An Amended Itineraryto Bosworth Field ARNOLD J. JAMES

According to a widely accepted View, it is the historian’ s task to find out what actually happened. This I believe IS impossible. The historian cannot do more than collect, assess and interpret evidence. Professor Ludwig Bieler. '

WITH REGARD To MILITARY or naval campaigns, the historian cannot interpret evidence with any degree of credibility unless he or she has firstly, a deep knowledge and understanding of the geography of the country or area over which the campaigns were conducted, and, secondly, an awareness and knowledge of the militar'y logistics of the day. _ This is particularly pertinent to the Battle of Bosworth on the 22 August 1485. Information about the battle is meagre and the details are often conflicting. There are, however, certain physical features that have remained unchanged throughout the ages which provide us with a sure foundation on which to base our reconstruction of events. First, the geomorphology of the area and the stream patt_ems are the same now as they were when the bat_tle _was fought, with only very minor changes, and historians have been remiss in ignoring such obvious details. Secondly, the _Roman roads — Watling Street, the Fosse Way and the Fenn Lanes — were built in the early days of Roman occupation of Britain. They were there 1n 1485 and are still m evidence today. Lastly the marsh that plays such an important part in the development of the battle. A marsh 1s by definition: ‘a tract of low lying land, usually wet or periodically wet’. 2 To form a marsh several factors must be present: a sufficient supply of water, a poorly defined or impeded drainage system, and nnpervious ground strata that prevents the water sinking into the earth, etc. In an article m the June 1989 Ricardian I indicated the most likely site of the marsh, on the geological and geographical evidence. 3 This site together with the stream patte_rn and general configuration of the landscape complies with the account in Vergil’s history and details contained in the early ballads better than any other so far put forward. The Roman road — the Fenn Lanes — was built to connect the Fosse Way with Watling Street and save a day’s match. The road ran in a straight line from the centre of Leicester, through Peckleton and Kirkby Mallory to meet Watling Street a few miles south-east of Atherstone. The Roman road builders were some of the finest military engineers the world has known and probably built an embankment to carry the Penn Lanes across the marshy terrain. The railway

54 31“,“ “q” ecu-awry. nIyIIclu up "yvvci vl "Ivalvn . John Puleslon ‘Hen'. o! Halod- --v wem Rhys ap M qredvdd (Rhys Faym).William ap Griflydd o! Sl/-aflmd nI 7"! ' 39% Cochwillan and others Ivom Nonh Wales. \Rteivv AUG 2 '5' Nowpofl./ Mg‘iélh °\Augl8th Wink-moon For! Henry alMtafam wr mfifig- MIIIWYglfig'?‘ 9 Augulh. oAugysmg .)\ahlleld' Martel lo Rhys ap Thomas. 0 49* ‘Doialdg'vn 1 , Snmpshu: o \A"gl9.h Boswonh 3' A” , conlm em. . - - -- _ MalhalamAwnmuugtzm I 6 35.33”» ‘ sm'wmzv‘g 1 \m: 9

0 20‘120917 men 0! Talgarlh, -‘ AIhemIon’e BOSWO'M s______.a _ 5-;- _ Aug 20m field Mules _ ' I " '15., ' Bi'minoham 0 Meeting wim Sn W. ' A ‘ 0 “SE: . Stanley and Ldvd “9 ' “ ' ":9 Stanley al the 3Tuns. . ~ ' OLudlow ' _ .,-, . _, s’A'ugmm .r_,_‘. _ _ ‘ . - $3,.“ 314:. flhoywlc‘q} ' , ' Aus‘ "h Richard Grimm, John Morgan. 5' 1-", 2‘ ‘ 3" ’3 Ski-”3 .5: . Richard III wrote Irom lfihys ap Thomas's henchmen] 1%" 7", Women." Beskw to Henry fin...“ W‘IIS ‘ _ non [Lord Slackpolel any . ' _ _ 1e 'rgbelles and nailours' ' . _ ' land-n9 al'Nangle'on 9 "'0 J‘f'fi ’ - Sunday 701 August gmh l_,qvI-Mvd:$ “"9 '0'", ‘ Towkosbury a: F3555 jsFé’zfi'' '.'°'"."."" J . Henryvu 226 mules in days,14 nol uller .9 . x ' ”ow". ' :5 ‘ _ Approximate dlslances in miles. 0° mlans 3° Carmanhen 0 Aug Bth7_ _ IMIIQ ‘1‘- "Ra-‘- ‘ _ u 3.; ' t ' Glouces .'- Carmarthen to Welshpoo! 125 l . Ha .flmdwe“ - / \ "mun,“m "m PM” ( . Monmou Dale lo Welshpool 134 . .Radl . 3;: ”)1; fl -.‘. _ _ ‘ Nouingham lo Pembroke 250 %" ' P for as! o . ’ ‘-_ «1“,. "Ii/01h flag a ' _‘1 . flag!" 3 “ = Welshpool to Bosworlh 88 33" A 9!. . em 'o onby . _ _ - Richard Williams Consmble of .,. ‘-‘ r _ I Munorbiu ' ' Pembroke CasllqIell toinlom! Route of Henry Tudor ' ‘ h . -' - ' ' ' Aug mu .7 "Fm“ III at Nonmg am - . +H+q- _ Route 0! Rhys ap Thomas ' AugIsI ‘ ' . ' ' - 151:8. . Land over 600“. ‘ Henry Tudor' s expedition sailed (tom the . _ ’ 1 - _ ‘ ' ~ 0 - Distances" m miles be‘lween ‘ is! with 1800 French hoops marked points Seine Aug l plus his English and Welsh supporlevs .

