“Where Do We Go from Here?” Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Workers’ Rights
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Excesss Karaoke Master by Artist
XS Master by ARTIST Artist Song Title Artist Song Title (hed) Planet Earth Bartender TOOTIMETOOTIMETOOTIM ? & The Mysterians 96 Tears E 10 Years Beautiful UGH! Wasteland 1999 Man United Squad Lift It High (All About 10,000 Maniacs Candy Everybody Wants Belief) More Than This 2 Chainz Bigger Than You (feat. Drake & Quavo) [clean] Trouble Me I'm Different 100 Proof Aged In Soul Somebody's Been Sleeping I'm Different (explicit) 10cc Donna 2 Chainz & Chris Brown Countdown Dreadlock Holiday 2 Chainz & Kendrick Fuckin' Problems I'm Mandy Fly Me Lamar I'm Not In Love 2 Chainz & Pharrell Feds Watching (explicit) Rubber Bullets 2 Chainz feat Drake No Lie (explicit) Things We Do For Love, 2 Chainz feat Kanye West Birthday Song (explicit) The 2 Evisa Oh La La La Wall Street Shuffle 2 Live Crew Do Wah Diddy Diddy 112 Dance With Me Me So Horny It's Over Now We Want Some Pussy Peaches & Cream 2 Pac California Love U Already Know Changes 112 feat Mase Puff Daddy Only You & Notorious B.I.G. Dear Mama 12 Gauge Dunkie Butt I Get Around 12 Stones We Are One Thugz Mansion 1910 Fruitgum Co. Simon Says Until The End Of Time 1975, The Chocolate 2 Pistols & Ray J You Know Me City, The 2 Pistols & T-Pain & Tay She Got It Dizm Girls (clean) 2 Unlimited No Limits If You're Too Shy (Let Me Know) 20 Fingers Short Dick Man If You're Too Shy (Let Me 21 Savage & Offset &Metro Ghostface Killers Know) Boomin & Travis Scott It's Not Living (If It's Not 21st Century Girls 21st Century Girls With You 2am Club Too Fucked Up To Call It's Not Living (If It's Not 2AM Club Not -
Nabors Forrest Andrew Phd20
THE PROBLEM OF RECONSTRUCTION: THE POLITICAL REGIME OF THE ANTEBELLUM SLAVE SOUTH by FORREST ANDREW NABORS A DISSERTATION Presented to the Department of Political Science and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy June 2011 DISSERTATION APPROVAL PAGE Student: Forrest Andrew Nabors Title: The Problem of Reconstruction: The Political Regime of The Antebellum Slave South This dissertation has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Department of Political Science by: Gerald Berk Chairman Deborah Baumgold Member Joseph Lowndes Member James Mohr Outside Member and Richard Linton Vice President for Research and Graduate Studies/Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded June 2011 ii © 2011 Forrest Andrew Nabors iii DISSERTATION ABSTRACT Forrest Andrew Nabors Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science June 2011 Title: The Problem of Reconstruction: The Political Regime of the Antebellum Slave South Approved: _______________________________________________ Dr. Gerald Berk This project studies the general political character of the antebellum slave South from the perspective of Republicans who served in the Reconstruction Congress from 1863-1869. In most Reconstruction literature, the question of black American freedom and citizenship was the central issue of Reconstruction, but not to the Republicans. The question of black American freedom and citizenship was the most salient issue to them, but they set that issue within a larger problem: the political regime of the antebellum slave South had deviated from the plan of the American Founders long before secession in 1860-1861. -
Freedom North Studies, the Long Civil Rights Movement, and Twentieth
JUHXXX10.1177/0096144216635149Journal of Urban HistoryReview Essay 635149review-article2016 Review Essay Journal of Urban History 2016, Vol. 42(3) 634 –640 Freedom North Studies, the © The Author(s) 2016 Reprints and permissions: Long Civil Rights Movement, and sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav juh.sagepub.com Twentieth-Century Liberalism in American Cities Patrick D. Jones (2009). The Selma of the North: Civil Rights Insurgency in Milwaukee. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. xiii, 318 pp., maps, photos, notes, bibliography, index, $45.00 (cloth), $22.95 (paper). Phyllis Palmer (2008). Living as Equals: How Three White Communities Struggled to Make Interracial Connections during the Civil Rights Era. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. x, 299 pp., illustrations, notes, index, $69.95 (cloth), $27.95 (paper). Jerald Podair (2008). Bayard Rustin: American Dreamer. New York: Rowman & Littlefield. xiii, 173 pp., photographs, documents, bibliographical essay, index, $32.95 (cloth). Thomas J. Sugrue (2008). Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North. New York: Random House. xiii, 720 pp., illustrations, notes, index, $35 (cloth). Reviewed by: Brian Purnell, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, ME, USA DOI: 10.1177/0096144216635149 Keywords social movements, interracial, civil rights, Black Power, post-WWII “For historians and general readers interested in the civil rights movement’s past,” writes Eric Arnesen, “these are indeed the best of times. Every month, it seems, new books roll off the presses of university and trade publishing houses, while academic journals and television docu- mentaries present specialized or general interpretations to their respective audiences.” Arnesen’s comment came before the fiftieth anniversaries of major civil rights movement milestones. -
