DOCSLIB.ORG

On the Record

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
On the Record On the Record An audit of Canada’s report on military exports, 2003-05 By Kenneth Epps & Kyle Gossen January 2009 Project Ploughshares On the Record An audit of Canada’s report on military exports, 2003–05 By Kenneth Epps & Kyle Gossen About this Publication In this publication, Project Ploughshares provides detailed analysis of the “Report on Exports of Military Goods from Canada, 2003-2005,” published by the Export Controls Division of Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada. Kyle Gossen conducted research and co-authored the publication during a term placement under the Co-operative Education program at the University of Waterloo. Kenneth Epps is Senior Program Associate with Project Ploughshares. Project Ploughshares Project Ploughshares is the ecumenical peace centre of The Canadian Council of Churches established to work with churches and related organizations, as well as governments and nongovernmental organizations, in Canada and internationally, to identify, develop, and advance approaches that build peace and prevent war. Project Ploughshares is affiliated with the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, Conrad Grebel University College, University of Waterloo. Project Ploughshares 57 Erb Street West Waterloo, Ontario N2L 6C2 Canada 519-888-6541 Fax 519-888-0018 [email protected] www.ploughshares.ca The views presented in this paper do not necessarily reflect the policies of the sponsoring churches of Project Ploughshares. © Project Ploughshares 2009 ISBN 978-1-895722-73-4 Table of Contents 1. Executive Summary 1 2. Why an Audit 3 2A. Introduction 3 2B. Canada and the International Arms Trade 4 2C. Auditing the “Annual” Report 5 2D. Methodology 7 3. A Controlled Trade—What the Report Tells Us 9 3A. Canadian Export Control Policy 9 3B. Authorization and Enforcement 10 3C. Multilateral Commitments 12 3D. Military Exports to the United States 13 3E. Reported Data 16 Total reported exports 16 Largest recipients 17 Regional distribution 18 Multilateral partners 20 Categories of exports 21 4. The Efficacy of Canadian Controls 25 4A. The Four Guidelines 25 Countries that pose a threat to Canada and its allies 25 Countries involved in or under imminent threat of hostilities 25 Countries under United Nations Security Council sanctions 26 Countries whose governments have a persistent record of serious human rights violations unless there is no reasonable risk the goods can be used against civilians 27 4B. The Record 27 4C. Adhering to Canada’s Existing Standards 29 5. Transparency: What the Report Does Not Tell Us 31 5A. Timeliness, Completeness, and Clarity 31 Timeliness 31 Missing item descriptions 31 Double-counting 32 Exports to the US 32 Data on small arms and light weapons 33 5B. Additional Data 33 Export licences 33 Dual-use goods 34 5C. International Reporting Standards 34 5D. Accuracy: Comparison of Reported Data with Data from Other Sources 36 Case study: Armoured vehicles and GDLS Canada 37 6. International Standards: The Arms Trade Treaty and Canadian Commitments 43 6A. Emerging Control Criteria from the ATT and Relevant Indicators 45 6B. Assessing Canadian Exports against Proposed ATT Standards 48 6C. Recipient Case Studies—Colombia and Saudi Arabia 49 7. Unregulated Civilian Equipment for Military End-use 56 7A. Aircraft Engines 57 8. Canadian Arms Export Controls and Reporting: Recommendations for Canadian Action 59 8A. Controlling Arms Exports to the United States 59 8B. Applying Existing Criteria 60 8C. Broadening Control Criteria 60 8D. Controlling All Transfers for Military End-use 61 8E. Improved Transparency 62 8F. Promoting International Standards 64 Appendix 1: Group 2 of Canada’s Export Control List 67 Appendix 2: Members of Relevant Multilateral Instruments 68 Appendix 3: Selected Military Goods Categories 69 Small Arms and Light Weapons 69 Small arms (ECL 2-1) 70 Ammunition (ECL 2-3) 72 Appendix 4: Acronyms and Abbreviations 74 Notes 75 1. Executive Summary In this first detailed audit of a government report on Canada’s export of military goods, Project Ploughshares analyzes the data published by the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT) for the period 2003–2005. The purpose of the audit is to examine this published record and other evidence to determine “the propriety, compliance, and adequacy” of Canadian export controls. Compared to many weapons suppliers, Canada is a responsible arms exporter. Canada also was one of the first states to report weapons shipments in some detail. However, there are significant holes in both the practice and transparency of Canada’s export controls. A number of improvements are necessary to