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ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Burundi's Constitution of 2005
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:21 constituteproject.org Burundi's Constitution of 2005 Historical This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:21 Table of contents Preamble . 4 TITLE I: Of THE STATE AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE . 5 1. Of the General Principles . 5 2. OF THE FUNDAMENTAL VALUES . 6 TITLE II: OF THE CHARTER OF THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND CITIZEN . 7 1. OF THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE CITIZEN . 7 2. Of the Fundamental Responsibilities of the Individual and the Citizen . 12 TITLE III: OF THE SYSTEM OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES . 14 TITLE IV: OF ELECTIONS . 16 TITLE V: OF THE EXECUTIVE POWER . 17 1. Of the President of the Republic . 17 2. Of the Vice Presidents of the Republic . 22 3. Of Government . 23 Title VI: Of the Legislative Power . 26 1. The Provisions Common to the National Assembly and Senate . 26 2. Of the National Assembly . 30 3. Of the Senate . 33 4. Of the Procedure of Adopting New Law . 36 TITLE VII: OF THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE EXECUTIVE AND THE LEGISLATIVE . 37 TITLE VIII: OF THE JUDICIAL POWER . 40 1. Of the Superior Council of the Magistracy . 40 2. Of the Supreme Court . 42 3. Of the Constitutional Court . 42 4. OF THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE . 44 TITLE IX: OF THE OMBUDSMAN . 45 TITLE X: OF DEFENSE AND OF SECURITY . 45 TITLE XI: OF THE LOCAL COLLECTIVITIES . -
Burundi's Constitution of 2005
PDF generated: 27 Jul 2018, 21:05 constituteproject.org Burundi's Constitution of 2005 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 27 Jul 2018, 21:05 Table of contents Preamble . 4 TITLE I: Of THE STATE AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE . 5 1. Of the General Principles . 5 2. OF THE FUNDAMENTAL VALUES . 6 TITLE II: OF THE CHARTER OF THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND CITIZEN . 7 1. OF THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE CITIZEN . 7 2. Of the Fundamental Responsibilities of the Individual and the Citizen . 12 TITLE III: OF THE SYSTEM OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES . 14 TITLE IV: OF ELECTIONS . 16 TITLE V: OF THE EXECUTIVE POWER . 17 1. Of the President of the Republic . 17 2. Of the Vice Presidents of the Republic . 22 3. Of Government . 23 Title VI: Of the Legislative Power . 26 1. The Provisions Common to the National Assembly and Senate . 26 2. Of the National Assembly . 30 3. Of the Senate . 33 4. Of the Procedure of Adopting New Law . 36 TITLE VII: OF THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE EXECUTIVE AND THE LEGISLATIVE . 37 TITLE VIII: OF THE JUDICIAL POWER . 40 1. Of the Superior Council of the Magistracy . 40 2. Of the Supreme Court . 42 3. Of the Constitutional Court . 42 4. OF THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE . 44 TITLE IX: OF THE OMBUDSMAN . 45 TITLE X: OF DEFENSE AND OF SECURITY . 45 TITLE XI: OF THE LOCAL COLLECTIVITIES . -
Compiled First Draft
A FRAMEWORK FOR RESPONSIBLE AID TO BURUNDI 21 February 2003 Africa Report N°57 Nairobi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................... 1 II. THE NEED FOR RESPONSIBLE AID ....................................................................... 2 A. AN URGENT ENGAGEMENT FOR PEACE ................................................................................2 1. On the edge of peace or peace on the edge?..............................................................2 2. The return of former fighters and refugees to a desperate situation..........................4 3. The risks of international disengagement..................................................................5 B. WHY IS ‘RESPONSIBLE’ AID NECESSARY? ..............................................................................5 1. The violent discriminatory state ................................................................................6 2. Powerful international actors.....................................................................................7 III. FROM PEACE-MAKING TO PEACEBUILDING: THE KEY INTERNATIONAL ROLE............................................................................................ 9 A. PROMISES OF AID ................................................................................................................10 B. THE DEADLOCK BETWEEN THE DONOR COMMUNITY -
Burundi's 2010 Elections
BURUNDI’S 2010 ELECTIONS: DEMOCRACY AND PEACE AT RISK? Eva Palmans, PhD Senior Elections Advisor Abstract This article focuses in particular on the 2010 elections to contribute to the debate on elections as a means of consolidating democracy and peace. The 2010 elections in Burundi were a milestone for the consolidation of democracy and peace in the country. When viewed against the literature on the self- reinforcing power and the self-improving democratic quality of successive elections, these so-called second post-conflict elections supposedly signalled a potential for a step towards consolidating democracy and peace. However, the electoral outcome showed that elections are not a guarantee in themselves that this goal would be achieved. Rather than being a step towards more democracy and peace, Burundi’s last elections gave an overwhelming majority to one party, the CNDD-FDD, and marginalised the opposition because of its decision to boycott the process as a way of contesting the results of municipal elections. With one party dominating all institutions and with an authoritarian response to opposition parties who, in the absence of dialogue, could still consider the option of using guns to voice their concerns, democracy and peace are at risk. This article analyses the causes and consequences of the electoral boycott by the majority of opposition parties in Burundi’s 2010 elections. It looks at political party behaviour in the prevailing socio-political context and against the background of the country’s recent electoral history. It examines, in particular, the reasons, both contextual and within the party functioning, of the choice of the political opposition to boycott the elections. -