Map 1. The March to Bosworth Field (after Arnold J. James & John E. Thomas, Union to Reform, 1986).

engineers of the nineteenth century used the same technique to carry the Nuneaton/ Ashby de la Zouchc railway line through the same territory. The Fenn Lanes embankment probably fell into disrepair in the millennium prior to the battle and may even have contributed to the marsh-like conditions of the area. The routes and itinerary of the principal contestants in the battle have also, for the most part, been unsatisfactorily explained. The . main sources of information are the English History by Polydore Vergil published in 1534;“ a number of ballads, Bosworth Ffielde, Ladye Bessiyes and the Rose of Englande;6 and a memorandum prepared for the Spanish monarchs by Diego de Valera early in 1486 which included information on events from 1483 to the time of writing, and an account of the battle derived from a Spanish soldier of fortune named Juan de Salazar.7 The following is submitted as an amended itinerary:8

Early June 1485.9 King Richard III’s proclamation about the former Earls of Pembroke and Oxford."J 22 June 1485. Preparations put in hand for mobilisation of the realm. Monday 1 August. Henry Tudor sailed from the River Seine with fifteen ships” and about 2000 troops including 1800 French mercenaries under Philibert de Chandée, a small Scottish contingent, and his English and Welsh supporters.'2 The number of troops that sailed with Henry has been a matter of controversy. Professor Ralph Griffiths says Henry’s forces sailing from France numbered between 4-4500 men which is twice that usually quoted.” Sunday 7 August. Henry’s expedition entered Milford Haven and landed at a small cove called Mill Bay a short time before sunset.” A secondary or minor landing may have taken place on the eastern side of the Haven at ‘Nangle’. The main force moved on to Dale, about two miles away and probably camped for the night some distance from that settlement. Richard Williams, Constable of Pembroke Castle, probably learnt of the landings and left to warn Richard III at Nottingham. Monday 8 August. Early in the morning, Henry moved to Haverfordwest, a distance of twelve miles, and sent messages to his mother, the Stanleys and his other principal supporters." He was joined at Havcrfordwest by Arnold Butler of Coedcanlais near Pembroke and William ap Griffith with the muster to the west of Carmarthen.“ Rhys ap Thomas’ supporters started to gather at pre-selected muster points before concentrating at Dynevor Castle, Llandeilo. From Haverfordwest, Henry set out for Cardigan, twenty-six miles away. His route took his army over the Prescelli Hills to Fagwr Llwyd, seventeen miles away, where he camped for the night. W. Tom Williams questions the distance covered from Haverfordwest to Fagwr Llwyd after noon although seventeen miles is a march of only four or five hours and could be covered by Henry’s troops before evening." Ralph A. Griffiths takes the view that Henry left Haverfordwest either in the afternoon of the 8 August or the morning of the 9 August and arrived at Fagwr Llwyd in the evening of the 9 August." Tuesday 9 August. Henry resumed his march the next day and crossed the River Teifi at Cardigan where he halted briefly at ‘The Three Mariners’. He was joined by Richard Griffith and John Morgan, supporters of Rhys ap Thomas. Later

