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The National Democratic Party of Germany: an Wing

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The National Democratic Party of Germany: an Wing THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF GERMANY: AN ANALYSIS OF A RADICAL RIGHT WING POLITICAL PARTY A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of Political Science University of Houston In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Lee O. Andresen April, 1971 584028 THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF GERMANY: AN ANALYSIS OF A RADICAL RIGHT WING POLITICAL PARTY An Abstract of A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of Political Science University of Houston In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Lee O. Andresen April, 1971 ABSTRACT Is Nazism destined to become a potent political force in West Ger­ many? Many observers feel the longevity of a flamboyant party of the Radical Right, the National Democratic Party of Germany, is sufficient reason to answer this question in the affirmative. They conclude the par­ ty, which has had moderate successes in state and local elections, is neo-Nazi in orientation with the objective of resurrecting the political structure and style of the Third Reich. Just how sound is their hypoth­ esis? Is the neo-Nazi appellation accurate or is the NPD really a con­ servative democratic party content to work within the boundaries of Bonn's parliamentary democracy. The conclusion of this study is that the National Democrats can not be described in terms of any such "categorical absolute" as National Socialism. The NPD's anti-democratic proclivities are plain but to as­ sert an identity with National Socialism because of similarities in the composition of voter reservoirs, patterns of membership recruitment, and ideology is an exaggeration. For Instance, although the NPD draws considerable support from former NSDAP regional strongholds, secondary analyses indicate the party has managed to attract Catholics and work­ ers, most of whom have generally been cool in the past to the overtures of Radical Right parties, including the Nazi party. Both the NSDAP in the past and the NPD more recently have drawn significant membership support from the lower middle class; yet so too have political movements such as Poujadism and McCarthyism. Similarly, the frequently heard argument con­ cerning the prior Nazi affiliation of some NPD members diminishes in sig­ nificance when one notes the number of erstwhile Nazis to be found in the ranks of the "respectable" Christian Democratic Union and Free Democratic Party. The NPD ideology, as drawn from the party program (Politisches Lex- ikon) and party newspaper (Deutschen Nachrichten), shows significant over­ lap with National Socialism doctrine. However, it should be noted the two parties are products of significantly different political and social milieus. Today, the National Democrats seem to be just one of a number of political parties in various political contexts whose Weltanshauunq manifests itself in anti-Semitism, xenophobia, and cultural pessimism. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................... 1 Chapter I. Political Parties of the Radical Right in . Postwar German Politics: An Overview . ....................... 5 Chapter II. Sources of the NPD’s Electoral Sup­ port, 1964-1970 .................................................................... 16 Chapter III. Party Membership..................................................................... 31 Chapter IV. The National Democratic Ideology...........................................48 CONCLUSION ........................................................................................... 77 BIBLIOGRAPHY 84 INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION In 1918 Germany "tried democracy" and failed. What followedon the heels of this failure needs no elaboration here. The more relevant point is how well German democracy has fared in the postwar world. The answer is that Bonn Germany has made significant progress toward rees­ tablishing and maintaining a viable democratic political system. How­ ever, many observers feel Germans are perpetual "fair weather" demo­ crats and that the reoccurence of Nazism or its equivalent is inevitable. In many cases the slightest swing toward the Right in German politics has been accepted as prima facie evidence that Bonn has become Weimar. Happily, commentaries offering this thesis have grossly exaggerated the importance of the Radical Right as a political force in the Bundesrepublik. As a leading student of Right Wing politics in postwar Germany observes: "they mistake distant rumblings for the thundering horsement of the Apoc- 2 alypse, when it is only the shuffling of their former stableboys." ^This is a reference to the ill-fated Weimar Republic, Germany's first attempt at a democratic political system. One of the best of many treatments of this period is S. William Halperin's Germany Tried Demo­ cracy: A Political History of the Reich from 1918-1933. (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell & Co., 1946). 