The US Anti- Apartheid Movement and Civil Rights Memory
BRATYANSKI, JENNIFER A., Ph.D. Mainstreaming Movements: The U.S. Anti- Apartheid Movement and Civil Rights Memory (2012) Directed by Dr. Thomas F. Jackson. 190pp. By the time of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison, in 1990, television and film had brought South Africa’s history of racial injustice and human rights violations into living rooms and cinemas across the United States. New media formats such as satellite and cable television widened mobilization efforts for international opposition to apartheid. But at stake for the U.S. based anti-apartheid movement was avoiding the problems of media misrepresentation that previous transnational movements had experienced in previous decades. Movement participants and supporters needed to connect the liberation struggles in South Africa to the historical domestic struggles for racial justice. What resulted was the romanticizing of a domestic civil rights memory through the mediated images of the anti-apartheid struggle which appeared between 1968 and 1994. Ultimately, both the anti-apartheid and civil rights movements were sanitized of their radical roots, which threatened the ongoing struggles for black economic advancement in both countries. MAINSTREAMING MOVEMENTS: THE U.S. ANTI-APARTHEID MOVEMENT AND CIVIL RIGHTS MEMEORY by Jennifer A. Bratyanski A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate School at The University of North Carolina at Greensboro in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Greensboro 2012 Approved by Thomas F. Jackson Committee -
"I AM a 1968 Memphis Sanitation MAN!": Race, Masculinity, and The
LaborHistory, Vol. 41, No. 2, 2000 ªIAMA MAN!º: Race,Masculinity, and the 1968 MemphisSanitation Strike STEVEESTES* On March 28, 1968 Martin LutherKing, Jr. directeda march ofthousands of African-American protestersdown Beale Street,one of the major commercial thoroughfares in Memphis,Tennessee. King’ splane had landedlate that morning, and thecrowd was already onthe verge ofcon¯ ict with thepolice whenhe and other members ofthe Southern Christian LeadershipConference (SCLC) took their places at thehead of the march. The marchers weredemonstrating their supportfor 1300 striking sanitation workers,many ofwhom wore placards that proclaimed, ªIAm a Man.ºAs the throng advanceddown Beale Street,some of the younger strike support- ersripped theprotest signs off the the wooden sticks that they carried. Theseyoung men,none of whomwere sanitation workers,used the sticks to smash glass storefronts onboth sidesof the street. Looting ledto violent police retaliation. Troopers lobbed tear gas into groups ofprotesters and sprayed mace at demonstratorsunlucky enough tobe in range. High above thefray in City Hall, Mayor HenryLoeb sat in his of®ce, con®dent that thestrike wasillegal, andthat law andorder wouldbe maintained in Memphis.1 This march wasthe latest engagement in a®ght that had raged in Memphissince the daysof slaveryÐ acon¯ict over African-American freedomsand civil rights. In one sense,the ª IAm aManºslogan wornby thesanitation workersrepresented a demand for recognition oftheir dignity andhumanity. This demandcaught whiteMemphians bysurprise,because they had always prided themselvesas being ªprogressiveºon racial issues.Token integration had quietly replaced public segregation in Memphisby the mid-1960s, butin the1967 mayoral elections,segregationist candidateHenry Loeb rodea waveof white backlash against racial ªmoderationºinto of®ce. -
The Role of the Community Advisory Group in Addressing Asbestos Issues in Libby Montana
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2003 Where do we go from here? : the role of the community advisory group in addressing asbestos issues in Libby Montana Colleen A. Lux The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Lux, Colleen A., "Where do we go from here? : the role of the community advisory group in addressing asbestos issues in Libby Montana" (2003). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 8903. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/8903 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Maureen and Mike MANSFIELD LIBRAJIY The University of Montana Permission is granted by the author to reproduce this material in its entirety, provided that this material is used for scholarly purposes and is properly cited in published works and reports. **Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature** Yes, I grant permission No, I do not grant permission Author’s Signature: Date: Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken only with the author’s explicit consent. 8/98 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. -
Unit 13 Civil Rights Movements in the United States