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Map 2. A Reconstruction of Henry’s Itinerary based on material in The Making of the Tudor Dynasty by Griffiths and Thomas. that day his forces left Cardigan and moved northwards along the coast. According to tradition his forces watered their horses at nnnondewi, at the fourteenth milestone north-east of Cardigan, before spending the night at the country mansion of Llwyn Dafydd in the parish of Llandysillio-gogo, two miles south of Newquay.” Griffiths takes the view that Henry arrived at Cardigan in the morning of Wednesday the 10 August, slept at ‘The Three Mariners’ that night and resumed his march on Thursday 11 August, but this is most unlikely.20 Rhys ap Thomas, having collected his retainers and tenants in the lower Towy valley, set off from Dynevor Casstle, Llandeilo, in the early morning on his march through Mid-Wales. Rhys’ traditional starting point was his residence of Derwydd, a few miles south of Llandeilo. His route took him through Llandovery, twelve miles from Llandeilo, and through the hilly territory of Mynydd Bwlch-y-Groes to Trecastle and Senny Bridge. A Roman road runs from Llandovery to Trecastle, but Rhys’ route is not known, nor is his camp site for the night of 9 August, although Trecastle is a likely site. Wednesday 10 August. Henry continued his march northwards. According to tradition he halted for a while at Wern Newydd about four miles from Llwyn Dafydd. It is most unlikely that he spent the night there as the guest of Eirion ap Dafydd Llwyd as is sometimes suggested. Henry camped for the night in the vicinity of Llanbadam near Abcrystwyth. Tradition states that St. Hilary’s Church at Llanilar, four miles south of Aberystwyth, was Henry’s camp site, with the nearby mansion of Llidiardau as Henry’s personal resting place for the night." Rhys ap Thomas marched his ‘battle’ down the Usk valley to Brecon and along the Hay road to the middle Wye valley at either Glasbury or Llyswen. Rhys probably spent the night at the country mansion of Porthaml, five miles east of Brecon. This was the home of the Vaughan family and Rhys would have sought -to enlist the aid of that family and their friends and relatives, the Games family.22 Thursday 11 August. Henry’s forces continued to the Dyfi estuary at Machynlleth, then turned inland to the large farmhouse of Mathafam, the home ' of Dafydd Llwyd a renowned Welsh bard. This was a day’s march of twenty- three or twenty-four miles. From Mathafarn, Henry wrote to Rhys promising him advancement and honours for his continuing support.23 That message was conveyed to Rhys who was marching up the Wye valley through the towns of Builth and Rhayader. A study of the mileage involved indicates that the message would have been received by Rhys on the 12 August. On this day King Richard received the news that Henry Tudor had landed in Pembrokeshire. Richard Williams, Constable of Pembroke Castle, had made excellent time in conveying the news to his sovereign. Richard immediately wrote to his supporters informing them of the invasion and urging them to rally to his side.24 It is also likely that the Stanleys received news of Henry’s landing from Henry’s messengers. Sir William Stanley would have heard a day earlier than Lord Thomas who was based at Lathom in Lancashire fifty miles further away. Friday 12 August. Henry resumed his march from Mathafarn in the morning. It has been suggested that he marched across the divide between the Rivers Dyfi and Severn and down the Severn valley to Newtown, then back across the hilly territory to the mansion of Dolarddyn near Castle Caereinion but this is most unlikely}5 While Henry sent a message to Rhys ap Thomas, his ‘battle’ probably proceeded to Mallwyd, then through the pass of Bwlch-y-fedwen to Castle

58 Caercinion. Rhys marched up the Wye valley to Llangurig then over the narrow watershed to the Severn valley. Parke, a mansion near Caersws and on a Roman road, was the most likely place for the night halt, where Rhys would have sought support from the Herbert family that owned it.26 Saturday 13 August. Henry marched through Welshpool to the Long Mountain, Mynydd Digoll, a few miles outside the town. The Long Mountain is a prominent geographical feature, easily recognised and with a Roman road traversing its length before leading on to Shrewsbury and Watling Street. It can be assumed that Henry had arranged several major places of rendezvous and that the Long Mountain was one. The town of Stafford could well have been another. During the day Henry was joined by Rhys ap Thomas and his ‘battlc’, as well as by support from north and north-east Wales. Among these were Robert Salisbury, Richard ap Howel of Mostyn, John Puleston (Hen) of Hafod-y-Wem, Rhys ap Meredydd (Rhys Fawr), William ap Griffydd of Cochwillan and others. Richard III’s letters and orders were received by some of his supporters during the day. The Duke of Norfolk took steps to muster his men-at-arms and East Anglian forces at Bury St. Edmunds by the evening of the 16 August.27 Lord Thomas Stanley probably set out on his journey from his Lathom base near Ormskirk in Lancashire although there is the possibility that he commenced his journey a day earlier on the 12 August.” His troops would have left Lathom and joined the Roman road a few miles to the east. This Roman road led to Warrington about fifteen miles away and then on to Northwich a further twelve miles distant. This road — King Street — led on to Newcastle-under-Lyme a further twenty-four miles on and the probable site of the second night halt. ’9 On or about this _day, Lord Strange — Lord Thomas Stanley’s eldest son — was apprehended trying to escape from his virtual house arrest at Nottingham, and was interrogated. 3° Sunday 14 August. Henry with his army now advanced on the town of Shrewsbury. Thomas Mytton, the t0wn’ s senior magistrate, refused to open the town’s gates to the invading army and Henry camped for the night on Forton Heath. Henry himself slept in Forton village." Lord Thomas Stanley reached Newcastle-under-Lyme and camped for the night. One historian draws attention to a letter to Sir Roger Kynaston, written and signed by Henry, which is still in existence. This letter, written from Machynlleth, was interpreted as being dated the fourteenth of August, and if correct, raises doubts on the itinerary that Henry was thought to have followed.32 Monday 15 August. Shrewsbury opened its gates to Henry who spent the day recruiting in the town.33 Sir William Stanley probably commenced his march from his base at Holt this morning.“ He did not follow the Roman road that runs from Holt through Whitchurch to meet Watling Street a few miles to the east of Oakengatcs. Instead, he chose a route through Nantwich, eighteen miles away, where he camped for the night. It has been suggested that for the two Stanley brothers‘ an opportunity was found for discussion’, but Lord Thomas Stanley on this evening must have m fact been nearing Lichfield, fifty miles away. He was to leave Lichfield the next day. At, or about, this time in Nottingham, Lord Strange had confessed to the treachery of his uncle, Sir William Stanley and of Sir John Savage. Both were declared traitors by King Richard III.35