2 Kurt P. Tauber, Beyond Eagle and Swastika: German Nationalism Since 1945. (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1967), Vol. 1, p. 981. 2 In 1969 the Federal Republic of West Germany was at a watershed of major proportions when It achieved its twentieth anniversary as apoli­ tical unit.The event was brought to the attention of an international audience through a number of media, including that of a lengthy supple- 4 ment to the New York Times. However, at the same time that this was an opportunity for the political elites of Bonn Germany to feel a valid sense of pride in its positive political development, this sense of accomp­ lishment was blunted by the knowledge that 1969 was also the year of a Federal election in which a new party of the Radical Right was making an unprecedented bid to enter the Bundestag, the lower house of the West German Parliament. This party is the National Democratic Party of Germany (Nation- aldemokratische Partel Deutschlands).^ Today, over a year after its 3 The German Federal Republic was created in 1949. However, it did not achieve formal sovereignty until 1955. Even then, the West Berlin enclave was excluded from the scope of its legal sovereignty. 4 "Germany, an Old Country Growing Young," published as a supplement to the New York Times. (June 29, 1969), 32 pp. SThe NPD is not the first postwar party to use the magic word "national" in its name. For a discussion of earlier National Democratic Parties in West German politics see Tauber, Beyond Eagle and Swastika. pp. 72-79. 3 g unexpected failure to attain representation in the Bundestag, it contin­ ues to be a source of embarrassment and concern to the leadership of the Bonn political system. Predictably a number of commentators, including 7 R heads of government and professional political analysts, have described the NPD as "neo-Nazi," implying that this most recent party of the Radical Right is the vehicle for a super-annuated version of National Socialism. The primary objective of this study is to determine, through a c There were a number of sophisticated projections to the effect that the NPD would achieve 8-10% of the vote (40-50 seats in the Bund­ estag). See Lowell Dittmer, "The German NPD: A Psycho-Sociological Analysis of Neo-Nazism." Comparative Politics. (October, 1969), p.110. and the Christian Science Monitor. (September 19, 1969), p. 1. The prestigious West German Ellensbach public opinion survey was more ac­ curate in predicting just prior to the 1969 Bundestagwahl that the NPD would fall short of the amount needed for representation. See Per Spiegel. (September 22, 1969), pp. 27-30. The party garnered 4.3% of the aggregate vote in the instant election. According to a provision of the Basic Law, a political party must win 5% of the vote on the land lists or at least 3 personal list seats in order to share in the distribution of land list seats. The "five per cent clause" is aimed at preventing the overabundance of splinter parties which did so much to undermine the stability of the Weimar Republic. Gerhard Lowenberg, Parliament in the West German Political System. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967), p. 66. ^The Policy of the Renunciation of Force: Documents on German and Soviet Declarations on the Renunciation of Force. (Bonn: The Press and Information Office of the German Federal Government, 1968), p. 22. Q See Peter Merkl, "Coalition Politics in West Germany," in Sven Groennings et. al., (Editors), The Study of Coalition Behavior. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1970), p. 13, and Elmer Plischke, Contemporary Governments of Germany. (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1969), p. 153. 4 comparative analysis of voter reservoirs, membership recruitment, and ideology, the accuracy of the many attempts to describe the NPD in terms of the earlier National Socialist Party. CHAPTER I CHAPTER I Political Parties of the Radical Right in Postwar German Politics: An Overview. A serious treatment of the political phenomenon that Is frequently labeled the "Radical Right" faces immediately a definitional problem that has plagued social scientists for years. Just as the terms "liberal" and "conservative" can be grossly misleading in describing the nature of a political movement, so too the concepts of "Left, Right, and Middle" are often more confusing than illuminating in classifying the ideology of a specific group of political actors. This terminology, derived from the seating arrangement in the first French National Assembly, is obviously "cracking" under the strain of adjusting to the analysis of new and more intricate political ideologies.
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