Tailoring)  Roza (fast)  Kishti (boat),  Sangh (stone),  Kitab (book),  Sikandar (Alexander),  Koh (mountain),  Sitoon (Pillar)  Maah (Moon)  Tasbeeh (Rosary)  Marg (Death)  Usul-e-din (fundamentals of religion) etc.  Zaanu (Knees)  Ziyarat (pilgrimage to Karbala), Although the culture of marsiya recitation on the tragedy of Karbala displays a ubiquitous nature, found in one form or the other, in almost all the Shia domiciled regions, differing in language, race and colour; nevertheless the traditional art of recitation and presentation displayed by the Kashmiri marsiya khwani is very unique. Each Kashmiri marsiya has a particular mazmoon/theme and a fixed wazan/tone; besides, the indigenous art of recitation makes it unparalleled in the world of elegy recitation.

6.3.3.2 Structure of Kashmiri Marsiya

The structure of the Kashmiri Marsiya based on its subject matter comprises of four essential parts:

Hamud: Literally Hamud means glorifying almighty Allah. Itmakes up the prologue of Kashmiri marsiya. Hamud is the introductory part consisting of one or more chheer-stanzas in veneration and praise of Allah. The declaration and testimony that Allah is the sole power in creating this universe, making and remaking of some natural phenomenon or natural bounties, or some other matter that could be related to Maulanathe main Azad theme, falls Library, in this segment Aligarh of the ritualistic Muslim poetic art. AlongUniversity with the veneration of Allah, his mercy is sought in this segment. Each chheer is in the six line stanza form, musaddas.

Naat: Naat, which means praising of Prophet and seeking his mediation for obtaining Allah’s compassion, forms the second part of the Kashmiri Marsiya.

238 Madah: The third part of each Kashmiri marsiya is the Madah. Madah in Kashmiri marsiya means to praise Ahl-e-bayt/house of the prophet consisting of Fatima the daughter of the prophet and other infallible Imams. Besides the admiration of character and nobility, the miracles associated with them are also glorified in this section.

Dardh: Dardh literally means pain. This is the grief inducing segment of the marsiya. This last segment of marsiya deals with the 14th century tragedy of Karbala. The martyrdom of Hussain and his companions is commemorated and also the sufferings of the survivors, particularly women folk including sisters and daughters of Hussain after the tragedy. The main aim of the zakir and the marsiya itself i.e. bringing mourners to tearful lamentation, crying and wailing is fulfilled in this segment of the ritualistic art. If dardh in the marsiya revolves around the martyrdom of a hero (anyone of the 72 martyrs of Karbala) usually a son, a nephew or a brother of Hussain, or the martyrdom of Hussain himself, the zakir gives:

 Sarapa-a detailed description of the physical and spiritual traits of the hero- would be martyr e.g., the eldest son of Hussain is described as shabih-e- Paighambar/ Prophet’s mirror image, as he physically resembled with the prophet.

 Alwidha- after due preparation, consoling the closest women folk and taking izn- e-shahadat/permission for martyrdom from Hussain, the hero departs for the battle ground.

 Rajaz khwani-declaration of noble ancestry, personal virtues and superiority as a warrior by the hero.

 Jung- the description of the actual battle, in which hero displays his valour by fighting either one on one or against many, in the scorching heat of the day, even with the three days thirst on his lips. The sword and the horse of the hero are praised also.

Maulana Shahadat - Azadthe hero’s deathLibrary, on the battlefield, Aligarh having been Muslim injured by the University enemy horde

 Matam- the lamentation of Hussain and the female folk on the corpse of the hero.

239 The marisiyas written till date are kept safe in form of collection called biyaz (clear page).

6.3.3.3 Marsiya Majlis

While in places other than Kashmir, the solo recital tradition of marsiya khwani characterises the ritual of mourning, in which zakir/reciter sitting on a stage in front of the mourners recites the whole marsiya to which the audience react with crying, weeping and wailing as the following figure depicts (Figure 6.26).

Figure 6.26 Marsiya Recitation in Annual Hall Majlisat M.M.Hall, AMU Aligarh (2017)

However, in Kashmir marsiya is recited in assemblage, collectively by the zakir and audience. It is recited in a somewhat dramatic fashion. The ritual is either observed indoors; inside an Imambargah, a house or sometimes a mosque, or outdoors, if the congregation expects mass gatherings as the following Figure 6.27 Maulanadepicts. Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

240 Figure 6.27 Marsiya Recitation in Kashmir

The congregational ritual requires the presence of; a zakir who would recite marsiya and guide the whole ritual, Pachhkhwan- a trained, learned and well versed core group of people who do remember the marsiya and the tone, collectively recite each line which the zakir starts with, and the audience to listen, recite and mourn. Pachhkhwan constitute the back bone of the ritual as the congregational recitation of Kashmiri marsiya is not a one man’s job because each marsiya recited within tone, with different tone for each marsiya and always loud-voiced. It is thus a very exhausting ritual and requires two to three hours enduring exertion from the zakir, pachhkhwan and other mourners.

There is also one or more Abdhar/Saqa-water supplier, a volunteer who would serve mourners water during the strenuous ritual (see Figure 6.28). The saqa emulates the Abdhar-e-Karbala/ saqa-e-Karbala Hazrat Abbas, the half-brother of Hussain, who is remembered as the water supplier of Karbala and was martyred while trying to fetch water for the three days thirsty children back in the camps. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

241 Figure 6.28 Saqqa (water supplier) in Majalis

In the interpretive community, these and other services are connected to the theology of redemption and mediation and Shias believe Abbas to be one of the most reliable mediators and babul hawayij-the door of fulfilments. The volunteer abdhar does the service of water supplier either because of his family having been traditionally doing it or he has had made nazar-a vow to perform it in return for the fulfilment of a need (hajat).In bigger congregations-majlis, there is khaak-e-faqir/dust distributor, a person meant for distribution of khaak-e-Karbala/dust of Karbala, when asked by the zakir and other mourners during the lamentation segment of the ritual. He like abdhar keeps roaming in majlis and people ask him for the khaak to rub on their foreheads. There are only few khaak-e-faqir families who have traditionally been carrying this service in marsiyakhwani. In return, the faqir gets paid by some mourners; however, he yearns for the cosmic remuneration for his service, from Alh- e-Bayt on the Day of Judgment.

The settings of the congregational ritual are such that the zakir, usually wearing a white feran6 and a white topi-skullcap keeps standing throughout the ritual and the Pachhkhwan sit on their knees close to each other forming a dayira7- a circle, Maulanafollowed Azad by other concentric Library, circles ofAligarh junior pachhkhwan Muslimand the audiences University present there. The pachhkhwan and audience anxiously wait for the marsiya the zakir chooses.

242 Figure 6.29 Zakir reciting Marsiya in a mourning procession

The emotionally driven strenuous process entails energetic efforts from the whole congregation to fetch the manifestations of the rituals i.e. to shake the conscience of the mourners, touch their inside emotional Shi’ite beings and make them cry, wail, mourn and shed tears for the sufferings inflicted on Imam Hussain, his family and his companions at Karbala. The zakir starts the marsiya with the recitation of salawat8. He then starts with hamud, the first part of the marsiya. In the majlis most of the elderly people are so habituated with this marsiya ritual that the moment zakir recites his first line, the well versed Pachhkhwan come to know which marsiya zakir has chosen to recite. Zakir explains each poetic line he recites (see Figure 6.29). He uses dramatic gestures and different devices of elocution. Zakir puts down his skull cap (topi) while reaching the last dardh segment of the marsiya.

“Haq Chu dekkas dimov tchendd”

(Here we ought to strike the forehead) MaulanaThis marsiya Azad khwani Library,has become a professionAligarh atleast Muslim for the zakirs affiliatedUniversity to different firqas. They are paid in cash for the marsiya recitation by the host family, and other participant devotees. Whatever is given constitutes niyaz for the devotees and ethical obligations run high for these offerings among Shias. The niyaz given to a zakir by the host family usually ranges from 500 to 5000 in cash and that given by

243 devotees ranges from Rs 10 to 100. This professionalization of marsiya Khwani has given emergence to a manifest as well as latent competition among professional zakirs and the one who becomes more famous for his recitations gets more and more invitations for the same ritual and thus more money.

6.3.3.2 Noha-khwani/Dirge recitation

Composition and recitation of noha constitutes another important liturgical devotional practice among Shias. Nohas are composed on the sufferings of Hussain and his family. The Kashmiri Shia community has got many famous poets and noha composers who write nohas in Kashmiri a well as in Urdu. The people from across the valley would approach them for the latest nohas that would be recited by them in their respective localities. Every year a new list of noha is selected and rehearsed prior to the advent of Muharram. For the Urdu noha, Kashmiri Shi’ite prefers to recite nohas of Pakistan based famous noha-khwan like Nadeem Raza Sarwar, Irfan Hyderi, Hassan Sadiq, Farhan Ali Waris, Syed Ali Safdar, Ali

Deep Rizvi etc. Each year, with the release of the Figure 6. 30 Nauha Reciter(s) latest noha albums, each dayira in each locality endeavours to choose the best one to recite in the processions. Noha-khwans from other Indian states are not much popular and thus hardly followed by Kashmiri Shi’ites. In a jalus the command of the dayira and ritual performances lies with the youth who enthusiastically perform lamentation rituals on the chant of rhythmic dirges. The elderly men keep guiding the movements and pauses of the processions. A young male or a group would chant their selected list of nohas one by one on the microphone (Figure 6. 30). The other members of the dayira fling their arms in the air and beat their chests or flagellate with the sharp tools (Figure 6.31). Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

244 Figure 6.31 Members of a Dayira beating their chests

. The hundreds of participants beat their chests in unison, to the rhythm of lamentations that resonate in speakers mounted on push-cart or rickshaws covered with black cloth (see Figure 6.32).