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MEJIU """""""" - Newcastle - u - Lyme “it h a"; . gEE Nottingham . u: we " ‘ ' ' m\: 0 BED] g- "\ Stmfimmm J .\ x 'r / Steward .\.\\@ ' ' am . . .. Rangeley Leicestet/ -’ . WelshpooLm,r.—~fi Newport \@\ hfie- /./" ' Baum . Sh'ewsw'” EMU“? new: ng'intmfl. . J". mm: BEEF-3 “m ' tummy ’ 0» CW ‘ Aha-stone'- ~. §l Emma ”‘09 mm ‘3' High Cross Tuesday 16 August. Henry left Shrewsbury, but instead of following Watling Street the most direct and quickest road to London, he branched north- eastwards around the northern edge of Cannock Chase. Henry was going in search of the all important support of the Stanleys, without which his expedition was doomed to failure. Stafford is presumed to have been the pte-arranged rendezvous. Henry marched twenty miles and camped for the night on a hill near the settlement of Newport.36 He was joined by Gilbert Talbot and a force of 500 men. Lord Thomas Stanley left Lichfield and moved to Atherstone on Watling Street.” His brother, Sir William Stanley, gathered his retainers and camped fifteen miles from Nantwich. John Howard, Duke of Norfolk, collected his supporters at Bury St. Edmunds while the citizens of York sought information from the Duke of Northumberland about the King’s needs." Sir Robert Brackenbury gathered his forces in London and set out for Leicester.” Wednesday 17 August. Henry moved to Stafford while Sir William Stanley marched to Stone eight miles to the north. In the evening Sir William rode over to Stafford and had a meeting with Henry.“0 Lord Thomas Stanley was now at Atherstone and probably took up a position s'ome miles down Watling Street. The most likely place was the high ground near Higham on the Hill. No firm information as to the location of Lord Stanley’s forces during the next four days has come to light. Thursday 18 August. Sir William Stanley’s troops moved down the Trent valley to Rugeley and on to Lichfield. There is no evidence that he joined Henry and probably kept to the north of Henry’s forces. Henry also moved to Rugeley and on to Lichfield where he camped for the night outside its walls.“l Friday 19 August. Very early in the morning, Henry entered the town of Lichfleld and many supporters flocked to his banner."2 Sir William Stanley stage managed Henry’s entry into Lichfield ‘organising a reception with cannonade and other military honours’. Sir William then left precipitately, much to Henry’s dismay. It has been suggested he left to join his brother, Lord Thomas, beyond Tamworth."3 Lord Thomas had passed through Tamworth three days before on the 16 August. It was later that afternoon that Henry resumed his march towards Tamworth, eight miles away. Sir Thomas Ferrets, custodian of Tamworth Castle handed the castle over to the invading forces in the evening. Henry, however, with his bodyguard of about twenty light horsemen, was overtaken by darkness and lost touch with his army.“ He wandered about and finally stayed at a village about three miles from Tamworth for the night. There is no consensus of opinion as to the village Henry actually stayed at. The villages of Whittington,“ just outside Lichfleld and about five miles from Tamworth, Weeford four miles away, and Hints“ about three miles away, have all been suggested. The last two alternatives lie to the south of Watling Street and are unlikely to have been Henry’s resting place since Henry would have had to cross that road to reach them, and he would therefore have found out where he was. A more likely place is the village of Wigginton (note the similarity of pronunciation to Whittington) two and a half miles north of Tamworth. On this day the citizens of York sent off their contingent to King Richaijd, and the Duke of Norfolk and Sir Robert Brackenbury with their supporters probably arrived at Leicester to await King Richard.