Burundi : Cent Jours Pour La Paix
BURUNDI AFTER SIX MONTHS OF TRANSITION: CONTINUING THE WAR OR WINNING PEACE? 24 May 2002 Africa Report N°46 Nairobi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE TRANSITION GOVERNMENT: THE LAST ONE OR ONE AMONG MANY? ............................................................................................................................ 3 A. SETTING UP INSTITUTIONS AND SHARING POSTS......................................................................3 1. The Government: Distribution of Key Posts ...............................................................4 2. Assembly and Senate: Loyal Supporters Rewarded..................................................5 3. The South African Presence – Life Insurance for the New Government ..................6 B. A DISTURBING INERTIA IN THE APPLICATION OF THE ARUSHA ACCORD .................................6 1. Application Deadlines ...............................................................................................6 2. The CSAA – Dead on Arrival....................................................................................7 3. The Battle of Laws.....................................................................................................8 C. THE RETURN OF INTERNATIONAL AID: A COMPLEX AFFAIR ....................................................9 III. THE CEASE-FIRE: NEGOTIATING -
Tanzania's Role in Burundi's Peace Process
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Wits Institutional Repository on DSPACE TANZANIA’S ROLE IN BURUNDI’S PEACE PROCESS STUDENT: SAID J K AMEIR SUPERVISOR DR. ABDUL LAMIN In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Degree of Maters in the International Relations, The Graduate School for the Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanitaries, UNIVERSITY OF WITWATERSRAND DECLARATION I declare that this research work is my own, unaided. It has neither been presented before at Wits University nor in any other Universities for any other award. Signed by Said J K Ameir ………………………… This …… day of ……. …. 2008 i DEDICATION I dedicate this work to my family which cares for most of my progress in life. First, my parents who raised and made me became who I am today. I pay special tribute to my father who aside from his decade-long illness has never hesitated to allow me to travel and never bothered by my absence. He has always inspired, motivated and supported me in all my endeavours in life including this one. My wife also deserves special tribute for the undue difficulties she went through, during my absence, when she gave birth to our lovely son Farez. Tribute also goes to my children Mgeni, Lulu and Kauthar for respecting my decision to come to Wits, something which shows that we share the same vision as a family. ii ACKOWLEDGEMENT This research work would not have been possible without the assistance and contribution, by one way or another, of many people. I would therefore like to express my gratitude to the following: First is my supervisor Dr Abdul Lamin for his professional guidance and his steadfast encouragement from the presentation of my first draft proposal to the last chapter. -
Final Updated on 29Th Jan 201
VOLUME 3, ISSUE 1, OCTOBER 2013 Political Violence in Post-Conflict Societies in Africa: The Limits of Peace-Building and Stabilization in Burundi Patricia Daley* ABSTRACT This article examines the persistence of political violence in post-conflict societies with reference to the Central African state of Burundi. It links the perpetuation of violence to the liberal peace frameworks that have been pushed by the international community, and questions the relevance of the policy response of stabilization. Using feminist approaches to violence, the article examines the manifestations of political violence in the context of endemic militarism for which the international community shares culpability with the political elite. The specificities of persistence political violence and their impact on society are discussed in reference to state authoritarianism and human rights violations by the state security sector, sexual and gender-based violence, and economic impoverishment. The article concludes by advocating alternative conceptualizations of peace that critique the prevailing political economy and give emphasis to localised practices that are emancipatory. KEYWORDS Liberal Peace, Stabilization, Militarism, Africa INTRODUCTION Globally, there is clear evidence that political violence has persisted in post- conflict societies in the Global South, despite increased interventions by international peace-builders in affected countries (Rangelov and Kaldor 2012; World Bank 2011).Termed low intensity violence, such forms of violence have made the peace dividend impossible to achieve and have resulted in proposals for greater and more sustained western military interventions, as policy-makers shift from liberal peace-building to stabilization (Bachmann & Gelot 2012). Rangelov and Kaldor (2012: 198), *School of Geography and the Environment, University of Oxford, South Parks Road, Oxford OX13QY,UK.(UniversityLecturerinHumanGeographyandFellowof JesusCollege) © O.P. -
Burundi (2010-2011)