ensure that its export authorization system meets the emerging international standards that Canada supports. The key findings of the audit are: • The documented trade during the three-year report period was concentrated by recipient and product. The four largest recipients—Saudi Arabia, Australia, the UK, and New Zealand— together received more than two-thirds of reported military shipments. By far the largest exported goods category was “ground vehicles,” representing more than half the total value of shipments. These were almost exclusively armoured vehicles manufactured by one company, General Dynamics Land Systems Canada, based in London. Less than 10 per cent of reported arms exports went to states outside those with which Canada has security or arms control arrangements. • The most conspicuous failing of the Report is its omission of data on Canada’s military exports to the United States. The US is by far the largest recipient of military goods from Canada. During the period of the report, the US imported an estimated $4-billion in Canadian arms and components. At nearly 70 per cent of total estimated shipments, exports to the US represented well over twice the combined reported value of Canadian exports to all other countries. The omission of US data is a major lapse in transparency. • Although most Canadian military exports are shipped to allied and stable governments, there is evidence that Canada does not always adhere to its own control guidelines. In most cases limited detail in the Report precludes a conclusive assessment of the risks associated with specific shipments, but there are cases in which a bias toward commercial benefit has clearly prevailed over justifiable caution. The export of armoured vehicles to the Saudi Arabian National Guard—worth almost $400-million from 2003 to 2005—is the most prominent example. • Beyond the lack of US data, the Report has other significant transparency failings. These include a multiyear delay in its release, a decline in detail from previous reports, and several areas in which other supplier governments (such as the US and Sweden) report relevant information that Canada does not. In addition there are serious questions about the accuracy of the data reported. Quite apart from marked differences with other data sources (illustrated by annexed reviews of small arms and ammunition exports), some figures in the Report do not line up with data provided by the same government department (i.e., DFAIT) to the UN. On the Record 1 • During the period of the Report, there were important examples of unregulated and unreported civilian Canadian equipment shipped for military end-use. The most prominent was a shipment of helicopters to the Pakistan Armed Forces in the face of a Canadian ban on military exports to Pakistan. Other examples during the period occurred in the form of aircraft engine shipments. Although for use by armed forces, none of the unregulated shipments were reported as military exports. • Evidence from the audit points to needed improvements in Canadian export control policy and practice. These include: o Authorizing and reporting all military exports, including those to the US; o Applying existing export controls on a stricter and more consistent basis; o Broadening controls to meet relevant international obligations and emerging standards; o Controlling the shipment of all major equipment destined for the military; and o Providing greater and timelier transparency to facilitate independent scrutiny. Canada supports effective, legally binding global standards for arms transfers through universal adoption of an international Arms Trade Treaty. It can strengthen this support and lead by example by addressing the identified deficiencies in its military exports regime. 2 On the Record 2. Why an Audit? 2A. Introduction During 2004 and 2005 Canadian-manufactured helicopters worth in excess of $100-million were delivered to the Pakistan Armed Forces for use against “terrorism.” In the same two-year period, Canadian military goods worth more than $2-billion were delivered to the United States, including hundreds of armoured vehicles for US Army operations in Iraq. Canada’s latest report on the export of military goods provides data on transfers to 77 countries for the three–year period 2003–2005, yet it does not document any Pakistani or US transfers. Why the omissions? Canadian export controls regulate the transfer of military goods to other states. Decisions by the Foreign Affairs Minister and department officials are made on a “case-by-case” basis according to established guidelines. The guidelines are restrictive but not prohibitive and military shipments may be made to states that contravene control criteria. Moreover, the