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 6.32 Microphone Speakers shrouded in black-cloth

245 The Shias flaunt their separate identity through the liturgical devotions. Here I would mention one example from the field to support the above statement. During my field study, on the day of Ashura, in Ichigam, one of the noha chanted by the mourners had the following lines which showed how Shias use mourning ritual sites as stage to flaunt their Shia identity.

Zilat Humse Hai Door! (Humiliation is distant from us)

Haq Hai Apna Manshoor! (We are with the Right)

Hum Nokare Zahra Sab! (We all servants of Fatima)

Allah kay hain Mashhoor! (Allah counts us among)

Hai Naaz Hum Hain Shia! (We are proud to be Shia)

6.3. 4 Ziyarat/ Pilgrimage to Karbala

Another important ritual performed by Shias related to the battle of Karbala is the performance of ziyarat/pilgrimage to Hussain’s shrine at Karbala. The pilgrimage however, does not remain confined to Hussain’s mausoleum in Karbala Shias visit the shrines of other Imams and Ahl-e-bayt in Iraq, Syria and Iran. The ziyarat ritual has become more popular than the obligatory Hajj ritual among Shias. Visiting Hussain’s mausoleum in Karbala has many merits as narrated in the Shi’ite beliefs. These merits and rewards of performing Ziyarat/pilgrimage to Hussain’s mausoleum are also Maulanahighlighted Azad in Kashmiri Library, marsiyas and Aligarh nohas. One ofMuslim the Kashmiri marsiyaUniversity in fact titled itself as ‘ziyarat’ narrates these merits in the following manner:

 One who would perform ziyarat of Hussain at Karbala, the angels shower salawat/peace on him until he reaches Karbala

246  If the zayir/Pilgrim who performs Namaz adjacent to Hussain’s mausoleum, it is as if he performed Hajj ritual one thousand times.

 It is alike inviting Prophet to his home.

 It is alike, freeing one thousand slaves and performing one thousand Jihad/holy wars.

 All the sins of the pilgrim will be forgiven and he would be sent toparadise after his death.

The pilgrimage is preferably performed on 10th of Muharram (ziyarat-e-Ashura) and 20th of Saffar-ul-Muzaffar (Ziyarat-e-Arbaeen). However, Shias of Kashmir leave in local caravans to perform ziyarat at Karbala throughout the year. The places of visit for the pilgrimage include:

 Iraq: Thousands of Kashmiri Shias visit Karbala city in Iraq which enshrines the mausoleum of Hussain, and Abbas. Other important places include Shrine of Ali in Najaf, seventh Imam Musa al-Kazim in Kazimaen and eleventh Imam Hassan al-Askari at Samira (See Figure 3.33). From the last decade, Shias take part in ritualistic walk from Najaf to Karbala called Arbaeen walk on 20th Saffar ul Muzaffar i.e., on the chehlum/fortieth day of the martyrdom of the martyrs of Karbala.

Hazrat Imam Ali Hazrat Imam Hussain Hazrat Abbas

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Hazrat Imam Ali Naqi & Hazrat Imam Moosa Kazim and Imam Hasan Askari Imam Mohammad Al-Taqi

Figure 3.33 Revered Shrines in Iraq (Source: Web)

247  Iran: Ziyarat for Kashmiri Shias also include the visit to Mashhad to pay homage at the shrine of the eighth Imam Ali al-Reza and to Qom to pay homage at the shrine of Fatima al-Masooma, the daughter of seventh Imam and sister of eighth Imam. Now-a-days, the mausoleum of Khomeini in Iran is also visited by Shias as part of their pilgrimage (see Figure 3.34).

Imam Ali Raza Hazrat-e-Fatima Masooma Ayatollah Khomeini

Figure 3.34 Revered Shrines in Iran (Source: Web)

 Syria: Shias alsovisit Syria for paying homage at the shrines of Zainab, the daughter of Ali and sister of Hussain, and Sakeena, the daughter of Hussain (Figure 6.35).

Hazrat-e-Zainab Hazrat-e-Sakeena

Figure 6.35 Revered Shrines in Syria (Source: Web) MaulanaFor those Azad Shias who Library,perform the obligatory Aligarh Hajj ritual Muslim at Mecca and MedinaUniversity in Saudi Arabia, the deserted graveyard of ‘Janat-ul-Baqi’, the burial place of Fatima Zahra (Figure 6.36), the daughter of Prophet, and second, fourth, fifth and sixth Imams of Shias becomes centre of special attention for them.

248 Kaaba Masjid-e-Nabvi

Jannat-ul-Baqi

Figure 6.36 Revered Shrines in Saudi Arabia

All the sacred Shrines including that of Fatima were destroyed by the Saudi government, which professes and propagates Wahabi ideology, in April 21, 1925 on 8th of Islamic month Shawwal (Raza, 2000). The unfortunate day is remembered every year as Youm-al-hazam/ the day of demolition by the Shias of Kashmir. The deserted scene of th e Shrine less mausoleum of Fatima Zahra fills the Shias with grief and sorrow for the daughter of the Prophet and hatred for the government of Saudi Arabia.

Apart from Karbala, the Kashmiri Shias visit the local shrines. Apart from Karbala, Syria, and Iran Kashmiri Shias pay homage at the local shrines of their historical religious figures inside and outside Kashmir. Outside Kashmir, the most pilgrimage Shias perform is the Shrine of Qazi Nurullah Shustri, also known as Shaheed-e-Salis which is located at Bhagwan Taki in Agra (see Figure 3. 37 and Figure 6.38). Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

249 Figure 3. 37 Shrine of Qazi Noorullah Shustri, Agra (Outside)

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Figure 6.38 Inside view of the Qazi Noorullah Shustri Shrine , Agra

250 6.5 Majlis and Jalus organisation in Muharram

Even if majlis areread throughout the year, especially on the death anniversaries of members of Ahl-el-bayt, these gatherings are closely linked to the first ten days of mourning in memory of the martyrdom of Imam Hussain in the month of Muharram. The Jalus/ mourning processions are usually organized during day time usually start from fifth of Muharram. During this period, the faithful meet daily in Imambargah to hear the known stories of the battle of Karbala. The sufferings of Hussain and his companions at Karbala is narrated on each day. However, the most discussed personalities in these mournimg gatherings are listed below depicting their relationship with Hussain (see Table 6.3).

Table 6.3 Most Celebrated Personalities in Karbala

Most celebrated Brief Description personalities in Karbala

Hussain Ibn-Ali Son of Ali and Fatima and Third Imam of Shi’ites

Daughter of Ali and Fatima and sister of Hussain. She is Zainab Bint-e-Ali also known as Shareekat ul-Hussain Son of Ali and Umul Baneen, and half-brother of Abbas Ibn-Ali Hussain. He is known as Alamdar-e- Karbala 18 year old son of Hussain Ibn Ali. He was martyred in Ali Akbar Ibn Hussain Karbala Six months infant son of Hussain. He was also martyred Ali Asgar Ibn Hussain by Hurmulla at Karbala. 11 years old Son on Hassan and nephew of Hussain. He Qasim Ibn Hassan was also martyred in the battle 3 years old daughter of Hussain. She was imprisoned in Sakeena Bint-e-Hussain Damascus along with other captives. She had died in the prison and latter buried at the same place Source: Field data MaulanaWith the Azad arrival of Library, Muharram, streets, Aligarh roads marke tsMuslim and Imambargahs University are decorated with the black banners. Rehearsals of noha-Khwani start for the processions in each neighbourhood and village. However, at some places, these rehersals commence even before the onset of the month of Muharram. The devotees in each locality start assembling from the first of Muharram during nights for the marsiya- Khwani ritual. On the first of Muharram, the marsiyas recited are themed around

251 ‘Hussain’s departure for Karbala’ and ‘the arrival of ‘Muharram –the month of mourning’. The arrival of Hussain in Karbala and his fateful decision of staying there on the banks of river Euphrates remains in the topics of orators and marsiyas recited on second and third Muharram. On fourth and fifth Muharram, other companions of Hussain are remembered in marsiyas and speeches. From the sixth to tenth Muharram, each day is dedicated to a close kin of Hussain who were martyred in Karbala. The events from sixth Muharram onwards are described below:

6.5.1 Sixth Muharram

The mourning on sixth day and night of the Muharram is dedicated to Masoom Ali Asgar/ the infant son of Hussain who according to Shias was martyred on the day of Ashura. The death of the six month old baby is commemorated through marsiya khwani. The Molvi ends his speech recounting the death of Ali Asgar in the lap of his father Hussain and zakir selects the marsiya the lament part of which revolves around the suffering of Ali Asgar and the helplessness of Hussain on his infant’s tragic death. The zakir explicates the three day tresh/thirst and bochhi/hunger of the six month old baby because the extremely hot conditionds had dried the milk of his mother’s breasts. The zakir amid the sky reaching sobbing of the mourners elucidates; how Husain appealed Yazid’s army to give his infant few drops of water! How Hurmulla from the Yazid’s army instead shot Ali Asgar with a trident arrow that was heavier than the baby! And how the arrow slit open the baby’s neck! How helplessly Hussain alone wept on his baby’s death! How Hussain dug a small grave for Ali Asgar with his zulfikar/sword and buried him. The emotionally drenched mourners cry, wail and lament, some beating their chests and some slapping their cheeks. The women on the other side of the curtain of the hall or Imambargah too cry and lament in the same way.