UNIT 13 CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES Structure 13.1 Introduction Aims and Objectives 13.2 Discrimination of the Disadvantaged Groups 13.2.1 African Americans 13.3 Black Civil Rights Movements 13.4 Consequences of Civil Rights Movements 13.4.1 Native Americans 13.4.2 Hispanic and Asian Americans 13.4.3 Women and Civil Rights Movements 13.4.4 Rights of Homosexuals 13.5 Democrats and Civil Rights 13.6 Republicans and Civil Rights 13.7 Summary 13.8 Terminal Questions Suggested Readings 13.1 INTRODUCTION Mahatma Gandhi’s influence on civil rights movements around the world is beyond anyone’s doubt. Non-violent resistance through non-cooperation and civil disobedience are powerful tools of the deprived over the privileged sections of the society. Gandhi’s influence is nowhere more discernible in the developed West than in the United States itself. Martin Luther King, Jr., the leader who led the non-violent civil rights movement, in the United States to empower the African Americans, was highly inspired by Mahatma Gandhi. Civil rights denote the rights of individuals to equal protection under the laws of the land and equal access to public amenities and services in society. Civil rights differ from civil liberties. Significantly, civil liberties involve freedom of speech and expression and other freedoms of the citizens that are protected from the possible violation by the government. Civil rights, on the other hand, refer to individual members or groups—whether racial, religious and others—who need to be treated equally by the government and even by the private parties to a certain extent. -
The GOP AFTER the BIG ELEPHANTS, WHAT?
RIPON New Monthly Format FEBRUARY, 1978 VOL. XIV, No.2 50 cents Conunenlary: The GOP AFTER THE BIG ELEPHANTS, WHAT? In Michigan, the political fate from a shortage of intestinal fortitude. of the Republican Party rests on Gov. Clark and fellow Sen. John Culver (D) , William Mi11iken(R). In Iowa, it after all, have the most liberal voting rests on Gov. RObert Ray. In Maine, records in the country, according to on U.S.Rep. William Cohen. The three Americans for Democratic Action. And men are merely the most prominent Clark only last year began to pay as symbols of the GOP's "Big Elephant" siduous attention to constituent con problem. ems after years of neglect. Clark's "unbeatable" reputation hardly seems The symptoms are not apparent to square with his record: one win in in every state, but they are wide one try. But Clark knocked of incum spread enough to be of national con bent Sen. Jack Mi11er(R) in the "Repub cern. Milliken, Ray, and Cohen are lican year" of 1972 so he looks more all phenomenally popular vote-getters. scary than his liberal record in a As a result, the "Republican Parties moderate-conservative state might oth in their respective states tends to erwise indicate. revolve around their decisions. All three were their partie~ best hopes to run for either the Senate or gov ernorship this year. In Milliken's and Ray's cases, when they opted not to seek a new legislative career in Washington, their parties searched frantically for alternative candi dates. In Iowa, that search was parti cularly frustrating. -
The Persistent Effect of U.S. Civil Rights Protests on Political Attitudes
The Persistent Effect of U.S. Civil Rights Protests on Political Attitudes Soumyajit Mazumder Harvard University Abstract: Protests can engender significant institutional change. Can protests also continue to shape a nation’s contemporary politics outside of more formalized channels? I argue that social movements can not only beget institutional change, but also long-run, attitudinal change. Using the case of the U.S. civil rights movement, I develop a theory in which protests can shift attitudes and these attitudes can persist. Data from over 150,000 survey respondents provide evidence consistent with the theory. Whites from counties that experienced historical civil rights protests are more likely to identify as Democrats and support affirmative action, and less likely to harbor racial resentment against blacks. These individual-level results are politically meaningful—counties that experienced civil rights protests are associated with greater Democratic Party vote shares even today. This study highlights how social movements can have persistent impacts on a nation’s politics. Replication Materials: The data, code, and any additional materials required to replicate all analyses in this arti- cle are available on the American Journal of Political Science Dataverse within the Harvard Dataverse Network, at: http://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/WKJJ3Z. ocial movements are generally associated with pe- titude change among the target public.1 Second, historical riods of massive political and economic change. ideational change persists long after a social movement’s S These movements may spur democratization such life through a system of intergenerational transmission of as the case with the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, beliefs. Together, these theoretical premises suggest that enfranchise oppressed racial or ethnic groups as seen with social movements can shift public opinion in the long the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa, or hasten run. -