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.\_-' Saturday 20 August. King Richard led his troops from Nottingham to Leicester, which he reached at sunset, to join Norfolk and Brackenbury. Northumberland was already on his way from the north and would join the King later.47 Henry left the village where he had stayed early in the morning and rejoined his army at Tamworth, much to their relief. They made their way to Watling Street and thence to Atherstone. Henry went ahead — ‘pryvyly to AtherstOne where Thomas Stanley and William lay encampcd’.“ Sir Thomas Bouchier and Sir Walter Hungerford joined Henry at Tamworth. They had been leaders in the _ 1483 rebellion and had been brought from London by Sir Robert Brackenbury on Richard’s orders." They escaped at Stony Stratford on Watling Street on or about the 18 August. Henry met the Stanley family at Atherstonc or at Merevale Abbey a mile west of the village, 5° but it is unlikely that their forces were combined or even camped near to each other. Lord Stanley’ 5 army was probably stationed near Higham on the Hill overlooking Watling Street, while Sir William was, in all probability, to the north of the River Anker 1n the vicinity of Pinwall, a mile or so north of Atherstone. 5' The meeting was apparently cordial but Henry still failed to persuade the brothers to unite their troops with his to form one force. All three ‘battles’ remained separated from each other. Henry’s army entered Atherstone and camped for the night. It has been 'suggested that Henry’s force camped near the village of Witherley about a mile to the east of Atherstone.52 This is unlikely since Witherley lies to the north of the River Anker and Henry probably camped‘ in the meadows north of the church’. 5’ Sunday 21 August. The prelude to the battle. A fortnight after Henry had landed in Pembrokeshire, King Richard led his army from Leicester across the River Soar by the Bow Bridge and along the Roman road through the villages of Peckleton and Kirkby Mallory.“ He pitched camp for the night near Sutton Cheney and close to the westerly protruding spur of land known as Ambien Hill, where he was to array his troops the next day. Henry’s army left Atherstone, marched over the River Anker at Withcrley Bridge and along Watling Street.’5 The army then turned down the Penn Lanes and camped for the night on the White Moors. These Moors were quite extensive but Henry’s camp site was probably closer to the village of Dadlington than hitherto thought. Lord Thomas Stanley, stationed on the high ground near Higham on the Hill, moved to Dadlington Hill to the right of Henry’s troops and on the left flank of King Richard about a mile or so away. Lord Stanley was then ‘midway between the two armees’, although it is possible that he delayed his move until early on 22 August.“ Sir William Stanley marched his force of about 3000 men from Pinwall via Sheepy Magna to the vicinity of Hanging Hill about a mile to the north of Ambien Hill. Soon after nightfall on Sunday 21 August, Sir Simon Digby, Sir Brian Sandford, John Savage and their companies, defected from Richard’s force and joined Henry T udor.” Molly]?! 22 August. The Battle of ‘Bosworth Field otherwise called Dadlyngton Fie ’.

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Acknowledgement The author wishes to thank Mr. Brian Sinkins of the Barry College for his help in producing the maps.