At many places, there are artefacts that follow the commemoration of Ali Asgar, such as cradles covered in blood stained green sheets with arrows pierced in. MaulanaThe cradle Azad of Ali Asgar Library,becomes important Aligarh for making Muslim vows. Shia Universitywomen usually those who don’t have a child or the child is suffering from some health issues, tie a knot for every vow with niyaz- monetary offerings, hoping intercession and benevolence of Ali Asgar and other Alh-e-Bayt and get their vows answered by Allah.

252 6.5.2 Seventh Muharram

The seventh day and night are dedicated to the remembrance of the martyrdom of teenaged Qasim, son of Hussain’s elder brother Hassan, the second Imam of Shias. The important ritual associated with this remembrance is the commemoration of the wedding of Qasim and Fatima-the daughter of Hussain, that most of Shias believe was scheduled to be held on the day of Ashura. But the fate didn’t let it happen. The mahraz-bridegroom was martyred on his wedding day and the mahrin/bride thus widowed. The zakir narrates the story of the unfinished wedding and the mourners keep on lamenting and crying. The sobbing engulfs every silence when the artefacts such as sarkhan/nuptial garb and maenzi khan/mehndi are displayed to commemorate the unfinished wedding of Karbala.

The zakir also narrates the story to the mourners that how desperate Qasim was to join his uncle Hussain and achieve the martyrdom in battle and how hesitant Hussain was to send Qasim to the battle ground because he was still a pubescent. The zakir then reminds the audience that how Shahzad Qasim’s/ prince Qasim’s wish was fulfilled when his mother affirmed that Hassan who was not alive at the time of the battle had foretold that Qasim should not sit behind when his uncle Hussain would be ambushed by the oppressors of the time, but he should be sent into battle with his uncle.

The wedding aspect of this ritual remembrance however, has been controversial. The well versed historians and scholarly Ullama denounce validity of any such marriage that had happened in Karbala. They instead, prove that Fatima, the supposed mahrin was already married to the elder brother of Qasim who was also present in Karbala. Owing to this spread of knowledge, this ritual has stepped on its fading path.

From the seventh of Muharram most of the Shias immerse themselves more in the remembrance rituals and try to take a leave from their daily chorus of activities. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University 6.5.3 Eighth Muharram

The day and night of 8th of Muharram is dedicated to commemorate the death of Hazrat Abbas, the half-brother of Hussain who died on the banks of river Euphrates not while fighting but in a failed attempt of bringing water for thirsty children waiting

253 in the camps especially Sakeena, the three year old daughter of Hussain. The mourning processions, usually Jalus-e-alam are taken out at many places while as majalis are organised almost in every village and neighbourhood both during the day and night. In the Majlis of 8th Muharram, the zakir names the majlis as majlis-e- Aab/congregation of water and chooses the marsiya reading tragedy of Abbas’s martyrdom. In a tragic narration and to intensify the heart-rending effect of the event, the zakir flaunts the bravery of Abbas in the majlis stressing that; how Abbas though being thirsty did not drink water when he reached the river fighting with the enemies! How come Abbas would drink as long as Sakeena was thirsty! How Abbas filled his waterskin, mounted his steed! And on his way back to the kheemgah/camps, how bravely he fought. The enemy soldiers were so pre-occupied by the terror of Abbas’s bravery that no one actually dared to come nearer and fight one on one with him. All what they could afford was to attack him with arrows and stones from a distance. Describing the gruesome details of the enemy army, the Zakir narrates in marsiya lines that the enemy soldiers attacked him, first cut his right arm from behind and then left arm! How one of the arrow pierced in one of his eye and how Abbas! Despite, his both hands being amputated, holds the waterskin tight in his teeth only to fell on the ground after the waterskin was pierced with an arrow resulting in the seepage of precious water from it. The zakir reaches the pinnacle of tragic narration describing how Abbas while breathing his last cried out to his brother Hussain,

Assalamu alika ya Abba Abdillahhil Hussain!! (Peace be upon you, O Father of Abdullah, Hussain!) Bhai sinz akhri salaam kar kabool ya Hussain!! (Accept the last greetings from your brother, O Hussain!)

And Hussain reached on his corpse and cried out louder, Chani marane futui mei kamar baaye abbasa!! (O Abbas! Your death has broken my waist!) MaulanaThis Azad emotionally Library, heightened sceneAligarh leads the mourners Muslim moan, weep, University beat chest, cheeks and heads. Some wipe tears drenched eyes and face with bare hands and some with handkerchiefs. On this day naar-matam ritual is reported to be organised only in three villages across Kashmir, which are attended by thousands of devotees (see Naar matam).

254 6.5.4 Nineth Muharram

As the days pass and come the 9th Muharram, the penultimate day to Ashura, Shi’is are occupied in their hearts and minds with more and grief and sorrow. While laugh and smile become abnormal, sorrow grief and sadness become the norm of the day. This day is dedicated to the remembrance of 18 year old son of Hussain, Ali Akbar. It is believed that he resembled his great grandfather, the Prophet Muhammad in his outlook. Thus he is also remembered as Shabih-e-Paighambar/mirror image of the prophet of Islam. People keep themselves busy with majlis and jalus whole day. The mourning alam processions/jalus-e-alams are taken out at many places attended by mourners who perform lamentation rituals. The Imambargahs remain crowded with devotees attending majlis. The zakir while reciting marsiya narrates the martyrdom of the 18 year old Ali Akbar, the most precious gift of Hussain and insists mourners to cry more and more the heaviest of tragedy for Hussain. The zakir reminds mourners about the presence of Prophet Muhammad, Hazrat Fatima, Moula Ali, Imam Hassan, Imam Hussain, and Hazrat Zainab in the majlis who along with mourners all cry and weep for Ali Akbar. In one of the majlis of 9th Muharram observed in Ichigam, Budgam, the zakir recounted sequential unfolding of the events around martyrdom of Ali Akbar as follows:

Hussain telling Ali Akbar to give the last azaan-e-fajz/ Morning Prayer call

One by one martyrdom of companions of Hussain in the battlefield

Ali Akbarseeking permission for Jihad from his lonely and heartbroken father Hussain, mother Umm-e-Laila and aunt Zainab,

Bidding farewell to family and mounting on horse by Ali Akbar,

Fighting bravely, killing many in the battle field and Hussain watching him

Returning of Ali Akbar to camps and expressing the limit of his thirst

Helpless Hussain asking Ali Akbar to put his tongue inside Hussain’s mouth to Maulanaget some Azad relief Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Ali Akbar finding his father’s mouth much drier and thirsty and pulling his tongue out of his father’s mouth

Ali Akbar returning back to the battlefield and fighting bravely

255 Enemy army commander Umar Ibn Saad commanding his soldiers to kill Ali Akbar

Ali Akbar being attacked from all the sides with arrows, spears and swords

One of the spears piercing and breaking inside Ali Akbar’s chest penetrating into his heart

Fainted Ali Akbar falling down off his steed

Ali Akbar calling his fatherlast time “O father I have sacrificed myself on you, do accept my last greetings”

Hussain rushing towards the battle field stumbling and falling on the ground, searching for his beloved son

Hussain finding his son dying with pain and trying to pull out the spear

The blood gushing out of Ali Akbar’s chest

Ali Akbar breathing his last

And Hussain crying loudly on Ali Akbar’s death

The mourners including women sitting on the other side of the curtain lament, cry and weep on these sufferings of Ali Akbar and Hussain. Masayib end with mourners rhythmically beating chests chanting the marsiya lines,

Mael Paetran Sarirha Rowukh Athwaso!! (Father and Son on the road got separated!)

6.5.5 Shabb-e-Ashura

Shabb-e-Ashura refers to the penultimate night to Ashura. The Imambargahs and other venues of the congregation remain jam packed throughout this night. The ritualised night sans sleep symbolises the Shabb-e-Ashura/Night of Ashura of Karbala which was spent by Hussain’s entourage in worshiping Allah. As per the narratives of Maulanathe Zakir Azad, the army Library, on the other side Aligarh of the Hussain Muslim was hell bent University to pressurize Hussain to quickly, either surrender before Yazid or be ready for the battle. However, Hussain has clearly stated that,

“A person like me will never bow his allegiance to the likes of Yazid”

256 Thus, after the vivid repudiation of Hussain against Yazid, the commander-in- chief, Umer-ibn-i-Saad, of Yazid’s army were interested to fight Hussain on 9th Muharram, but, as the zakir further explains that Hussain requested Umer to be allowed a night’s respite, so that they can say prayers to the Creator in solitude. He further explains that the atmosphers of prayers from the tents of Hussain on this night was sounding alike of a big honey bee-hive while as the Yazid’s was busy in sharpening their swords, spears, daggers, etc on the same night. Thus, like Hussain the mourners remain awake throughout this night reciting marsiya and perform other recommended acts of devotion. The zakirs mostly recite those marsiya which recount in detail the Shabb-e-Ashura. The localised mourning processions of alam, zuljanah or taziya are taken out at many places during this night.