guidelines do not cite genocide, war crimes, corruption, and other relevant considerations that arise out of Canada’s commitments under international law. Is Canada’s export control system doing its job? To explore these and related questions, Project Ploughshares has undertaken an “audit” of the Report on the Export of Military Goods from Canada, 2003-2005. Canada claims to be—and compared to many other suppliers arguably is—a responsible arms trader and Canadian exports of military equipment are largely transparent. Yet, despite their comparative standing, Canadian export controls and reporting standards are not what they could or should be. It is not difficult to find examples of Canadian weapons transfers that point to a control system that is marred by significant holes, not compliant with accepted standards, or prone to commercial pressures.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Chad Conflict, United Nations (MINURCAT) and the European Union (EUFOR)
    Area: Subsaharan Africa / Defence & Security ARI 20/2008 Date: 10/3/2008 The Chad Conflict, United Nations (MINURCAT) and the European Union (EUFOR) Félix Arteaga* Theme: The European EUFOR Chad/CAR mission, in support of humanitarian and police action for the United Nations mission in Chad and the Central African Republic, has been suspended until peace is restored to the region. Summary: On 28 January 2008, the EU launched the EUFOR Chad/CAR operation to deploy a force in support of humanitarian and police action for the United Nations mission in Chad and the Central African Republic (MINUSTAR). Three days later, the deployment was suspended due to the clashes between government and rebel forces around N’Djamena. Designed as the EU’s most ambitious military mission following the trial run of the Artemis DRC and EUFOR RD Congo operations, the current suspension is due to circumstantial causes, but also reveals a failure to correctly read the situation and reveals that poor quality intelligence was used. Since the missions were designed outside the framework of the cross-border conflict between Chad and the Sudan and the internal armed conflict in Chad, its failures in this regard became evident even as the mission was being launched. French forces efficiently evacuated the European residents in the region, but the impasse raises more questions about the capacity of France, Europe and the United Nations to evaluate their military missions and offer solutions to security problems in a continent which lacks other external suppliers of security. This ARI describes the context in which the intervention was devised, the context in which the concept of crisis management by MINUSTAR was created and the operational plan for EUFOR Chad/CAR, as well as the chronology of clashes on the ground and the options to be considered now that the mission has been suspended: to continue with the mission as soon as the clashes cease, or to review the steps taken so as to avoid making the mission part of the problem itself.
    [Show full text]
  • Arms Exports and Transfers
    ARMS EXPORTS AND TRANSFERS: EUROPE TO AFRICA, BY COUNTRY December 2010 Study realized by Africa Europe Faith and Justice Network – AEFJN AEFJN Report Arms exports from Europe to Africa 1/37 ARMS EXPORTS AND TRANSFERS: EUROPE TO AFRICA, BY COUNTRY 1. General overview Selling and transferring arms to the African market is a very profitable endeavor for many European countries and companies. For example, Russia, the second largest arms exporter after the United States, sent 14% of its arms and weapons exports for 2005-2009 to Africa, its second largest market. In the same time period, German arms exports to Africa increased by 100% from 2000-2004, and French exports increased by 30%. It is important to note that a majority of the defense materials, aircraft, and vehicles that are sent to Africa are refurbished or second-hand; many are remnants of Cold War era militarization, particularly the arms from Eastern European countries such as Ukraine. During the period 2005-2009, South Africa and the North African countries of Algeria, Morocco, Libya, and to a lesser extent, Egypt and Tunisia, are the largest arms importers in Africa. There is a definite trend indicating an ominous North African arms race with Algeria at the forefront. And while the exports from Europe to Sub-Saharan Africa are not nearly comparable in scope or scale as their northern neighbors, SIPRI reports that “in several cases, relatively small volumes of arms supplies to Sub-Saharan African countries have had a major impact on regional conflict dynamics.” The issue of exporting arms to a country only to have them redistributed to conflict zones is very real and highlights the importance of verifying end-user.