NOTES AND REFERENCES l. John Morris, The Age of Arthur, London 1973, p.xv. 2. Larousse Illustrated :ql ' ' Em, ' r din and P' ' y, Paris I972, p.538; The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 17, l5th ed. Chicago 1985, p.875. 3. Arnold J. James, A Personal View of the Road to Bosworth Field, The Ricardiun, vol. 8, no. 105 (1989), pp.228- 229. . Polydore Vergil, Three Books of English History, ed. Sir H. Ellis, Camden Society, vol. 29 (1844). . J. W. Hales and F. J. Fumivall (eds.), Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript Ballads am! Romances, London 1808, vol. 3, pp.233-259: Bosworrh Ffielde; pp.3l9-363: Ladye Bessiye. 6. F. J. Child (ed.), The English and Scottish Popular Ballads, 5 vols., New York 1957, vol. 3, pp.33l-333: Rose of England. 7. Michael Bennett, The Battle of Basworlh, Gloucester I985, p.4. Valera’s account refers to ‘milort tamorlant' who commanded the King’s vanguard on the King’s left wing. This could well be ‘Lord Tomasslanley'. Reference should be made to: W. Tom Williams, Henry of Richmond’s Itinerary to Bosworth, Y Cymmmdor, vol. 29 (1919), pp.33-43; Ralph A. Grifl'nhs and Roger S. Thomas, The Making of the Tudor Dynasty, Gloucester 1985, pp.l33-l65; Michael Bennett, The Battle of Baswarlh. Gloucester 1985. pp.78-121; David Rees, The Son of Prophecy. London 1985, pp.l 17-134; C. R. Markham, Richard III. London 1906, pp. 148-183; H. Noel Jerman, A Map of the Routes of Henry Tudor and Rhys ap Thomas through Wales in I485, Archaeologia Cambrensis, vol. 92 (1937), p.170; and Peter .I. Foss, The Field of Redemore. Leeds 1990. . Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.8l: C. R. Markham, (see n.8), p.141 states — ‘in the spring of l485'. 10. Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.81. ll. Giles St. Aubyn, The Year of Three Kings 1483, London 1983, p.206. . David Rees, (see n.8), p.117. 13. Griffiths and Thomas, (see n.8), p.160. 14. S. B. Chrimes, Henry VII, London I972, p.40, and his The Landing Place of Henry of Richmond I485, WeLs'h Historical Review, vol. 2, no. 2 (I964), pp.l73-l80. . Vergil, (see n.4), p.2 I 7; A. H. Dodd, A Short History of Wales, London 1972, p.56, indicates that Henry sent out letters as soon as he landed. David Rees, (see n.8), p.124, states that the messages were sent from Cardigan on the morning of 9 August, while R. A. Griffiths, (see n.8), p.l46, indicates that the letters were sent from that town on l0 August. It is more probable that the letters were sent from Haverfordwest on the morning of the 8 August. 16. S. B. Chrimes, (see n.l4), p.42. 17. W. Tom Williams, (see n.8), p.37. 18. Griffiths and Thomas, (see n.8), p.144. 19. David Rees, (see n.8), p.124. 20. Griffiths and Thomas, (see n.8), pp. l44—l45. 2l. Western Mail. Cardiff, 8 June I982. David Rees, (see n.8), p.l25. _ 22. Richard Haslam, Powys, Penguin Books with Univ. Wales Press, (The Building ofWalas Series), Cardiff 1979, p.372, where he states ‘Henry VII stayed here on his way to Bosworth’. I! was not Henry but his ally Rhys ap Thomas that local history tradition refers to. 23. W. Tom Williams, (see n.8), p.40; David Recs, (see n.8), p.125. 24. MichaeI Bennett, (see n.7), p.89; Giles St. Aubyn, (see n.l I), p.208. 25. W. Tom Williams, (see n.8), p.40. 26. David Williams, A History of Modern Wales. London I950, p.19. 27. Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.89.