6.5.6 10th Muharram/The day of Ashura

Ashura the 10th Muharram is the most important historical day in development of Shi’ism as a separate sect. Ashura in 680 A.D. was the actual day on which the battle of Karbala took place resulting in the martyrdom of Hussain along with his 72 companions followed by the imprisonment of the women folk and children and few male survivors. What happened on Ashura lead to the development of new culture, the culture of annual mourning among Shias. This new culture over more than 1300 hundred years became an inalienable and distinguishing identity of Shi’ism worldwide taking two Islamic sects Shia and Sunni poles apart from one another other. The day of Ashura with its associated rituals has not only become a day of mourning and protest but also a day of assertion of a separate Shi’i identity. Emotions and sentiments flow too high to face and deal with any hurdle of any form like official orders against a mourning procession at any place or Kashmir’s extreme type of climate. The hot or chilling weather, rainfall and snowfall become just words when there is emotional and sentimental flow for performing the annual morning rituals.

The day of Ashura is observed as an official holiday in whole India including MaulanaJammu And Kashmir Azad State. Library, The whole day Aligarh is marked with Muslim mourning processions University mostly jalus-e-zuljanah at most of the places. People from those localities which do not organise mourning processions on this day start marching towards nearby venues of the event. In Budgam district, the Ashura jalus-e-zuljanah of main town Budgam is visited by tens of thousands of devotees. The jalus which starts its journey at

257 Namaz-e-fajr/morning prayer from Mirgund village of Budgam (3 km away from Budgam), culminates at around 12 O’ clock at night at the residence of Agha Syed Hassan the leader of the Mustafayi faction. Almost twenty villages participate in this historic procession, each village walking along the course of journey with its dayira. Though all men women and children mostly dressed in black participate in the Ashura rituals, however the rituals are male dominated. While men and children walk in groups (dayira) towards the destination of the procession performing noha-khwani and beating their chests and many indulging in self-flagellations (see Self-flagellation) also on the cadenced noha chants, the participation of women remains either confined within the four walls of Imambargah or as silent spectators, sitting on the roof tops of buildings. The women do not perform the bloody self-flagellation ritual. They mostly remain inside Imambargah whole day reciting marsiya and noha and waiting for the procession’s arrival to do ziyarat.

Each Dayira carries at least one alam with it and during the walk zuljanah is also brought in each dayira. The scene becomes emotionally energetic as well as sad when mourners see the symbolic riderless zuljanah. They cry loudly in distraught voices, weep, and moan and do more and more matam. The commotion reaches its emotional peaks when zuljanah is brought among the women devotees, first at the time of its emergence for the farewell, symbolising farewell of Hussain from his womenfolk on the battle day and also at the culmination of the ritual symbolising return of wounded zuljanah to the waiting womenfolk without Hussain on his back. Many Sunnis as well as non- Muslims come to witness the devotional practices particularly the bloody self- flagellations. Many make vows and tie a knot on alam or zuljanah to get their particular wish answered and offer little monetary devotions also to the symbolic artefacts (see Figure 6.39 and Figure 6.40).

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

258 Figure 6.39 A Sunni lady tieing knotfor some specific wishe(s)

Figure 6.40 Another Sunni Lady passing beneath Zuljanah

However, these cross sectarian and religious devotions have declined to large extent over last twenty years, almost all blaming spread of Wahabism in Kashmir. On the one hand the hardliner Wahabis consider these Shia specific rituals shirk and Maulanaagainst teachings Azad of Islam and Library, over decades SunnisAligarh were indoctrinated Muslim with a fearUniversity that the Nikah of a person who witness these rituals gets dissolved. On the other hand this public act of self-mortificationis a powerful, masculine affirmation of the Shias willingness and readiness to sacrifice theirlives for their religion and Imam Hussain’s family.

259 The procession is given a brief pause at Bihisht-e-Zahra Park near Development Commissioner’s office of Budgam, for Namaz-e-Zohrain. The zuljanah is also given some rest inside a camp erected for it inside the park. No mourner eats lunch and no household cooks but the households falling on the both the sides of Mirgund-Budgam road keep tea and bread available for the devotees. The devotees offer prayers, take tea and many elderly smoke Jajheeri-tamokh/ hookah at the households of Budgam town. Although a good chunk of Shias do not eat anything till asr (afternoon), remembering the thirst and hunger of Imam Hussain. After performing Namaz, the procession starts moving again towards its final destination. The matam continues till the procession culminates. On reaching to its destination, zuljanah is again brought in to women’s side symbolising the return of Hussain’s steed without Hussain sitting on its back to the women camps in Karbala.

The last ritual of the day Ziyarat-e-Ashura a liturgical supplication is performed after the day’s matam is finished. The Ziyarat-e-Ashura is a long descriptive supplication seeking Allah’s blessings on Hussain and other martyrs of Karbala as well as Allah’s curses on all the enemies mentioning many separately (For the English translation of the famous supplication refer to page 81). All the mourners lead by a molvi stand facing towards Kiblah and recite the famous supplication.

6.5.7 Sham-e-Ghariba

Sham-e-Ghariba/night of unfortunates refers to the evening of Ashura. In the early hours of this night, the Shi’ites recall the sufferings, and helplessness of the survivors of Hussain’s entourage (mostly left with women) after the battle of Karbala, especially Zainab, Kulsoom (both sisters of Hussain), Sakeena (three year olddaughter of Hussain) and Zain ul-Aabideen (son of Hussain who could not fight in the battle because of illness). The zakir in his marsiya evokes the sufferings of Alh-e-Bayt. He symbolises Sham-e-Ghariba with the Sham-e-Ghariba of Zainab and other survivors. Recounting tragic moments when survivors were made to sit on the blistering sand in Maulanathe darkness, Azad the main Library, lights at the Aligarh remembrance ritual Muslim are also switched University off (see Figure 6.41).

260 Figure 6.41 Shaam-e-Gareeba (Ichigam, Budgam)

The scene being already engulfed with emotions, the zakir creates waves of grief by evoking the burning of tents, thirst of children and scorching heat of the desert endured by survivors especially by children. The mourners including both men and women sitting in majlis separated by a wooden-pinjra begin weeping and crying out in sky high distraught voices. The louder cries emanating from both the sides bring the event to the peak of commotion. At the end of the marsiya, the ritual is given symbolism with the Sham –e-Ghariba of Ashura of about 1338 years before by displaying an aab-note/a pot filled with water, tchoji-zaen/ basket filled with chapatti and some candles on a plate symbolising how same things were brought by some women, led by wife of Hurr (an enemy commander who later switched to Hussain’s side and achieved martyrdom), and offered to bereaved Zainab and other survivors. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University 6.6 Factionalism (Firqadari) and Mourning (Azadari)

Firqadari and Azadari act as fuel and engine for each other in Shia society in Kashmiri. There is a conspicuous reflection of the structured Firqadari/factionalismin the annual observance of mourning rituals. During the mourning months of Muharram

261 and Saffar the firqadari becomes consolidated, concretized, widening gap among the factions. Each firqa/faction publishes a calendar of majlis and jalus to be organised under its auspice at different villages and towns during the two months of mourning. The majlis/mourning assemblies and jalus/mourning processions are organized separately by each faction almost in every Shia locality. Each firqa/faction has an affiliated bunch of zakirs in each locality and also a bunch famous marsiya orators called markazi zakir/core zakir who would carry out marsiya khwani in the majlis organised under the patronage of their firqa leader.These zakirs would recite marsiya in their own faction organized rituals only. The Zakirs of other factions are not invited for marsiya recitation; however, there is no binding on the participation in these rituals. The followers and Zakirs from other factions can also participate. Imam bargahs have become symbols of segregation in every Shia locality.With separate Imambargahs for each faction, the segregated observances of annual remembrance rituals in Shias of Kashmir provide a quintessential example of a divided society.

Apart from Muharram and Saffar, every year usually after the fasting month of Ramzan, each firqa leader issues a fresh calendar for marsiya khwani/recitation season. Each firqa leader in consultation with their elderly firqa affiliates from particular localities frames out modalities i.e., places and dates for future course of majalis. This decision of organising the majlis by the firqa leader mostly comes perturbing for the poor families as the host village or town is flooded with devotees from whole valley in thousands and the households in the vicinity are supposed to host them. Each household willingly or unwillingly has had to cook lunch by hiring a traditional waza/cook. This invitation is called “Imam Hussainun dawat” (invitation from Imam Hussain). At many places, the majlis is organised separately by each faction that leads to the financial crises for the people living there. For example, All Jammu and Kashmir Shia Association each year organises Majlis-e-Hussaini on 16th Muharram in Shalimar locality of Srinagar and at the same place, Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Darul Mustafa organises its annual Majlis-e-Hussaini on 25th of Muharram. MaulanaThus the Azaddevotees in Library, thousands visit theAligarh locality two times Muslim in a gap of eightUniversity days.

