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Georgia's New Government Russia and Eurasia Summary Georgia’s New Government: The Record So Far and Challenges Ahead Davit Usupashvili Speaker, Parliament of Georgia 20 June 2013 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. Georgia’s New Government: The Record So Far and Challenges Ahead This is a summary of an event held at Chatham House on 20 June 2013, in which the David Usupashvili, the speaker of the parliament of Georgia, discussed the country’s new government. When the Georgian Dream coalition won a majority of seats in the October 2012 parliamentary elections, few within Georgia – in contrast to observers in the West – were surprised. This was because the image of Georgian politics presented in the West was better than the reality. During the election campaign, which lasted one year, there was a broad abuse of administrative resources by the government of Mikheil Saakashvili. The day after Bidzina Ivanishvili announced his intention to enter politics, the government revoked his Georgian citizenship. During the course of the campaign, opposition parties were fined, opposition members’ homes were confiscated, their bank accounts frozen and activists were summoned for questioning by the police. Despite this, the October elections were largely free and fair – partly due to international pressure. Since October, politics in Georgia has been characterized by cohabitation. Saakashvili remains president, while Georgian Dream controls parliament. Power-sharing has not been easy, and Saakashvili and Ivanishvili have had little direct communication. The two have met only a few times since October, and Saakashvili has made work difficult for parliament. He has refused to approve ambassadorial appointments and frequently vetoes legislation. However, presidential elections scheduled for October 2013 will likely see a Georgian Dream win, making domestic politics less fraught. Observers have questioned to what extent the Georgian Dream coalition itself functions as a cohesive unit. However leaders of the six parties that make up the coalition consider themselves equal partners while acknowledging their diversity. Members appreciate the opportunity to create a ‘real’ democratic parliament, where differing opinions may be heard. Following the next round of parliamentary elections, any party may exit the coalition if they wish to do so. Georgian Dream officials are proud of the democratic improvements they have made since October. Reversing the centralization of power that took place under Saakashvili’s government has been a priority for Georgian Dream. For example, the media is now more independent. The TV station Imedi has been returned to its pre-2007 owners, who saw their station seized by the Saakashvili government and given to a media company close to it. Judicial reforms have meant that elections to the Council of Justice are now independent, and conducted by secret ballot. The practice of plea bargaining, www.chathamhouse.org 2 Georgia’s New Government: The Record So Far and Challenges Ahead which the Council of Europe said was leading to a ‘distortion of justice’ in Georgia, is also fairer now. In addition, Georgian Dream has removed a constitutional amendment which allowed the president to appoint a new government without the approval of parliament. Further, Georgian Dream hopes to make local government more democratic by replacing the system of governors with elected councils. It has sought the advice of EU representatives in implementing this reform. Lastly, officials are proud that Ivanishvili has been the first Georgian leader to pronounce the words ‘sexual minority.’ The prime minister condemned the violent attacks against LGBT activists on 17 May, and said that LGBT rights are human rights, which must be protected. Still, there have been criticisms of recent developments in Georgia, especially the arrests of many former Saakashvili government members. Georgian Dream officials defend this, by arguing that because 99 per cent of civil servants from 2004–12 were members of Saakashvili’s United National Movement, statistically most of those arrested for abuses committed during that time will be Saakashvili supporters. The abuses for which former government officials are now on trial came as a direct result of the highly centralized system of government under Saakashvili. These abuses include torture of prisoners, the illegal monitoring of citizens’ personal lives, spending tens of millions of dollar from the budget for personal or party use and depriving of private property of citizens. Georgian Dream officials also point to the fact that several members of their own government have also been forced to step down as a result of the abuses. As well as investigating abuses committed under the Saakashvili government, Georgian Dream also hopes to shed light on the events of August 2008. Officials are considering creating a commission to determine why the Georgian military and the other government agencies performed so poorly. 25 per cent of Georgia’s budget had been spent on defence prior to the war, so officials hope to discover why the state seemed in fact so unprepared. In addition to domestic reforms, Georgian Dream has made foreign policy reform an important part of its agenda. To some observers the new foreign policy priorities seem contradictory; Georgian Dream hopes to strengthen ties with Europe while at the same time improving relations with Russia. Officials have likened Georgia’s current international position to that of a chess player with no moves left on the chessboard. Georgian Dream hopes to open up this ‘chessboard’ in order to strengthen its position. There have already been benefits to this foreign policy: exports of wine and mineral water to Russia have resumed, and relations between Ivanishvili and Vladimir Putin are more www.chathamhouse.org 3 Georgia’s New Government: The Record So Far and Challenges Ahead cordial than Saakashvili’s relationship with Putin ever was. Officials would be open to cooperating with Russia on building a transport corridor between that country and the rest of the South Caucasus. Officials have also decided that Georgian athletes will participate in the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics because not doing so would result in international isolation and provide no political gains. In addition, Georgian officials have to sign an Association Agreement with the EU by the end of the year. They also wish to strengthen ties with NATO, hoping that the alliance will grant them a Membership Action Plan in the near future (even though membership itself may be far off). Citizens of Georgia want to ‘come back’ to Europe. Improving relations with both the West and Russia is integral to Georgia’s territorial integrity. Officials believe that the best way to bring Abkhazia and South Ossetia back under Tbilisi’s control is to make the Georgian state itself more attractive to them. Georgia can do this by becoming a full member of a democratic wider Europe. Tbilisi must provide Sukhumi and Tskhinvali with a better moral and economic climate than Moscow can offer. Officials need to work hard in order to improve the quality of democracy in Georgia. Finally, Georgian Dream officials hope to improve the economic outlook in their country by improving business and investor confidence. The transfer of political power has been difficult for the business community – they have not known what to expect. Under the Saakashvili government, the business community was used to serving at the pleasure of government officials. There is now more freedom for businesses, but still much to be done to improve confidence. www.chathamhouse.org 4 .
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