Burundi's Constitution of 2005
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Talking Or Fighting? Political Evolution in Rwanda and Burundi, 1998-1999
Current African Issues No. 21 ISSN 0280-2171 Talking or Fighting? Political Evolution in Rwanda and Burundi, 1998–1999 Filip Reyntjens Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 1999 1 Current African Issues available from Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 4. Bush, Ray & S. Kibble Destabilisation in Southern Africa, an Overview, 1985, 48 pp, SEK 25,- 7. Tvedten, Inge The War in Angola, Internal Conditions for Peace and Recovery, 1989, 14 pp, SEK 25,- 8. Wilmot, Patrick Nigeria’s Southern Africa Policy 1960–1988, 1989, 15 pp, SEK 25,- 9. Baker, Jonathan Perestroika for Ethiopia: In Search of the End of the Rainbow? 1990, 21 pp, SEK 25,- 10. Campbell, Horace The Siege of Cuito Cuanavale, 1990, 35 pp, SEK 25,- 13. Chikhi, Said Algeria. From Mass Rebellion to Workers’ Protest, 1991, 23 pp, SEK 25,- 14. Odén, Bertil Namibia’s Economic Links to South Africa, 1991, 43 pp, SEK 25,- 15. Cervenka, Zdenek African National Congress Meets Eastern Europe. A Dialogue on Common Experiences, 1992, 49 pp, SEK 25,- 16. Diallo, Garba Mauritania—The Other Apartheid? 1993, 75 pp, SEK 25,- 17. Cervenka, Zdenek and Colin Legum Can National Dialogue Break the Power of Terror in Burundi? 1994, 30 pp, SEK 40,- 18. Nordberg, Erik and Uno Winblad Urban Environmental Health and Hygiene in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1994, 26 pp, SEK 40,- 19. Dunton, Chris and Mai Palmberg Human Rights and Homosexuality in Southern Africa, 1996, 48 pp, SEK 60,- 20. Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja From Zaire to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1998, 18 pp. SEK 60,- 21. Filip Reyntjens Talking or Fighting? Political Evolution in Rwanda and Burundi, 1998–1999, 1999, 27 pp, SEK 80.- Indexing terms: Conflicts Conflict resolution Government policy Burundi Rwanda © Filip Reyntjens and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 1999 ISSN 0280-2171 ISBN 91-7106-454-0 Reprocentralen HSC, Uppsala 1999 2 Contents Introduction........................................................................ -
Liste Des Indicatifs Téléphoniques Internationaux Par Indicatif 1 Liste Des Indicatifs Téléphoniques Internationaux Par Indicatif
Liste des indicatifs téléphoniques internationaux par indicatif 1 Liste des indicatifs téléphoniques internationaux par indicatif Voici la liste des indicatifs téléphoniques internationaux, permettant d'utiliser les services téléphoniques dans un autre pays. La liste correspond à celle établie par l'Union internationale des télécommunications, dans sa recommandation UIT-T E.164. du 1er février 2004. Liste par pays | Liste par indicatifs Le symbole « + » devant les indicatifs symbolise la séquence d’accès vers l’international. Cette séquence change suivant le pays d’appel ou le terminal utilisé. Depuis la majorité des pays (dont la France), « + » doit être remplacé par « 00 » (qui est le préfixe recommandé). Par exemple, pour appeler en Hongrie (dont l’indicatif international est +36) depuis la France, il faut composer un Indicatifs internationaux par zone numéro du type « 0036######### ». En revanche, depuis les États-Unis, le Canada ou un pays de la zone 1 (Amérique du Nord et Caraïbes), « + » doit être composé comme « 011 ». D’autres séquences sont utilisées en Russie et dans les anciens pays de l’URSS, typiquement le « 90 ». Autrefois, la France utilisait à cette fin le « 19 ». Sur certains téléphones mobiles, il est possible d’entrer le symbole « + » directement en maintenant la touche « 0 » pressée plus longtemps au début du numéro à composer. Mais à partir d’un poste fixe, le « + » n'est pas accessible et il faut généralement taper à la main la séquence d’accès (code d’accès vers l'international) selon le pays d’où on appelle. Zone 0 La zone 0 est pour l'instant réservée à une utilisation future non encore établie. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Burundi's Constitution of 2005
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:21 constituteproject.org Burundi's Constitution of 2005 Historical This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:21 Table of contents Preamble . 4 TITLE I: Of THE STATE AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE . 5 1. Of the General Principles . 5 2. OF THE FUNDAMENTAL VALUES . 6 TITLE II: OF THE CHARTER OF THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND CITIZEN . 7 1. OF THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE CITIZEN . 7 2. Of the Fundamental Responsibilities of the Individual and the Citizen . 12 TITLE III: OF THE SYSTEM OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES . 14 TITLE IV: OF ELECTIONS . 16 TITLE V: OF THE EXECUTIVE POWER . 17 1. Of the President of the Republic . 17 2. Of the Vice Presidents of the Republic . 22 3. Of Government . 23 Title VI: Of the Legislative Power . 26 1. The Provisions Common to the National Assembly and Senate . 26 2. Of the National Assembly . 30 3. Of the Senate . 33 4. Of the Procedure of Adopting New Law . 36 TITLE VII: OF THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE EXECUTIVE AND THE LEGISLATIVE . 37 TITLE VIII: OF THE JUDICIAL POWER . 40 1. Of the Superior Council of the Magistracy . 40 2. Of the Supreme Court . 42 3. Of the Constitutional Court . 42 4. OF THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE . 44 TITLE IX: OF THE OMBUDSMAN . 45 TITLE X: OF DEFENSE AND OF SECURITY . 45 TITLE XI: OF THE LOCAL COLLECTIVITIES . -