Like many of the places, the glimpse of this factionalized ritual participation becomes viewed from the historic Ashura and Arbaeen processions in Budgam. The two local factions form two separate dayiras known as Mahamdi dayira, Mustafayi dayira. The former representing Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Jammu and Kashmir,

262 Darul Yousuf and the latter dayira representing Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Jammu and Kashmir, Darul Mustafa. The common masses who been associated with these factions for so many years have subconsciously construed the binary of ‘us’ vs ‘them’. Thus an unrewarded but manifested competition and factional condescension among dayiras prevail, atleast deep in the minds and hearts of the followers of each faction during the ritual.

Some of the large majlis events organised by Shi’ites in Kashmir under the patronage of five largest firqas/factions at historic Imambargahs of Kashmir are:

1. Majlis-e-Hussaini at Zadibal Imambargah Srinagar organised by All Jammu and Kashmir Shia Association. 2. Majlis-e-Hussaini at Budgam Imambargah organised by Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Jammu and Kashmir, Darul Mustafa. 3. Majlis-e-Hussaini at Imambargah Bemina organised by Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Jammu and Kashmir, Darul Yousuf. 4. Majlis-e-Hussaini at Imambargah Chattabal Srinagar organised by Anjuman- e-Itehadul Muslimeen Jammu and Kashmir. 5. Majlis-e-Hussaini at Imambargah Ahmedpura Baramullah organised by All Jammu and Kashmir Shia Association. 6. Majlis-e-Hussaini at Hassanabad Imambargah Srinagar organised by Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Jammu and Kashmir, Darul Mustafa.

6.7 Controversial Muharram rituals

Some of Muharram's rituals are controversial within the Shia community of Kashmir. The controversy which started in late 1990’s still remains there because while many Shi’ite Ayatollah’s of highest rank disapprove of certain widespread practices during the Muharram processions, such as bloody self- flagellation ritual as well as naar-matam (walking on fire), many jurists endorse Maulanathe practice andAzad see nothing Library, wrong in them. Aligarh They consider Muslim it attack on the University Shi’ite identity. Some important and landmark rulings of some of the highest rank Shia jurists denouncing self-flagellation and other bloody ritual are given below:

263 1. Ayatollah Khamenei

Excerpts from the Fatwa on tatbir/self-flagellation ritual given by the present leader of Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah Syed Ali Khamenei on June 07, 1994 can be summarised as:

“Tatbir is a wrongful act built upon heresy. It is wrongful that some people hit themselves on the head with daggers to break blood. It is also a fabricated tradition. It is among issues that do not belong to the Islamic religion and undoubtedly God is not pleased with such a practice. Do not practice it, I do not approve. This is certainly an unlawful action, one which Imam Hussain (a.s.) would not be pleased with, as practiced today” (Imam Khamnei, 1994).

2. Ayatollah Khomeini

Mourning and chest beating for the “unjustly treated” (the victims of the tragedy of Karbala) is amongst the best of religious practices, but the participants must exert due diligence to avoid wounds and the flowing of blood. If such actions bring about disrepute to the religion then they are forbidden. At any rate it is recommended that the participants refrain from such actions.

3. Ayatollah Ali Hussaini Sistani

Reviving Hussaini traditions is Mustahab but one is not allowed to harm the body or the noble reputation of the faith. So those actions which are not understandable and cause misunderstandings and contempt for the religion must be avoided.

4. Ayatollah Khoei

If blood matam and hitting oneself with chains, which are practiced in Muharram, cause serious harm, or harm or ridicule the religion and sect then it is impermissible.

Maulana5. Ayatollah Azad Abul Library, Hassan Esfahani Aligarh Muslim University

The usage of swords, chains, drums, horns and the likes today, which have become common in mourning ceremonies on Ashura, is definitely forbidden and against religious doctrine

264 6. Ayatollah Mohsin Al-Amin (1868-1952)

And what some people do injuring themselves with swords and hitting themselves in a way that harms them is from the encouragement of Shaytan

7. Ayatollah Mutahhari

Blood matam in its present form does not have a rational or religious basis. It is a clear instance of deviation. At least, in the present day it causes Shi’ism to be questioned. Activities that do not have any relation to the goals of Imam Husayn (a) are razors, blades and locks. Striking the head with a blade is the same. This is a mistake. Some people take blades and strike their heads making blood flow – for what? This action is not mourning.”

8. Ayatollah Muhammad Hussain Kashif Al-Ghita (d. 1954)

There is no reason for these actions to have any other ruling than forbiddance

9. Ayatollah Makarem Shirazi

The mourning congregations have to do their best to hold this ceremony as magnificent as possible, they should not permit anyone to do some acts which vilify the religion and give pretext to the enemies using the name of mourning congregation, acts like using music instruments, striking heads by sword etc.

10. Ayatollah Jawad Amuli

Something that causes defamation to the religion and destroys the respect of the mourners is impermissible. It is expected for people to refrain from blood matam and the likes(“Tatbir: A Disturbing Innovation,” n.d.)

Even after condemnation and denouncement of these extreme self- mortification and bloody rituals by the Jurists of higher authority, these are still practiced enthusiastically by many Kashmiri Shias. This resistance has been Maulanastrengthened by Azadthe fact that Library, Wahabi Saudis Aligarhand other Sunni Muslim Muslims have Universityat times stridently criticized these rituals. So resisting and retaining such practices thus becomes a way of asserting Shi’ite identity. Even a good number of educated Shi’ites who themselves do not engage in such rituals show reluctance to condemn self- flagellation and naar matam and other bloody practices of azadari. Underlying such

265 attitudes is a desire to sustain communal solidarity concerning ritual practices universally identified as Shi’ites.

The controversy around the performance of these rituals has resulted in the division of many Shia villages, some endorsing the condemnation and ban while others condemning the condemnation and ban on these rituals. The interesting case of Khanda village of District Budgam is worth mentioning here. This village was considered as revolutionary and among highly educated villages in Shia community in Kashmir. The impact of firqadari was not much visible in the village. There were no different firqas and all the villagers used to perform Muharram rituals together in the lone Imambargah of the village. The village which endorsed revolutionary ideas had unanimously welcomed the call of present leader of Shia world Ayatollah Khamenei to denounce the practice of self-flagellation in 1990’s when other villages and towns considered it an attack of Shi’ism. The village however, is famous for the naar-matam ritual which is held on 8th of Muharram. Few years ago, one Aalim9 of the village came back after completing his education from an Iranian Seminary in Iran’s Qom. He denounced the practice of naar-matam ritual as innovation which is practiced in India and Pakistan and banned in Iran. He tried to invoke the villagers to give up the traditional practice of performing naar-matam. As every culture has the inherent power to resist any change, the people having different opinions stood to disapprove any dilution in the ritual. The well-versed revolutionary village didn’t unanimously endorsed the call of banning the ritual, but got divided into two groups, one favouring the change and thus stop the practice of naar-matam ritual, and the other favouring the status quo and continue the annual ritual practice. The controversy took violent turn on 8th Muharram 2013 when one group trying to organise the ritual was resisted by the other, leading to violent clashes between the two. The State administration had to apply its law enforcing mechanism including ‘Section 144’ of CrPC10 to bring village to normalcy. The lone Imambargah was locked by the District administration to prevent the gathering of the people. The impact of the conflict was witnessed by Maulanamost of Azadthe families Library, in the village because Aligarhof the cross Muslim affiliations ofUniversity the members towards opposite sides. Recalling an interview of one female participant of Khanda whose name had surfaced in the public for her stand against her family and opposed any change to the status quo of the ritual, while her husband and son favoured for the change. During our conversation she castigating the opposite side including her

266 husband and son also, she pompously declared her stand against her family during the clashes and said that she was even ready to accept divorce for the cause, if given by her husband, but would not have compromised on her stand. The village indulged in the worst clashes resulting strains in the kinship ties.

The group that opposed any change to the annual devotional practice of naar- matam, approached to All Jammu and Kashmir Shia Association (firqa Qadeem) for the support. The leader of the Qadeemi firqa being an open opponent of any ruling against the mourning rituals had always openly denounced the banning of self- flagellation and other bloody rituals. While calculating advantages for him as a religious and political leader, he visited the village in person to organise the ritual. This open support for the one group and admonishment of opposite group made him saviour, at least of the emotions of the people of the group he sided with and won their hearts. He became the saviour of Shi’ite identity, rooted in the mourning rituals for them. He and his Qadeemi firqa earned a new following and the village which earlier was free from firqadari, became segregated. Failing to reach any consensus, the Imambargah until now remains shut. The annual mourning rituals are performed separately at separate places and the rift between two groups has taken a concrete shape.