BURUNDI (2010-2011) Extract of Worldwide Movement for Human Rights https://www.fidh.org/en/region/Africa/burundi/BURUNDI-2010-2011 BURUNDI (2010-2011) - [english] - Region - Africa - Burundi - Publication date: Friday 27 January 2012 Copyright © Worldwide Movement for Human Rights - All rights reserved Copyright © Worldwide Movement for Human Rights Page 1/6 BURUNDI (2010-2011) SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS Updated as of May 2011 In 2010-2011, human rights defenders were repeatedly considered as opposition members. Those denouncing acts of corruption and embezzlement were also subjected to judicial harassment and several human rights organisations were threatened, victims of defamation by the media and intimidated because of their fight against impunity. Political context General elections held in Burundi between May and September 20101, the first ones since the 2000 Arusha Agreement that took place in a context of peace, generated a particularly tense political climate. Indeed, citing electoral fraud, the main opposition political parties rejected the provisional results of the elections of May 24, 2010, the first of five scheduled elections, which devoted a large victory to the ruling party, the National Council for the Defence of Democracy - Forces for the Defence of Democracy (Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie - Forces de défense de la démocratie - CNDD-FDD). Brought together in the framework of the Democrat Alliance for Change in Burundi (Alliance des démocrates pour le changement au Burundi - ADC-Ikibiri), the opposition parties, with the exception of the Union for National Progress (Union pour le progrès national - UPRONA), chose to boycott the presidential legislative and local elections due, according to them, to a lack of regulation in the electoral process2. -
Interactions Between Peacemaking and Constitution- Making Processes in Burundi a Stabilising Or a Crisis Factor?
Interactions between peacemaking and constitution- making processes in Burundi A stabilising or a crisis factor? Willy Peter Nindorera Case Study IMPRINT Nindorera, Willy Peter 2019. Interactions between peacemaking and constitution-making processes in Burundi. A stabilising or a crisis factor? Berlin: Berghof Foundation. (Translated from the original study in French 'Les interactions entre le processus de paix et l'élaboration constitutionnelle au Burundi. Facteur de stabilité ou de crise?') PUBLISHED BY © Berghof Foundation Operations gGmbH Lindenstraße 34 10969 Berlin, Germany www.berghof–foundation.org order@berghof–foundation.org twitter.com/berghoffnd facebook.com/berghoffoundation 2019 All rights reserved Language editing: Hillary Crowe Design and layout: AMBERPRESS, Katja Koeberlin, Gosia Warrink Disclaimer The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of the Berghof Foundation or its partners. Acknowledgement The project and its publications were made possible by funding from the German Federal Foreign Office. Interactions between peacemaking and constitution-making processes in Burundi A stabilising or a crisis factor? About this publication This publication is part of the project Towards Sustainable Peace: The Nexus of Peacemaking and Constitution Building, implemented by the Berghof Foundation, in collaboration with the United Nations Mediation Support Unit – Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs. It was generously supported by the German Federal Foreign Office. The project explored how peacemaking – particularly mediated peace negotiations – interfaces with constitution building in practice, a so far understudied area. It identified the challenges and opportunities at this ‘nexus’, the lessons learned, and policy options and their implications on sustaining peace. -
Elections in Burundi: Moment of Truth
Elections in Burundi: Moment of Truth Africa Report N°224 | 17 April 2015 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... ii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Electoral Tension and International Concern .................................................................. 3 A. A Crescendo of Electoral Tension .............................................................................. 3 1. A start to political dialogue .................................................................................. 3 2. An arena of confrontation .................................................................................... 3 B. The Off-side Trap ....................................................................................................... 6 1. Neutralisation by the judiciary ............................................................................. 6 2. A strategy to divide the political movements: “Nyakurisation” ........................... 7 3. Party violence and state violence ........................................................................ -
A Framework for Responsible Aid to Burundi : ICG Africa Report No.57
A FRAMEWORK FOR RESPONSIBLE AID TO BURUNDI 21 February 2003 Africa Report N°57 Nairobi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................... 1 II. THE NEED FOR RESPONSIBLE AID ....................................................................... 2 A. AN URGENT ENGAGEMENT FOR PEACE ................................................................................2 1. On the edge of peace or peace on the edge?..............................................................2 2. The return of former fighters and refugees to a desperate situation..........................4 3. The risks of international disengagement..................................................................5 B. WHY IS ‘RESPONSIBLE’ AID NECESSARY? ..............................................................................5 1. The violent discriminatory state ................................................................................6 2. Powerful international actors.....................................................................................7 III. FROM PEACE-MAKING TO PEACEBUILDING: THE KEY INTERNATIONAL ROLE............................................................................................ 9 A. PROMISES OF AID ................................................................................................................10 B. THE DEADLOCK BETWEEN THE DONOR COMMUNITY