    [Show full text]
  • Inhoud Rhetoric Or Restraint
    RHETORIC OR RESTRAINT? Trade in military equipment under the EU transfer control system A Report to the EU Presidency NOVEMBER 2010 Edited by An Vranckx, Confl ict Research Group University of Ghent Published with generous support of Belgian Federal Service of Foreign Affairs, Peace-building department Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust Academia Press, Gent RHETORIC OR RESTRAINT? 1 Printed by Academia Press, Gent (Belgium) ISBN 978 90 382 1693 5 U 1522 D/2010/4804/242 Cover design by Studio Kmzero, Firenze www.studiokmzero.com All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including pho- tocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the publisher or the author. 2 RHETO R I C O R R EST R AINT? Executive Summary More than two decades ago, EU Member States began developing a common framework to ensure their decision-making on military exports took into account political and moral concerns that were being raised in their constituencies. The Code of Conduct for European Union countries’ exports of military technology and equipment, which was put into place in 1998, represented a major milestone in that process. A decade later, the EU Code was cast in concrete when it was transformed into a legally-binding Common Position. While the system is a distinct improvement on what went before, and the level of control exercised in the EU is in many ways setting the global lead, the EU system is still far from perfect. In some cases this would appear to be because licensing authorities are not applying the rules with sufficient rigour; in others because the rules themselves are inadequate to the task.
    [Show full text]
  • Instability and Humanitarian Conditions in Chad
    Instability and Humanitarian Conditions in Chad Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs July 1, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS22798 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Instability and Humanitarian Conditions in Chad Summary As the Sahel region weathers another year of drought and poor harvests, the political and security situation in Chad remains volatile, compounding a worsening humanitarian situation in which some 2 million Chadians are at risk of hunger. In the western Sahelian region of the country, the World Food Program warns that an estimated 60% of households, some 1.6 million people, are currently food insecure. Aid organizations warn that the situation is critical, particularly for remote areas in the west with little international aid presence, and that the upcoming rainy season is likely to further complicate the delivery of assistance. In the east, ethnic clashes, banditry, and fighting between government forces and rebel groups, both Chadian and Sudanese, have contributed to a fragile security situation. The instability has forced over 200,000 Chadians from their homes in recent years. In addition to the internal displacement, over 340,000 refugees from the Central African Republic (CAR) and Sudan’s Darfur region have fled violence in their own countries and now live in refugee camps in east and southern Chad, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). With Chadian security forces stretched thin, the threat of bandit attacks on the camps and on aid workers has escalated. The instability has also impacted some 700,000 Chadians whose communities have been disrupted by fighting and strained by the presence of the displaced.
    [Show full text]
  • The Maba People & Chad's Ouaddaï Region
    THE MABA PEOPLE & CHAD’S OUADDAÏ REGION The Maba People and Chad’s Ouaddaï Region © Center for the Study of Global Christianity, 2020 Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary Cover Photo: Refugees from Darfur in eastern Chad, 2011 | globalnyt.dk: European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations. (CC BY-SA 2.0) Unless otherwise noted, data is sourced from the World Christian Database and the fol- lowing citation should be used: Todd M. Johnson and Gina A. Zurlo, eds., World Christian Database (Leiden/Boston: Brill, accessed December 2019). ABOUT THE CSGC The Center for the Study of Global Christianity is an academic research center that mon- itors worldwide demographic trends in Christianity, including outreach and mission. We provide a comprehensive collection of information on the past, present, and future of Christianity in every country of the world. Our data and publications help churches, mission agencies, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to be more strategic, thoughtful, and sensitive to local contexts. Please visit our website at www.globalchristianity.org. DATA AND TERMS This dossier includes many technical terms related to the presentation of statistics. A complete methodology document is found here: https://www.gordonconwell.edu/ center-for-global-christianity/research/dossiers. We use a social scientific method for measuring religion around the world; namely, self-identification. If a person calls herself a Christian, then she is a Christian. We measure Christians primarily by denominational affiliation in every country of the world and these data are housed in the World Christian Database. Ethnolinguistic people groups are distinct homogeneous ethnic or racial groups within a single country, speaking its own language (one single mother tongue).