66 28. The movement of the Stanley form is unclear. Michael Bennett, (see n.8), p.92, quotes The Ballad of Boswarth F ield, (see n.5), pp.248-249 ——‘On Monday (12:. 15 August) Lord Stanley leads the Lancashire men from Lathom to Newcastle. Sir William Stanley with troops from Cheshire and North Wales moves first from Holt to Nantwich (:22. Monday 15 August) then on Tuesday to Stone (Le. Tuesday 16 August), whence he rides across to meet Henry Tudor at Stafl'ord.’ But Henry was at Newport on Tuesday 16 August, and his meeting with Sir William must have been later, probably on Wednesday 17 August. Furthermore Nantwich to Stone is a distance of thirty miles. While it is not an impossible march it is unlikely. If Sir William took two days to march from Holt to Stone, then he left Holt on me moming of Tuesday 16 August to arrive at Stone on the evening of Wednesday 11 August, or he left Holt on the morning of Monday l5 August, which is the more likely, and took three days to make the journey. There is also the possibility that he left Holt on Monday 15 August and arrived at Stone on Tuesday 16 August, but delayed a day before riding over to see Henry at Stafl'ord in the evening of 17 August. Professor R. A. Griffiths (see n.8), p.151, suggasts that the meeting took place even later, on the evening of Friday 19 August. This would mean Sir William Stanley mrrying at Stone for three days which is veryunlikely. Daniel Williams, A place mete for twoo banayles to encountre. The Ricardian, vol. 8, no. 90 (1985), p.87, quotes Polydote Vergil's description of Henry’s entry into Lichfield — ‘The third day before Thomas Stanley had bene a! the same place . . . who understandbtge of Henryes approche went without delay (a a village caulyd Adersmne meaning (her to tarry rill Henry showed draw nere'(my italics). If that is correct, and there is no good reason to doubt that it is not, then for Lord Stanley to have reached Lichfield by the evening ofthe 15 August or the morning of the 16 August, he must have left Lathom, a distance of about ninety-two miles, on the moming of the 13 August at the latest. See Map 3. 29. Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.92. 30. Ibid.. p.94. 31 . Griffiths and Thomas, (see n.8), p.150, indicate that Henry stayed at Forton on Wednesday 17 August. Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.91. 32. Griffiths and Thomas, (see n.8), pp.l46-l47. Henry’s letter to Sir Roger Kynaston, an influential Shropshire knight, was signed by Henry and concluded — ‘Given under our Signet beside our town of Machynlleth the ['2] day of August'. Henry had written the date in Roman numerals. Griffiths has interpreted the date in question as xiiij or xiv — Le. the fourteenth of the month. It could equally well be interpreted as xi — i. e. the eleventh of the month. Griffiths’ interpretation creates many problems. In order to comply with a halt at Machynlleth on the 14 August, Henry's itinerary has been arranged to include a day’s hall at Haverfordwest; a day’s halt at Cardigan where Henry is reputed to have slept at ‘The Three Mariners' and left on the morning of the II August; an overnight stopat Machynllelh on the night ofthe 13 August followed by a night's stay at Mathafam, four miles away, on the 14 August. Henry's hall at. Forton on the night of the 17 Aumlst was followed by a march of twenty-three miles to Newport without a night halt at Shrewsbury. Henry is reported as leaving Newport in the afternoon of the 19 August, marching thirteen miles to Stafford where he met Sir William Stanley in' the evening, then pressed on to Lichfield seventeen miles distant. This would mean a march of four or five hours. Finally, Henry is reported to have departed from Tamworth on the morning ofthe 21 August, but his camp-site for that night — prior to the battle on the morning of the 22 August — is not revealed. Henry could not have camped at both Atherslonc and the White Moors on the night of the 21 August. From a logistical point of View this itinerary is most unlikely, and the date of Henry’s letter to Sir Roger is probably the l I August. See Map 2. 33. w. Tom Williams, (see :13),p.41. . Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.92. 35. lbid., p.94. 36. W. Tom Williams, (see n3), p.42; 8. B. Chrimes, (see n.l4), p.44; Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.90. 37. Vergil, (see n.4), p.218. 38. Michael Bennett, (sec 11.7),p.90. 39. S. B. Chrimes, (see n.l4), p.45. 40. David Rees, (see n.8), p. 129; S. B. Chrimes, (see n.14), p.44; Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.91. 41. David Rea, (see n.8), p.129; W. Tom Williams, (see n3), p.42. 42. Vergil, (see n.4), p.218; Bosworth Ffielde, (see n.5), pp.249-250, translated by Bennett, (see n.7), p.170; — ‘the triumphal entry of Henry Tudor and the younger Stanley into Lichfield on the Saturday morning’. All the evidence leads to the conclusion it was on the Friday morning, 19 August. 43. Charles Ross, Richard III, London 1981, p.215. ‘There is a report that fighting was heard and Sir William