From the above discussion, it must not be misconstrued that there has been no impact of Ayatullah Khamenei’s call on giving up the bloody self-flagellation rituals. There is huge devotion towards Khamenei among Shias of Kashmir. Even those who practice and endorse the practice of self-flagellation rituals are staunch believers in his charismatic personality. Khamenei is referred to as ‘Rehbar-e-Muazzam’ (Respectable Leader) by Kashmiri Shias. The Youth especially see in Khamenei as the only leader to trust and follow. The Shias express their and love, respect and obedience to Khamenei through different means and eulogising him in their sloganeering is one: They say, MaulanaZinda Azad Hai Khomeini Library, Zinda Hai Aligarh. Rehbar Ki Shakal Muslim Mei Zinda Hai University (Khomeini is Alive in Khamenei) Rehabr Kay Farmaan Pe, Jaan Bhi Qurban Hai (We are ready to scarify our lives on his orders)

267 Owing to his condemnation of these rituals, a rapid decline in the performance of extreme self-mortification rituals has been observed over years. Among other localities, the Budgam town and Ichigam which were famous for the self-flagellation rituals have shown major decline in their performance. In the last Muharram (2018), Budgam town showed 100% non-performance of self-flagellation, owing to the influence of a new clergy Agha Hadi of Anjuman-e-Sharie Shiyan Darul Yousuf. The present scenario in Kashmir is that, only the leadership of All Jammu and Kashmir Shia Association still endorses the practice of these rituals, while all other factions have endorsed the ban on practice. That is why in last Muharram, majority of the self- flagellants most of the localities were the followers of Qadeemi firqa.

6.8 Kashmiri Marsiya

Kitab: The Book (The elegy is also named as Madrasah, “the School”) Hamud: Lord! Bestow thy grace That I may pen thy book of eulogy, The offering accepted and I look to learn, So the light of thy essence may dawn in the gloom of my ignorance And I will, Remember anew that eternal pledge of allegiance. Men, learned listening of thy attributes Fall in veils’ of despair, Oh! That one may grasp but an atom of thy creation: thy purpose. Even the Prophet, the AfsaaArabi: that eloquent tongue, Read “la ohsee” their instead. What disrespect then, that tongue tied I, may extol thy creation. The universe itself in a whirl Maulana Azad Library,teaching Aligarh thy essence. Muslim University The moon outshining the stars, In perpetual motion: lightening thy creation Teaching, And yet men at the nadir of their life

268 Glaze at that page of enlightenment first and still unread.

Naat: The page of thy messengers’ was sealed When for his last message The lord From the seminary of creation Choose Mohammed: the seal of Prophets; To correct, to complete. Angels and spirits salute; “Praise the teacher Who made the sun re-read its course, Split the moon, a sign to learned men. The un-lettered who, Opened the pages of Gods testament”, That all learners, aspires cried “No knowledge that knows not he”. What can I then extol his grace Whose eulogy is in the Quran itself? He for whose sake Abraham………………..Adam, nay the universe itself Was created from uncreated self.

Madah: In the name of the Lord, The Merciful, the Compassionate Maulana Azad Library,Lo! I praise Aligarh Ali, Muslim University The door of knowledge, al essence, The one who cleaved truth from untruth, Spirit of Islam, keeper of the Prophets Garden, his helper. Verily they are the two,

269 Who from the Lord, received all knowledge in its essence. If all the leaves and flowers Were penned in his praise, Still would remain unwritten, unread, his nobility, his grace. For the Prophet and Gabriel praised Him, As the Lord had praised himself. He was the speaking Quran, Raised on the Prophets shoulder. Whose pulpit was out of grasp, Of the sky and all heaven. What then can I say of that martyr! Come! Let us raise the cry of salutation, Heaven is his who but pen’s a line, In his praise.

Dard: Oh! What calamity! What times? What befell on the Imam? Look how the Kufis-bekitab Repaid the Prophet for his teachings. How they honored him? How they guarded his sanctity? Look! How the severed head of his children Are raised on lances, as offerings of Shumr to Yazid. With the Quran around his neck Maulana Azad Library,Hussain had Aligarh approached ibn MuslimSaad, University “Oh! Tyrant, I am the sage, Ever ready for death, know you not that the Quran was revealed on us? Have you not but read the Sura Muhammad?

270 My grandfather had preached in his sermons, Time and time again. “Oh! Muslims, I leave but two gifts with you, The Book and family, So maintain their sanctity always, For they represent myself. Lo! Today you are forsaking the Prophets preaching How then will you face him tomorrow in Mehshar? Lo! But which religion asks of you to kill me? From which book of law, you issue My death sentence? Alas! What had fate written for Zainab To relive, re-read, recite The woes of Muharram! Alas! Her night, her days, Spent in anguish, in fear, in lament! When the day would dawn, In the dark dungeon, She would remember anew Her nephews, her lost children. And cry, “Wake, the time for lessons has come, It honors’ you naught to dwell in slumber. The teacher is in waiting, Go and pay your salutations, Or If with Grandfather you are studying, Maulana Azad Library,Tell him then of OmerAligarh-i-Saad, Muslim University His tyranny and his acts of terror. Alas! What fate? What destiny? I am left to lament, My family, my burden, My arms tied, back broken.

271 Oh! But that I could see Ali Akbar opening his book Or Asghar stammering in his lessons. Alas! The Prophets progeny desolate! Alas! 18 brothers of Zainab, Slaughtered under the dagger.

Ziyarat-e-Ashura Ziyarat-e-Ashura which is recited by Shias on 10th of Muharram, chastising and despising all Umayyads and all those who were directly or indirectly involved in the killing of Hussain at Karbala. This translated piece constituting the content and procedure of Ziyarat-e-Ashura is directly has been copied from (http://www.duas.org/ashura/z_ashura.htm, on 26 Nov, 2017)

Peace be on you, O Abu Abdullah!

Peace be on you, O son of the Apostle of Allah!

Peace be on you, O son of the commander of the faithfuls, the forebear of the successors!

Peace be on you, O son of Fatimah, the choicest among the women of the worlds!

Peace be on you, O the select, surpassing, chosen .in preference over all good of Allah, and son of Allah's (such) good.

Peace be on you, who was martyred while fighting heroically in the cause of Allah, the son of Allah's fearless warrior, you were isolated and had been attacked with a vengeance!

MaulanaPeace be Azad on you and Library, on those souls who Aligarh had gathered Muslimin your camp, and University strided along with you, in your journey. I pray and invoke Allah to keep all of you tranquil and restful, forever; so far I am alive, this is my prayer, and till nights and days follow each other.

272 O Abu Abdullah! unbearable is the sorrow, nerve-racking is the agony, you put up with, for us and for all the (true) Muslims, crimes committed against you also shocked and unnerved the dwellers of the heavens, one and all.

May Allah condemn and damn the people who laid the basis and set up the groundwork, to wander astray and turn aside from not only you and your family but to take liberties and bear hard upon you.

May Allah condemn and damn the people who tried to obscure and deny your office and status, wilfully neglected your rank and class Allah had made know in clear terms. May Allah condemn and damn the people who killed you.

May Allah condemn and damn the abettors who instigated and had a part in your murder. I turn to you and Allah, away from them, their henchmen, their followers and their friends,

O Abu Abdullah, I pray and invoke Allah to send blessings on you. I make peace with those who make their peace with you, I make war on those who go to war against you, till the Day of Judgment.

May Allah condemn and damn the family of Ziyaad and the family of Marwaan;

May Allah condemn and damn the group and the tribe of Umayyah, one and all, altogether;

May Allah condemn and damn the son of Marjaanah;

May Allah condemn and damn Umar son of Saad;

May Allah condemn and damn Shimr;

May Allah condemn and damn the people who bridled the horses and saddles for your martyrdom. I, my father and mother are at your disposal. Profound is my sorrow for you. I beg Allah, who honoured you above others, to be generous towards Maulaname on account ofAzad you, and Library,give me the opportunity Aligarh to be with Muslim the victorious University Imam, the descendent of Mohammad (blessings and peace be on him and on his children from Allah) at the time of the final and decisive war against Allah's enemies.

O my Allah make me attend to Your cause, sincerely, in every respect following in Husayn's footsteps, in this world and the hereafter. O Abu Abdullah, I

273 pray and invoke Allah to send blessings on you. I come nearer and seek greater intimacy with Allah, with His Apostle, with Ameerul Moomineen, with Fatimah, with Hasan and with you, with the help of your love and patronage, cutting off every connection with those who took up arms against you and killed you.

I disconnect all links with those who, in the beginning, took the first steps to take liberties with and bear hard upon you, I take refuge with Allah and His Apostle (blessings of Allah be on him and on his children), free from the guilt of associating with those who laid the foundation for (your suffering), devised and carried out their corrupt plan of action, boldly gave currency to reign of terror and cruelty to oppress you and your friends and followers;

I detach myself from them and present myself to Allah and to you, I (first) seek greater intimacy with Allah and then with you to win your love and patronage, and to make friends with your friends, cut off all links with your enemies, and with those who planted the seeds of hostility against you, and reject and discard their associates, their followers and their friends.

I make peace with those who made their peace with you, I search out and confront those who waged war against you, I make friends with those who stood by you, I strive against those who came in conflict with you, therefore, I make a request to Allah to acquaint (me) with the awareness that perceives you and your friends, to set me free from the corrupting influence of your enemies, to make me keep company with you in this world and in the Hereafter, stand firm beside you and follow your footsteps closely in this world and in the next world.