Ebony Magazine and the Civil Rights Movement
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 5-2018 Black Business as Activism: Ebony Magazine and the Civil Rights Movement Seon Britton The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2659 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] BLACK BUSINESS AS ACTIVISM EBONY MAGAZINE AND THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT by SEON BRITTON A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York 2018 © 2018 SEON BRITTON All rights reserved ii Black Business as Activism: Ebony Magazine and the Civil Rights Movement by Seon Britton This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in satisfaction of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts. Date Karen Miller Thesis Advisor Date Elizabeth Macaulay-Lewis Executive Officer THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Black Business as Activism: Ebony Magazine and the Civil Rights Movement by Seon Britton Advisor: Karen Miller In the fight for justice, equality, and true liberation, African American organizations and institutions have often acted as a voice for the African American community at large focusing on common issues and concerns. With the civil rights movement being broadcast across the world, there was no better time for African American community and civil rights organizations to take a role within the movement in combatting the oppression, racism, and discrimination of white supremacy. -
CYBERSPACE INVADES the FIRST AMENDMENT: Where Do We Go from Here?
University of Kentucky UKnowledge University of Kentucky Master's Theses Graduate School 2001 CYBERSPACE INVADES THE FIRST AMENDMENT: Where do we go from here? Dollie Deaton University of Kentucky Right click to open a feedback form in a new tab to let us know how this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Deaton, Dollie, "CYBERSPACE INVADES THE FIRST AMENDMENT: Where do we go from here?" (2001). University of Kentucky Master's Theses. 216. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_theses/216 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at UKnowledge. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Kentucky Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of UKnowledge. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ABSTRACT OF THESIS CYBERSPACE INVADES THE FIRST AMENDMENT: Where do we go from here? Long before our nation was created, European Countries acknowledged the importance of free speech. Despite this, Great Britain later denied this right to the New England Colonies. Over the last two centuries many battles have been fought to make freedom of speech an inalienable right to be shared by all. A good portion of these battles have been fought in courtrooms. Judge and Supreme Court justices have dealt with issues ranging from what is a public figure to what is indecent speech. Many of these issues are not found in the original text of the Constitution. This has forced the judges to devise tests to determine certain standards and to make discretionary choices. Today’s public officials are dealing with issues that have never been dealt with before, such as Internet speech and cyberspace libel. -
History of Civil Rights in the United States: a Bibliography of Resources in the Erwin Library, Wayne Community College
History of Civil Rights in the United States: A Bibliography of Resources in the Erwin Library, Wayne Community College The History of civil rights in the United States is not limited in any way to the struggle to first abolish slavery and then the iniquitous “Jim Crow” laws which became a second enslavement after the end of the American Civil War in 1865. Yet, since that struggle has been so tragically highlighted with such long turmoil and extremes of violence, it has become, ironically perhaps, the source of the country’s greatest triumph, as well as its greatest shame. The assassination of President Abraham Lincoln, who would have sought to guide the reunion of the warring states with a leniency and clear purpose which could possibly have prevented the bitterness that gave rise to the “Jim Crow” aberrations in the Southern communities, seems to have foreshadowed the renewed turmoil after the assassination in 1968 of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., who had labored so long to awaken the nation non-violently, but unwaveringly, to its need to reform its laws and attitudes toward the true union of all citizens of the United States, regardless of color. In 2014, we are only a year past the observation of two significant anniversaries in 2013: the 150th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, issued by President Abraham Lincoln in 1863, re-focusing the flagging Union’s purpose on the abolition of slavery as an outcome of the Civil War, and the 50th anniversary of the “I Have a Dream” speech, delivered by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.