Politicization of Identities, Negotiations and Transition in a Conflict Society: the Ethics of a Genocide-Free Burundi
POLITICIZATION OF IDENTITIES, NEGOTIATIONS AND TRANSITION IN A CONFLICT SOCIETY: THE ETHICS OF A GENOCIDE-FREE BURUNDI MUSAWENKOSI N. APHANE Submitted in part fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the subject PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: Professor Mogobe B RAMOSE TABLE OF CONTENTS i Acknowledgements x i CHAPTER ONE: i Preface 1 ii CHAPTER TWO 2 Glossary of Political Role-Players: Past and Present 8 i. at the signing ceremony as witnesses 10 ii. signatory parties 12 iii. co-signatories 13 2.1 Geography, Food Production and the Economy: An Overview 14 2.2 Culture, Identity and Society: An Elemental View 17 2.3 Identities, Associations and Communities Within Burundi: A Prologue 23 2.4 The Ethics of Trust in the Body Politic of Burundi 26 2.5 Pre-Colonial Burundi: An Overview 28 2.6 Background To Burundi’s Pre-Colonial Institutions 30 iii 2.7 Other Support Structures of The Pre-Colonial State System 31 2.8 The Influence of Europeans on The Pre-Colonial State 32 iv CHAPTER THREE 3 Nationalism, Nation and National Identity in Burundi. 38 3.1 Colonialism: Sowing the Seeds of Political Discord 46 3.2 German influence in Burundi. 48 3.3 The Belgian interlude in Burundi. 49 3.4 The Mechanics of Inducing An Identity-Conflict Crisis 52 3.5 One Thousand Days of Political Dissonance. 55 3.6 The Eruption of War in Burundi 60 v CHAPTER FOUR 4 Decolonization of Rwanda 62 4.1 Decolonization of Burundi 63 4.2 Power Politics And The Social Divide In The Country 66 4.3 The Calibration Of The Military And The -
Compiled First Draft
A FRAMEWORK FOR RESPONSIBLE AID TO BURUNDI 21 February 2003 Africa Report N°57 Nairobi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................... 1 II. THE NEED FOR RESPONSIBLE AID ....................................................................... 2 A. AN URGENT ENGAGEMENT FOR PEACE ................................................................................2 1. On the edge of peace or peace on the edge?..............................................................2 2. The return of former fighters and refugees to a desperate situation..........................4 3. The risks of international disengagement..................................................................5 B. WHY IS ‘RESPONSIBLE’ AID NECESSARY? ..............................................................................5 1. The violent discriminatory state ................................................................................6 2. Powerful international actors.....................................................................................7 III. FROM PEACE-MAKING TO PEACEBUILDING: THE KEY INTERNATIONAL ROLE............................................................................................ 9 A. PROMISES OF AID ................................................................................................................10 B. THE DEADLOCK BETWEEN THE DONOR COMMUNITY -
Burundi's 2010 Elections
BURUNDI’S 2010 ELECTIONS: DEMOCRACY AND PEACE AT RISK? Eva Palmans, PhD Senior Elections Advisor Abstract This article focuses in particular on the 2010 elections to contribute to the debate on elections as a means of consolidating democracy and peace. The 2010 elections in Burundi were a milestone for the consolidation of democracy and peace in the country. When viewed against the literature on the self- reinforcing power and the self-improving democratic quality of successive elections, these so-called second post-conflict elections supposedly signalled a potential for a step towards consolidating democracy and peace. However, the electoral outcome showed that elections are not a guarantee in themselves that this goal would be achieved. Rather than being a step towards more democracy and peace, Burundi’s last elections gave an overwhelming majority to one party, the CNDD-FDD, and marginalised the opposition because of its decision to boycott the process as a way of contesting the results of municipal elections. With one party dominating all institutions and with an authoritarian response to opposition parties who, in the absence of dialogue, could still consider the option of using guns to voice their concerns, democracy and peace are at risk. This article analyses the causes and consequences of the electoral boycott by the majority of opposition parties in Burundi’s 2010 elections. It looks at political party behaviour in the prevailing socio-political context and against the background of the country’s recent electoral history. It examines, in particular, the reasons, both contextual and within the party functioning, of the choice of the political opposition to boycott the elections. -