I beseech Him that he helps me to reach your highly praised station, given to you by Allah, (to meet you), that He provides me the opportunity to fight for justice and fairplay along with and under the leadership of the rightly guided guide (in your progeny) who surely will come and speak the truth. I beseech Allah in the name of your right and the purpose He assigned to you, that He overwhelms me with grief in Maulanamemory Azadof your sorrows, Library, more than theAligarh personal grief Muslim that torments anyone Universitywho is in great agony, sorrows which have no parallel and overshadow all calamities that took place in the history of Islam, for that matter, throughout the whole universe.

274 O my Allah, in my on the spot situation, treat me like him (or her) who obtains from You (Your) blessings, mercy and forgiveness.

O my Allah, bring me to life again, after death, in the place Mohammad and his "Aal" (children) are dwelling, and make me depart from this world like Mohammad and his "Aal" (children) had left,

O my Allah this day is a day of rejoicing for the "Bani-Umayyad, the herd of hardened criminals, the eternally damned and accursed group, a fact that had been made public by You and by Your Prophet (blessings of Allah be on him and on his children), who, in every place and at all occasions, drew attention of people to this truism.

O my Allah condemn and damn Abu Sufiyan, Yazid son of Muawiya and let it be an everlasting curse upon them from You. Today the descendants of Ziyad and Marwan make merry, laugh and dance because on this day they killed Husayn (blessings of Allah be on him).

O my Allah, therefore, double up the curse You bring upon them and also the punishment You decree for them.

O my Allah, I seek nearness to You today in this frame of mind, cutting off all links with them for the rest of my life, denouncing them because of my love for Your Prophet and his children, peace be on him and them.

Then again say 100 times:

O my Allah condemn and damn the first tyrant who unjustly and wrongfully usurped that which rightly belonged to Mohammad and the children of Mohammad, and bring curse upon those who, after him, followed in his footsteps.

O my Allah condemn and damn those conspirators who vexed and harassed Husayn, showed eagerness, agreed mutually, and joined hands to kill him. O my MaulanaAllah bring curse Azad upon all of Library, them. Aligarh Muslim University

hen again say 100 times:

Peace be on you, O Abu Abdullah, and on those souls who came to your camp to put themselves at your disposal.

275 So far I am alive and the days and nights follow each other I invoke Allah to send blessings on you forever and ever.

May Allah not make my this pledge of close association, physical as well as spiritual, with you the last fulfilment.

Peace be on Husayn, and on Ali son of Husayn, and on the children of Husayn, and on the friends of Husayn.

You may even recite only “Peace be on Husayn, and on Ali son of Husayn, and on the children of Husayn, and on the friends of Husayn." 100 times)

Then say:

O my Allah, let the curse I call down on the head of the first tyrant stick like a leech; and stay put for ever on the first, then the second, the third and the fourth.

O my Allah damn and call down evil on the fifth, Yazid son of Mua'awyah, and bring a curse upon Ubaydullah son of Ziyaad, ibna Marjanah, Umar son of Saad, and Shimr, and on the descendants of Abu Sufyaan, on the descendants of Ziyaad, on the descendants of Marwaan, till the Day of judgement.

They then say the following words

O’ Allah! To you belongs the praise, the praise of those who are thankful to You for their tribulations. All Praise belongs to Allah for my intense grief. O’ Allah, grant me the blessing of intercession of Husayn on the Day of Appearance (before You) and strengthen me with a truthful stand in Your presence along with Husayn and the companions of Husayn – those people who sacrificed everything for Husayn, peace be upon him.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

276 End Notes

1 The people of the household of the Muhammad, the Allah’s messenger 2 Father of Yazid, Scion of Ummayyid Dynasty, who refuted to accept the Caliph of Ali and proclaimed himself as 4th Muslim Cjaliph, after he was appointed as governor of Syria durin Uthman’s reigh(3rd Caiph) 3 10th day of the month of Muharram on which battle of Karbala took place in 680 A.D. 4 intervening night of 7th and 8th Muharram 5 Evening and night obligatory prayers 6 Traditional Kashmiri gown 7 In context of Kashmir marsiya khwani, Dayira means the inner most circle which the first group of Pachh Khwan make while sitting for the recitation of marsiya. 8 Salawat: Prayer seeking blessings on the Prophet and his progeny 9 Aalim: Singular of Ullama 10 CrPC: Criminal Procedure code of 1973, which empowers an executive magistrate to prohibit an assembly of more than four persons in an area.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

277 CONCLUSION

Till date no scholarly ethnographic account has been produced on Shias of Kashmir valley and this study thus qualifies to be the first of its kind. This is both exploratory and descriptive study of culture among Shia Muslim society of Kashmir valley of Jammu and Kashmir state, followed by a description on socio-economic profile and cultural aspect including: rituals, practices and ceremonies, the community engages with. The field work was conducted in district Budgam of the Kashmir valley. The study is both quantitative and qualitative in nature. The quantitative part was carried by employing ‘Sample Survey’ as a research strategy and ‘Interview Schedule’ was used as the tool of data collection. However, for the qualitative part of the study, ‘Case Study’ was used as research strategy and the tools employed for data collection include: Interview, Observation (both participant and non- participant), Oral Histories and Focused group Discussions (FGD’S). The study is designed on Inductive logic of enquiry.

Some of the major findings of the study are briefly discussed below:

 The investigation on socio-economic profile of the Shia community reveals that; 97.3% sampled households had ownership of their houses, only a meager 7(2.3%) houses were found wherein the inmates were living on rent or on sharing basis. 92% (276) households dwell in their self-constructed pukka houses. 8% (24) still live in the kuccha houses. Out of 300 households, 298 had the septic tank or flush type of toilet systems constructed in their houses. Only one household reported to go for open defecation and one has the pit available.

 The household gadgets were present in the following figures: Television (81%) Refrigerator (39.3%) Inverter (36%) Washing machine (45%) Electric Fan (75.3%) Generator (15%). Only 17% and 25% of households had motor-cycle and car respectively.

Maulana Half Azad of the sampled Library, population Aligarhhas their average Muslim monthly income University of less than Rs. 12000. Only 16.3% households were found to be having their average monthly income of more than Rs. 30000. These figures are indicative that Shia Muslims are lying amongst the lower rungs of the economic hierarchy.

278  When it comes to land ownership, it was found that amongst Shias community there are negligible families which possess large farmlands. Data revealed that 20% families were landless, 43% families with a land in the range of 1-5 kanals, 20.67% families owned 6-10 kanals of land and only about 8 percent households had the land above 16 kanals per family.

 The figures on educational status reveal a gloomy picture. Though literacy rate was found to be 67.5% in the community, higher than the district as well as state figures, with male (81.28%) and female (53.03%) but it is very surprising to see that from this community 960 persons out of 1093 literates have dropped out i.e. 87.83% persons have left the school due to any reason and only 12.17% who are continuing their education without any interruption

 The major reasons of the Shias dropping out from the schools is poverty (24.9%) and not able to clear the examinations (20.94%). Nevertheless, the family pressure also figures handsomely in the list. The three figures together account for 64.44% of the dropouts. From the other reasons, that has been mentioned for the issue by the respondents, is the social and religious restriction, hampering the educational progress, which though was mentioned by a significant 12.08% of the respondents.

 The representation of Shias in government jobs is very insignificant, with only 6.7% of the respondents were government employees. However, it is evident that there is not a significant percentage that is unemployed (only 4.2%), the others are engaged in some sort of work, be it business (6.4%), labourer (9.1%), farming (3.2%), self-employed (2.9%) and private employees (2.3%). The greater engagement of the Shia women mostly with their household chores. The studentship forms the second largest group as far as the occupational status is concerned.

Shia community of Kashmir is a charismatic community having strong Maulanaaffiliation towards Azad clergy especially Library, the two famousAligarh clerical familiesMuslim known as University Ansari family of Srinagar and Agha family of Budgam, which have always remained at loggerheads with one another. Historically, the Shias associated and affiliated themselves with either of the two families, which resulted a fracture in Shia community of Kashmir, dividing it into two factions known as firqas (firqa Qadeemi

279 and firqa Jadeedi). The feud within each family led to the further sub divisions of the divided community. Thus there has been a vertical as well as horizontal split in the community dividing it in to four factions. The people irrespective of their castes and class affiliate with these firqas/factions. These firqas are subject to charismatic authority of the leader of the particular firqa, thus acting like what Weber called Gemeinde/charismatic community. Each firqa is based on an emotional form of communal relationship within and with the charismatic leader, what Weber called Vergemeinschaftung (Weber, 1978, p.243). There is conflictive relationship among these factions thus called Firqadari or paatdari. These firqas/factions operate on power-relations as each firqa has its base of power in the form of their followers and each wants to dominate these relations.

This firqadari has become consolidated part of Shia social structure in Kashmiri, visible and more assertive. It has left no aspect of community unaffected.

 The community has become a divided one. Each villages and town has factions which usually remain in conflicting relationship.

 The families and kinship bonds were disturbed and enduring discord between factions has become normal.

 Firqadari has resulted in to the division of pulpits and that of community property including religious centers like Imambargahs, shrines. Each village or town has multiple religious centers, each faction maintaining its own.

 The profound influence of this firqadari becomes more apparent during the annual remembrance rituals. There are segregated observances of mourning assemblies in each village and separate mourning processions at most of the places. Each firqa maintains a separate calendar for organizing the annual mourning rituals.

 The dominance of these dynasties has been the bane of the Shia community in Kashmir when it comes to the role of Shias in State politics. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University  Successive governments have cultivated the top figures in order to suborn the entire community.