    [Show full text]
  • At Half-Strength, Un Mission in Central African Republic, Chad Has Limited Ability
    28 July 2009 Security Council SC/9718 Department of Public Information • News and Media Division • New York Security Council 6172nd Meeting (AM) AT HALF-STRENGTH, UN MISSION IN CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, CHAD HAS LIMITED ABILITY TO EXECUTE MILITARY CONCEPT, OFFER SAFETY TO AID WORKERS, SECURITY COUNCIL TOLD Once fully deployed, the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT) would be sure to make a difference, the top United Nations official on the ground told the Security Council today. Updating the Council on the developments since authority was transferred from the European Union-led EUFOR bridge force to the United Nations on 15 March, Victor Da Silva Angelo, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT), said that the Force now stood at 46 per cent of its mandated strength. Its slow deployment had limited its ability to effectively execute the military concept of operations and to provide the required safe environment for humanitarian workers, refugees, internally displaced and vulnerable persons, he said. The Secretary-General, in the report before the Council today, stated that in order for MINURCAT to achieve its full force projection and capability, pledges were urgently needed to provide it with needed “enablers”, including 14 of the 18 required military helicopters. While encouraged by recent pledges of troops to replace those departing the Mission, the Secretary-General was also concerned by delays in deployment, which risked creating security gaps. He encouraged Member States to assist troop-contributing countries in acquiring the necessary equipment and expediting the deployment of their contingents.
    [Show full text]
  • Blood at the Crossroads: Making the Case for a Global Arms Trade Treaty 2
    BLOOD AT THE CROSSROADS MAKING THE CASE FOR A GLOBAL ARMS TRADE TREATY Amnesty International is a global movement of 2.2 million people in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion – funded mainly by our membership and public donations. Amnesty International Publications First published in 2008 by Amnesty International Publications International Secretariat Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom www.amnesty.org © Copyright Amnesty International Publications 2008 Index: ACT 30/011/2008 Original language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publishers. Cover photo: A US soldier aims his weapon at a man who has just been shot by another soldier for failing to stop in Mosul, northern Iraq, on 23 July 2003. US troops had been on high alert in the area after a shootout the previous day in which two sons of former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein were killed. © AP Photo/Wally Santana TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction..............................................................................................................5
    [Show full text]
  • Right Tech Solutions for USAF
    SMALL WARS JOURNAL smallwarsjournal.com “Right Tech” Solutions for USAF Security Force Assistance by Mike Lydon I ask you to think through what more we might do—through training and equipping programs, or other initiatives—to enhance the air capabilities of other nations and whether, for example, we should pursue a conceptual ‘100-wing air force’ of allies and partners to complement the ‘1,000-ship navy’ now being leveraged across the maritime commons. - Robert M. Gates, 18 Apr 08 The Services have been charged with a new mission for the 21st century. This mission is to Build Partnerships and Build Partnership Capacity (Security Force Assistance (SFA)) around the world11. Much of this work will be conducted in countries characterized by crushing poverty, lack of resources, and an unemployed youth bulge generating associated terrorism. This is not uncharted territory for the military; we have conducted years of similar work since the end of World War II. Korea was less developed than Ghana in the early 50‟s;2 Taiwan was a poor island full of refugees after the fall of the nationalist government, while from the 1990‟s through today European Command works with former Warsaw Pact nations through the Partnership for Peace program (PfP). PfP was effectively used to diffuse a tense situation by partnering, engaging and mentoring the countries cut loose by the dissolution of the USSR. To conduct the SFA mission the USAF needs the ways and means to engage some of the fragile, failed or failing states that can still generate international threats within their ungoverned spaces.