Burundi Constitution Interimaire Post-Transition De La République Du Burundi
Burundi Constitution interimaire post-transition de la République du Burundi PREAMBLE TITLE I THE STATE AND SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE o 1. GENERAL PRINCIPLES. o 2. CORE VALUES TITLE II OF THE CHARTER OF FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE CITIZEN o 1. FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE CITIZEN o 2. FUNDAMENTAL DUTIES OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE CITIZEN TITLE III OF THE POLITICAL PARTY SYSTEM TITLE IV ELECTIONS TITLE V OF THE EXECUTIVE o 1. THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC o 2. VICE-CHAIRMAN OF THE REPUBLIC o 3. GOVERNMENT o 4. PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION AND PUBLIC. TITLE VI OF THE LEGISLATURE o 1. PROVISIONS COMMON TO THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AND THE SENATE o 2. THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY o 3. SENATE o 4. THE PROCEDURE FOR THE ADOPTION OF LAWS TITLE VII OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE EXECUTIVE AND LEGISLATIVE TITLE VIII OF THE JUDICIARY o 1. THE BOARD OF GOVERNORS OF THE JUDICIARY o 2. THE SUPREME COURT o 3. THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT o 4. IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE TITLE IX OF THE OMBUDSMAN TITLE X OF BODY DEFENCE AND SECURITY TITLE XI OF LOCAL TITLE XII NATIONAL COUNCILS o 1. NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR NATIONAL UNITY AND RECONCILIATION o 2. THE NATIONAL OBSERVATORY FOR THE PREVENTION AND ERADICATION OF GENOCIDE, WAR CRIMES AND CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY o 3. NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL o 4. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL o 5. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF COMMUNICATION CHAPTER THIRTEEN TREATIES AND INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS TITLE XIV OF THE REVISION OF THE CONSTITUTION PART XV SPECIAL PROVISIONS FOR THE FIRST POST-TRANSITION PERIOD TITLE XVI OF TRANSITION CHAPTER XVII FINAL PROVISIONS LAW N ° 1/010 OF 18 MARCH 2005 RELATING TO ENACTMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BURUNDI THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC, Given the Arusha Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation in Burundi; Revised Law No. -
Burundi : Cent Jours Pour La Paix
BURUNDI AFTER SIX MONTHS OF TRANSITION: CONTINUING THE WAR OR WINNING PEACE? 24 May 2002 Africa Report N°46 Nairobi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE TRANSITION GOVERNMENT: THE LAST ONE OR ONE AMONG MANY? ............................................................................................................................ 3 A. SETTING UP INSTITUTIONS AND SHARING POSTS......................................................................3 1. The Government: Distribution of Key Posts ...............................................................4 2. Assembly and Senate: Loyal Supporters Rewarded..................................................5 3. The South African Presence – Life Insurance for the New Government ..................6 B. A DISTURBING INERTIA IN THE APPLICATION OF THE ARUSHA ACCORD .................................6 1. Application Deadlines ...............................................................................................6 2. The CSAA – Dead on Arrival....................................................................................7 3. The Battle of Laws.....................................................................................................8 C. THE RETURN OF INTERNATIONAL AID: A COMPLEX AFFAIR ....................................................9 III. THE CEASE-FIRE: NEGOTIATING -
There Are Plenty of Jewish Roots in Africa I