 This has not only perpetuated the influence of the dynasties but also made it near impossible for a common Shia to make his mark on the political stage.

280  The division of the pulpits never let the community to unite for achieving united political goals.

 For decades now, the community has been represented in state politics by members of these clans only.

 The two clans have always supported and contested elections on opposite party seats. In the previous government Kashmiri Shias had three representatives in the state legislative assembly. The two of them from Ansari Family and other one from the Agha family.

 The vote bank politics among these parties leads to the violence as well. Many cases have been reported when state apparatus was applied to bring the normalcy.

 Also this Firqadari is considered as one of the important reasons for Educational and Economic backwardness in Shia community.

In terms of the structure of family, marriage rituals, customs and kinship groupings, the Shia Muslims in Kashmir are not necessarily distinguishable from their Sunni Muslim neighbours. They seem to be a part of wider cultural complex shared by all those who reside in the region as a whole. However, Shia community of Kashmir has maintained its identity in the ritual observance and social transactions. The community has its own religious and social gatherings. Though they frequently mix up with the Muslims of other sects and attend their festive gatherings but they have kept their own religious rituals so dear to them that they have exist as a distinctive identity.

The Shia community of Kashmir is highly patriarchic. When it comes to the family organisation among Shias in Kashmir, apparently it seems that the Shias are also following the trend of settling into the nuclear families with time. It was found that there are only 39% of families (i.e. 117 out of 300) that are joint, whereas the rest (61%) are nuclear. Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University The impact of regional and cultural background is not restricted to Muslim family norms alone. It extends to the norms related to marriage including customs and practices as well. Both Shia and Sunni communities have retained the un-Islamic practice of cultural practices even after their conversion to Islam. The Hindu and the Muslim influences coalesce and impinge upon the institution of Muslim family and

281 marriage in a way particular to a particular region. The imprint of Hindu culture is flamboyantly conspicuous on Shia marriage in Kashmir. Shias practice a long list of rituals from the day of tying a marital knot till the day of actual marriage (See chapter 4).

The Shias also do not show any special tendency towards marrying within the blood relations. The figures revealed that only 28% of the married persons have preferred their marriage partner to be amongst their own relatives. The rest i.e. 72% persons have married outside their own relatives. However, it was also found that if not much rigorously, but syeds still follow endogamous pattern. They prefer a spouse for their sons or daughters from the syed families only.

However, it was found that Shias follow a set list of prescription and proscription when it comes to days and dates for marriage. The marriage and other forms of joyous celebrations are avoided during the mourning months of Muharram and Saffar and on the death anniversaries of Imams and other members of the house of the prophet.

The important life events like birth, marriage and death of an individual are attended with an elaborate set of interesting rituals and ceremonies, thus making the life cycle of a Kashmiri Shia a rich field for sociological and anthropological enquiry.

Shias of Kashmir follow more or less the standard pattern of Islam in connection with birth, and death ceremonies with some distinguishing differences. These ritual differences from other Muslim sects are however, seen as the part of the separate Shia identity, binding the community into the group distinct from other Islamic groups. These differences are seen as the source of community consciousness and thus solidarity within the community.

When a child is born, the first practice embedded in the traditions is to recite Azaan (call for prayers) in the right ear and Iqama (set up for prayers) in the left ear of the baby by a male. The inculcation of separate Shia identity into the new member Maulanastarts from Azad the birth Library,itself. In the Azaan, Aligarh Shias testify Muslim the Imamate of University Hazrat Ali by saying, ‘I testify Ali is vicegerent of Allah’. This testifying of Ali as righteous Imam and leader after prophet is what distinguishes Shias from Sunnis and Shia beliefs from those of Sunnis regarding the leadership of Ummah. Many Shias also put a pinch of

282 khaak-e-Karbala/dust of Karbala in to the mouth of the infant to inculcate in him/her the love and loyalty for martyred Imam Hussain.

The popular names frequently used for boys are after the name of Prophet of Islam and his progeny and the followers of the progeny. The most popular names for boys include: Muhammad, Ahmad, Ali, Hassan, Hussain, Abbas, Asgar, Akbar, Mehdi etc. Baby girls are mostly named after Prophet’s female relatives, the most popular being Fatima, Zahra, Khadijah, Zainab, Kulsoom, Ruqaya, Sakeena, fiza, Maryam, Hajra etc.

Head shaving/Zarr-kasni is a ceremonial event usually performed after three months of the birth until the age of one year of the child. It is usually performed at a shrine of any famous Shia saint.

The Death rituals are more elaborate among Shias of Kashmir. Through the various distinguishing rituals, the deceased is sent on the eternal abode with the Shia identity he/she was born with.

Like other Muslims, Shias of Kashmir devotedly celebrate annual religious occasions or festivals like Eid-ul-Fitr, Eid-ul-Azha, and Eid-e-Milad un Nabi, but they have their many more separate occasions also like Eid-ul-Gadheer, Moulud-e-Kabba, Eid-ul-Mubahila, Shabb-e-baraat and Novroz.

What sharply differentiates Shias from the Sunnis are the annual mourning rituals surrounding the remembrance of martyrdom of Hussain in battle of Karbala. The annual culture of mourning over the sufferings of Ahl-e-bayt in general and on the tragic death of Hussain, the grandson of Prophet of Islam in particular, has become synonymous with, and an inalienable aspect of the Shia identity in Kashmir.

Shias become most conscious of their sectarian religious identity. They fervently organize and participate in rituals of mourning (see chapter 6). These mourning rituals are not merely an embodiment of a culture of death, but, function like other rituals; emergence social integration, consciousness of their separate identity rooted in the Maulanaoppressive history, Azad and also Library, act as sites for dispAligarhlaying separate MuslimShi’ite identity University to the world. Each Shia at individual level identifies himself or herself to be a part of a macro level unity and identity i.e. the Shia community of the world, the followers of the House of the Prophet, the mourners, and the wish and supplication of Fatima.

283 These rituals prove to be hot beds of socialization and enculturation for the members of Shia community.

To conclude, Shia community of Kashmir, a minority in majority is socio economically a weaker community. Being a Muslim community, the Shia community shares much of its cultural life with that of the majority Sunni community. However, the two communities have sharp differences also. These differences are reflected in the public sphere in the form of performance of rituals and practices mainly around historic battle of Karbala. The Shia community has successfully survived various onslaughts on its identity in Kashmir through the preservation of their culture. This culture of difference holds the community together in to a separate identity.

Limitations

• As clear from the theme, this study tries to provide an ethnographic account of the Shias spreading unevenly over whole valley. Though District Budgam was selected as sample for the study, it becomes exaggeration that an ethnographic study of Shias of Budgam would equally represent Shias of other Districts also. A separate Scholarship for each district would be the only solution to escape this exaggeration.

• The Study attempted to provide a holistic picture of Society and Culture among Shia Muslims, covering different areas each demanding a separate Scholarship. In this attempt, it is possible that each and every thing might not have been included in this study. Maulana• The Azad study being Library, ethnographic, explores Aligarh rituals and Muslim practices, but Universityfailed to breach the line of gender bar which the Shias prescribe. It was not convivial and wise to even try to transcend the gender bar and observe the ritualistic performances of women in different aspects of Shia society and culture. Thus it was impossible for this study to give equal representation to the ritualistic practices and

284 performances of Shia women. There is a vast unexplored field of study demanding a female scholar for the exploration.

• The study couldn’t present deliberate on social change among Shias, because the study, not being longitudinal in nature didn’t dealt with this aspect.

• Rearrangement of the tehsil and block boundaries in district Budgam created some problems as the different data available with different departments didn’t corroborate.

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

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Islamic Websites

Hussainiyah.com Hussainiat.com Azadar.com Azadar.net Nadeemsarwar1.com Almuntazar.com Baabeilm.org Hummomin.com Shiadownload.com Shia110.com 14five.com MaulanaWahdatradio.com Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Ezsoftech.com Molaali.com Yaali.as Ashura.com

292 ummah.net Act4kerbala.org Ya-hussain.com http://www.shiaindia.com Almujtaba.com Alnajafy.com 14masumeen.com Alimaan.com Al-khoei.org Duas.org Zainab.org Jana.org Nawhas.com Shia-online.com Shiaresources.com Shah-e-najaf.com Imambargah.com Shiachat.com Aimislam.com Ziaraat.com Hujjat.org Yazehra.com Matamdari.com Fabonline.com Abuturab.org Aalulbayt.com Hadith.net Shia.org MaulanaShiamatch.com Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Shiaradio.com Shiamasjid.com Jafariyanews.com Islamicdigest.net Asanquran.com

293 Jobs4shia.com Al-imam.net Alimoula110.com Al-shia.com Leader.ir Sistani.org www.shia.es www.shiachat.com www.al-islam.org www.marefat.weebly.com

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

294 PARTICIPANT OBERVATION: SOME GLIMPSES

Serving at a marriage ceremony

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

At Fatiha on graveyard with a groom Another noha recitation on Ashura 2017

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University Reciting Noha on Ashura 2018 Chest Beating on Muharram 9th 2018

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University

Filling Interview Schedule in a sampled household Shia Muslims on Shabb-e-Qadr, Ramadan, 2018

Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University