    [Show full text]
  • Mikoyan Mig-29 from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia "Mig-29" Redirects Here
    Mikoyan MiG-29 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia "MiG-29" redirects here. For other uses, see MiG-29 (disambiguation). The Mikoyan MiG-29 (Russian: Микоян МиГ-29; NATO reporting name: "Fulcrum") is a twin-engine jet fighter aircraft MiG-29 designed in the Soviet Union. Developed by the Mikoyan design bureau as an air superiority fighter during the 1970s, the MiG-29, along with the larger Sukhoi Su-27, was developed to counter new American fighters such as the McDonnell Douglas F-15 Eagle, and the General Dynamics F-16 Fighting Falcon.[6] The MiG-29 entered service with the Soviet Air Force in 1983. While originally oriented towards combat against any enemy aircraft, many MiG-29s have been furnished as multirole fighters capable of performing a number of different operations, and are commonly outfitted to use a range of air-to- surface armaments and precision munitions. The MiG-29 has been manufactured in several major variants, including the multirole Mikoyan MiG-29M and the navalised Mikoyan MiG-29K; the most advanced member of the family to date is the Mikoyan MiG-35. Later models frequently feature improved engines, glass cockpits with HOTAS-compatible flight controls, modern radar and IRST sensors, and considerably increased fuel capacity; some aircraft have also been equipped for aerial refuelling. Serbian Air Force and Air Defence MiG-29 Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the militaries of a number of former Soviet republics have continued to takeoff operate the MiG-29, the largest of which is the Russian Air Force. The Russian Air Force wanted to upgrade its existing Role Air superiority fighter, fleet to the modernised MiG-29SMT configuration, but financial difficulties have limited deliveries.
    [Show full text]
  • Disputes Non-Violent Crises Violent Crises Limited Wars Wars 27
    2018 disputes non-violent crises violent crises limited wars wars No. 27 Copyright © 2019 HIIK All rights reserved. Printed in Heidelberg, Germany. The Heidelberg Institute for International Conflict Research (HIIK), associated with the Institute of Political Science of Heidelberg University, is a registered non-profit association. It is dedicated to the research, evaluation, and documentation of political conflicts worldwide. The HIIK evolved from the 1991 research project COSIMO (Conflict Simulation Model), led by Prof. Dr. Frank R. Pfetsch, University of Heidelberg, and financed by the German Research Foundation (DFG). For more information please visit our website: www.hiik.de HIIK Heidelberg Institute for International Conflict Research CONFLICT BAROMETER I 2018 Analyzed Period: 01/01/18 – 12/31/18 PREFACE With the 27th edition of the Conflict Barometer, teh H IIK continues its annual series of reports covering political conflicts worldwide. The global political conflict panorama in 2018 was marked by reverse trends. While the overall number of wars clearly decreased, the number of limited wars significantly increased. In Asia, Europe, and Sub-Saharan Africa, wars de-escalated, such as in Myanmar, Ukraine, DR Congo, and South Sudan. In contrast, three limited wars intensified to full-scale wars in the Middle East Northern Africa (MENA) region, seeing escalations on Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula, in Syria’s Afrin region, and in the conflict between Turkey and the Kurdistan’s Workers’ Party (PKK). In spite of these changes, many conflicts maintained their intensity, such as the wars in Syria, Yemen, Afghanistan, Libya, Central African Republic, Somalia, and Nigeria, or, for instance, the limited wars in Brazil, Colombia, and the Philippines.