67 Stanley left’. It is also reported that ‘Richard Boughton, Sheriff of Warwick and Leicestershire was [aising local levies for King Richard in his shrievally and seems to have been slain on (or about) the 20 August . .-.‘ although whether his death occurred in some clash with Henry’s forces is no! known’. Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.218. 44. Vergil, (see n.4), pp.219-220. 45. W. Tom Williams, (see n.8), p.42. 46. James Gairdner. The Battle of Bosworth. Arc/mealogia, 2nd Series,vol. 55 (l 896), p. 172. ‘Hutton thinks he must have diverged to the left from Lichficld and that the village was Whiltinglon. The divergence, however, must have been after he received Hungerford and Bourchier on the way, and may just as well have been to the light; in which case the village was probably either Weel‘ord or Hints upon the Walling Street’. Weeford and Hints both lie to the south of Walling Street and not ‘upon the Walling Street’. Henry would have had to cross that road to arrive at either village. Wigginton is a far more likely site for Henry’s overnight stay. See Map 4. . Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.94. . Vergil, (see n.4), p.22l; Desmond Seward. Richard III England’s Black Legend, London I983, p.188, ‘mnde contact with Sir William at Atherstone . . . his step-father (Le. Lard Thomas Stanley) was not. there'. Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.96. . Charles Ross, (see n.43), p.213. . Daniel Williams. Akplace for lwoo Ballayles to Encountre. The Ricardian, vol. 7, no. 90 (1985), pp.90-91. . The Ricardian. vol. 8, no. l05 ( 1989), pp.228-229. . Daniel Williams, (see n.50), p.90. . C. R. Markham, (see n.8), p.153. . Giles St. Aubyn, (see ml 1), p.209. . David Rees, (see n.8), p.230. . Vergil, (see n.4), p.222. ‘Sending withall to Thomas Stanley, who was now approchyd the place of fight, as in the myddle way betwixt the two ballaylles’. Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.105] . Michael Bennett, (see n.7), p.96. . Peter J. Foss, The Battle of Boswonh —Towards a Reassessment. Midland: History, vol. 13 (1988), and his The Field of Redemare: The Battle of Boswarlll, 1485, Leeds 1990. Historians, even ‘odny, are failing to take into full consideration the detailed geomorphological and logistical evidence available to them. Peter J . Foss is a case in point. In the erudite and meticulously researched works listed above, the final analysis is seriously flawed by placing the marsh in a most improbable location. That in turn colours and affects the conclusions as to the location of the opposing forces and to the site of the battle itself. In the ‘Field of Redemore’, chapter 3, p.22, the factors governing the location of marshland have been correctly assessed: What the geological evidence indicates, therefore, is that the only location where a substantial marshland is likely to have existed in the fifteenth century within the area of Saxton's ‘King Ric: feld’ is in the valley of the tributaries of the Sense Brook. Reference should be made to Ordnance Survey map, Landranger Series,No. 140I Leicester and Coventry Area, 150000, and to the Geological Survey Map of Great Britain, Coalville, Sheet l55, S. and D. edition, 150000, to which all map references (M .R.) refer. In fig. I in The Battle of Redemare, p.40, Foss mistakenly goes on to identify that criteria with a roughly triangular area ofalluvium deposit situated to the north of Stoke Golding and south of the Fenn Lanes, M.R. 394978, and places a conjectural ‘Sandeford’ a! M.R. 391986, towards the northern end of the conjectural marsh where the Penn Lanes cross the alluvium. In fact, the alluvium deposits are far more extensive than the area depicted by Foss and extend westwards to areas M.R. 382996 to M.R. 384980. Foss' conjectural site of the marsh is not a good one and, indeed, highly improbable. The area he has chosen is well drained with a meagre supply of water. By far the most likely site of the marsh in 1485 is in the area M.R. 409989 — a shallow, saucer like valley lying between Ambien Hill to the northwest and Dadlington Hill to the southwest. This area is fed by a large number of tributary streams of the Sence Brook and the River Tweed, (see map 5 of this article). An examination of fig. 2 in The Battle of Redemare. p.4l , shows that Foss has moved the conjectural site of the marsh away from the alluvium deposit and resited it as a diamond shaped area to the north of the Penn Lanes at (approx.) M.R. 386994, and places a new conjectural ‘Sandeford‘ at. the southern tip of his new conjectural marsh at (approx) M.R. 395985.

68 In turn, the engagement between the two vanguards is placed north of the new conjectural marsh, to the west ofAmbien Hill and close by Shenton, while the charge of Richard and his knights is indicated south of the marsh and down the valley towards the area now occupied by Apple Orchard Farm at MR. 395988. Such a sequence is highly unlikely, although the vicinity of Apple Orchard Farm could well be a site of conflict, but there can be no doubt that figures 1 and 2 of The Battle of Redemare give an entirely misleading and inaccurate picture of the landscape. and seem to have been drawn to fit a theoretical disposition of forces.

RICHARD III, CROWN AND PEOPLE Edited James Petre

A collection of the most useful and interesting articles that appeared in The Ricardian from 1975 to 1981. Ma'ny of them have been revised and extended in the light of recent research. Subjects include an edition of the Chancery warrants 1483- 5, the administration of justice by Richard III, North, South and Richard III, the King’s relations with Oxford, Gloucester and Southwark, Richard’s illegitimate children, the transmission of the news of the Tudor landing in 1485, the pre- contract, John Howard as ‘murderer’ of the Princes, biographies of William Colyngbourne, John Harcourt, Sir Robert Percy and many other contemporaries. Illustrated (15 plates, 2 in colour). 462 pages. Special price to Members £14.50, including p.&p., from Miss A. Smith, 14 Lincoln Road, Guildford, Surrey GU2 6T]. Cheques to be payable to Richard III Society. £25, including p.&p. to Non-Members, from Alan Sutton Publishing Ltd., Phoenix Mill, Far Thrupp, Stroud, Glos. GL5 ZBU. Cheques to be payable to Alan Sutton Publishing Limited.

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