There are plenty of Jewish Roots in Africa I A few webs that consider the Igbos & other Africans & Blacks as Israelites: http://raybash.blogspot.com, http://www.hebrewigbo.com, http://www.abrahamsdescendants.com, http://www.africaresource.com, http://www.igbohebrew.com, http://www.blackjews.org/ http://www.yahspeople.com Although there was much sympathy in Europe and elsewhere, only five countries (Tanzania, Gabon, Côte d'Ivoire, Zambia and Haiti) officially recognised the new republic. These are important west African cities that had Jewish influence: aGaDez (GaD), KaNo (CaNaan) ibaDaN (DaN)...not to talk about the Senegalese JuDdala which is clearly related to JuDah. There are many African ethnic groups with interesting pre-Christian beliefs, many of them being monotheistic. Some have pre-Christian beliefs in a great flood like Noah's. The Baoule are aKaN (CaNaan) & believe in one god called Nyamien, similar to Yaweh as several scholars pointe before. The name Akan might come from Canaan, their land of origin. It's considered that Igboland had a very ancient civilization. Ebri is an Ibo or neighborly tribe's last name strikingly similar to Ibri, Hebrew in Hebrew. Abiriba, an Igbo village, might have the same root. The Balanta Council of Elders takes all important decisions. That the Balanta have a Council of Elders (including the importance given to this council) & that they have "sacred woods" resemble the ancient Israelites. The KaDaru are 10000 thousand people. Are they GaDites? The Ivorian department of Rubino may have taken its name from the tribe of Reuben. Other interesting toponyms are Lakota, like the Amerindian land in the USA & SiKensi, that bears the consonants of iSaaC. -
Tanzania's Role in Burundi's Peace Process
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Wits Institutional Repository on DSPACE TANZANIA’S ROLE IN BURUNDI’S PEACE PROCESS STUDENT: SAID J K AMEIR SUPERVISOR DR. ABDUL LAMIN In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Degree of Maters in the International Relations, The Graduate School for the Humanities and Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanitaries, UNIVERSITY OF WITWATERSRAND DECLARATION I declare that this research work is my own, unaided. It has neither been presented before at Wits University nor in any other Universities for any other award. Signed by Said J K Ameir ………………………… This …… day of ……. …. 2008 i DEDICATION I dedicate this work to my family which cares for most of my progress in life. First, my parents who raised and made me became who I am today. I pay special tribute to my father who aside from his decade-long illness has never hesitated to allow me to travel and never bothered by my absence. He has always inspired, motivated and supported me in all my endeavours in life including this one. My wife also deserves special tribute for the undue difficulties she went through, during my absence, when she gave birth to our lovely son Farez. Tribute also goes to my children Mgeni, Lulu and Kauthar for respecting my decision to come to Wits, something which shows that we share the same vision as a family. ii ACKOWLEDGEMENT This research work would not have been possible without the assistance and contribution, by one way or another, of many people. I would therefore like to express my gratitude to the following: First is my supervisor Dr Abdul Lamin for his professional guidance and his steadfast encouragement from the presentation of my first draft proposal to the last chapter. -
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United Nations S/2015/36 Security Council Distr.: General 19 January 2015 Original: English Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Office in Burundi I. Introduction 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 2137(2014), in which the Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Office in Burundi (BNUB) until 31 December 2014 and requested me to inform it on progress on the benchmarks, the implementation of the mandate of BNUB and of the resolution, the conditions that affect such implementation, and the transition of BNUB to the United Nations country team. The report provides an update since my previous report of 31 July 2014 (S/2014/550) and is structured around the benchmarks. The baselines and indicators of progress are reviewed in additional detail in the annex to the present report. II. Over a decade of United Nations field missions in Burundi 2. The civil war that followed the assassination in 1993 of the first democratically elected President of Burundi, Melchior Ndadaye, ravaged the country for over a decade, killing some 300,000 Burundians and displacing over 1 million while destroying much of the country’s economy. The conflict led the United Nations to increase its political involvement in Burundi in 1993, when the United Nations Office in Burundi (UNOB) was established as a confidence-building measure to facilitate the restoration of constitutional rule in the country. 3. United Nations support increased further with the establishment of the United Nations Operation in Burundi (ONUB) pursuant to Security Council resolution 1545 (2004). The mission began operations on 1 June 2004 with a broad focus on supporting the implementation of the 2000 Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi (hereinafter referred to as the “Arusha Accords”).