    [Show full text]
  • Table of Contents
    CHAD COUNTRY READER TABLE OF CONTENTS Frederic L. Chapin 1961-1962 Chargé d’Affaires, Ft. Lamy Walter J. Silva 1961-1963 Administrative Officer, Fort Lamy Michael B. Smith 1962-1964 FSO General, Fort Lamy Robert J. MacAlister 1965-1968 Peace Corps, Chad Julius W. Walker, Jr. 1966-1969 Deputy Chief of Mission, N'Djamena Keith L. Wauchope 1968-1971 Political/Economic Officer, Fort Lamy John Propst Blane 1969-1972 Deputy Chief of Mission, Ft. Lamy 1982 Charge d’Affaires, N’Djamena 1985-1988 Ambassador, Chad Terence A. Todman 1969-1972 Ambassador, Chad Edward W. Mulcahy 1972-1974 Ambassador, Chad Leonardo Neher 1972-1974 Deputy Chief of Mission, N’Djamena Edward S. Little 1974-1976 Ambassador, Chad Richard A. Dwyer 1974-1977 Deputy Chief of Mission, N’Djamena William G. Bradford 1976-1979 Ambassador, Chad James R. Bullington 1979 Deputy Chief of Mission, N’Djamena Donald R. Norland 1979-1980 Ambassador, Chad Parker W. Borg 1979-1981 Country Director, West African Affairs, Washington, DC Marie Therese Huhtala 1981-1983 Desk Officer for Chad, Washington, DC David Hamilton Shinn 1982-1983 Chargé d’Affaires, N’Djamena Jay P. Moffat 1982-1985 Ambassador, Chad Richard W. Bogosian 1990-1992 Ambassador, Chad Franklin E. Huffman 1999-2000 Public Affairs Officer, N’Djamena Christopher E. Goldthwait 1999-2004 Ambassador, Chad FREDERIC L. CHAPIN Chargé d’Affaires Ft. Lamy (1961-1962) Ambassador Frederic L. Chapin joined the Foreign Service in 1952. His career included posts in Austria, Nicaragua, Brazil, El Salvador, and ambassadorships to Ethiopia and Guatemala. Ambassador Chapin was interviewed by Ambassador Horace G. Torbert in 1989.
    [Show full text]
  • Hiscox WTPV Aug 2009.Indd
    AUGUST 2009 Table of contents Transnational terrorism 2 Profi le: The Jakarta attacks 3 Worldwide terrorist activity 4 Africa Americas Asia Europe Middle East and North Africa In-depth 8 Coming up 9 A forensic investigator examines debris inside the Ritz-Carlton hotel INDONESIA A suspected suicide bomber early on 17 July detonated his explosives near the Lobby Lounge restaurant in the Ritz-Carlton hotel in the capital Jakarta. A second explosion occurred at the JW Marriott (which suffered an attack in 2003) and is also thought to have been perpetrated by a suicide bomber. A third bomber also reportedly checked into the JW For more information about Hiscox or Control Marriott with the two known attackers; police subsequently defused another Risks, please contact: bomb at the hotel. Retribution for the execution last year of three men Stephen Ashwell accused of involvement in the 2002 Bali bombings was a potential motive. Tel: 020 7448 6725 1 Great St Helen’s, London EC3A 6HX The attacks bore the hallmarks of fringe extremist elements within regional [email protected] extremist network Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), which have continued to promote www.hiscox.com violent jihad even though JI as a whole has sought to move towards the political mainstream since the last large-scale attacks in Indonesia in 2005. Peter Simpson Veteran bomb-maker Noordin Top – one of South-east Asia’s most wanted Tel: 020 7970 2373 terrorists – has been identifi ed as a likely leader. The attacks all but confi rm Cottons Centre, Cottons Lane, fears that radical JI factions are still highly active and may have revived London SE1 2QG funding and resource networks that counter-terrorism operations in recent [email protected] years are thought to have heavily disrupted.
    [Show full text]