Travel Through Tastebuds and Fingertips in Edo Japan:

A Study of Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku

By

Bianca Man Yan Chui

Course: HIST 449, Honours Graduating Essay

Instructor: Dr. Robert Brain

A graduating thesis submitted in partial fulfilment

of the requirements for the degree of

Bachelor of Arts (Honours)

in

The Faculty of Arts

History Department

We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard.

Supervisor: Dr. Kelly Midori McCormick

Committee Member: Dr. Robert Brain and Dr. Joshua S. Mostow

University of British Columbia

5 May 2021 Chui 1

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements ...... 2

Note to Readers ...... 4

List of Figures and Tables ...... 5

Introduction: Furidashi ...... 8 Significance and Historiography ...... 10 Structure ...... 14

Chapter One: On sugoroku and Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku ...... 16 Introduction ...... 16 On Sugoroku ...... 17 Meibutsu and meisho ...... 19 Analysis of Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku ...... 21 The Hierarchical Structure of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku ...... 27 Conclusion ...... 34

Chapter 2: Conceptual Travel as Game...... 36 Introduction ...... 36 The Dual Aspects of the Spatial Environment Created in a Game of Sugoroku ...... 36 Food in Edo ...... 38 The Bottom Half of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku: Food Items As Meibutsu ...... 41 More Than Just Consumables: Sakura mochi in Front of Chōmeiji Temple and Sake from Toshimaya ...... 51 Conclusion ...... 62

Chapter 3: Physical Travel as Advertisement ...... 63 Introduction ...... 63 Solidifying The Status of Restaurants As Meisho Through Advertisements ...... 64 The Top Half of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku: Gourmet Restaurants ...... 69 More Than Just a Kaiseki Restaurant: Yaozen at Sanya ...... 76 Conclusion ...... 90

Conclusion: Agari ...... 92

Appendixes ...... 95

Bibliography ...... 97

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Acknowledgements

It is perhaps befitting that this thesis is on aspirations of food and travel at a time where we cannot dine out or travel to different parts of the world. It has been a long journey writing this thesis.

Although I wrote this largely in isolation, I am grateful for the support and kindness I received from countless individuals. First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Kelly McCormick for her patience and gentle guidance throughout this journey. You have been supportive of my work since day one and I am thankful for your continuous words of encouragement. I would also like to thank Dr. Robert

Brain and 2020–2021 Honours cohort for their comments and feedback on earlier drafts. Your presences at our weekly Monday meetings remind me that I am not alone in this journey.

I would also like to thank Dr. Joshua S. Mostow for his time and unwavering support. Thank you for enduring my late-night emails about sources, questions, kuzushiji help and more. You have been an incredible mentor and I couldn’t be happier to continue learning from you in the next few years. Thank you to Dr. Christina Laffin, for her faith in my abilities and her constant reassurances. I am grateful that you have welcomed me into the summer kuzushiji study group with open arms, which this thesis would not be possible without this prior knowledge.

A huge thank you to Japanese studies librarian Tomoko Kitayama Yen for her kindness and research help. You have been instrumental in tracking down image permissions with various Japanese institutions and I am ever so grateful. Thank you to the team from Interlibrary Loans at UBC Library for fulfilling my various requests for obscure Japanese articles. Thank you to Dr. Kate Swatek for her time and meticulous edits, which made this thesis better than it is. Thank you to Dr. Gaye Rowley from

Waseda Library and Dr. Joshua Schlachet from the University of Arizona for their help. Furthermore, I would also like to thank my instructors this term for being understanding of my constant state of fatigue and being ever so forgiving at times when I slipped. Special thanks to Dr. Courtney Booker for encouraging me to apply to the Honours program and Dr. Tristan Grunow for inspiring further interest in

Japan.

I am grateful to the History Department for providing research funds. As a result, I was able to

Chui 3 purchase and access books unavailable via Interlibrary Loans due to COVID restrictions. Thank you to countless institutions, including National Diet Library and Tokyo Metropolitan Library, for making their collection publicly accessible. I am also grateful to the Ad Museum Tokyo and Keio University Libraries for permitting me to use images from their collections.

Thank you to my graduate senpais at Asian Studies, especially Rosaley, José and Yuewei, for their generosity and kindness. Thank you to all of my friends, including Germaine, Matt, Rachel, Alex,

River, Xiaoyu, Michael, Richard, and Nicholas. Thank you to Hoshi Sensei and JAPN 322/323 cohort for their support and companionship. I am grateful for all of your friendship and support, especially in tolerating me talking about sugoroku non-stop. Special thanks to Melissa, Kelly and Shaoyuan for reading parts of this thesis in various stages and providing brutally honest comments. Thank you Josh and Patrick for entertaining my coding attempts with simple explanations and suggestions of what I can do with

Python. Thank you to my life coach David for keeping me on track and being my best possible self.

Lastly, I would like to thank my family for always believing in me. To Popo and Gonggong, who are understanding when I disappear and do not call for weeks. To my various family members, for nodding their heads and pretending to understand when someone asked about recent updates. My sister for understanding my self-imposed writing exiles, my dad for listening to my ideas and concerns, and finally my mother for supporting me in various ways, including providing me with an ample amount of food. I wouldn’t have finished this thesis (and endured long periods of isolation at home) without all your home-cooked food and various take-outs we get together.

Again, I am truly grateful for all the people listed (and unlisted) here for helping me reached the end of this chapter. I look forward meeting and thanking people in person, when it is safe to do so.

Perhaps we can eat some of delicious sakura mochi and drink sake in celebration. As for now, take care and stay safe. Thank you.

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Note to Readers

I followed the standard practice of listing Japanese names as family name followed by given name, with the exception of the names of scholars working in English-language materials.

In the rare cases where I discuss ukiyo-e artists, I followed the common practice of referring to early modern Japanese names by their given name or pseudonym. For example, Utagawa

Yoshitsuya is referred to as Yoshitsuya.

Unless otherwise noted, all translations (and mistakes) are my own. Translations of woodblock print titles are for reference only. I also created tables and related annotations in images for the purpose of this thesis.

In using romanization of district names and restaurant names, I left ya (屋, store) and chō

(町・丁, district) in the names without adding store and district to retain the meaning and minimize repetition.

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List of Figures and Tables Figures

Figure 0.1. Torii Kiyonaga, Koi nyōbō jūdanme, ca. 1789. ______7 Figure 1.1. Diagram of 4 types of sugoroku by the way the game is played. ______17 Figure 1.2. Utagawa Yoshitsuya, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku, ca. 1850 or 1852. ______22 Figure 1.3. Detail of “Morning market at Nihonbashi [starting square]” from Utagawa Yoshitsuya, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku, ca. 1850 or 1852. ______24 Figure 1.4. Detail of “Dōchū procession at Yoshiwara [play square]” from Utagawa Yoshitsuya, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku, ca. 1850 or 1852. ______26 Figure 2.1. Kuwagata Keirin, Ōedo chōkan zu, ca. 1853–1868. ______43 Figure 2.2. Utagawa Kuniyoshi, Sumidagawa hanam, ca. 1847–1852. ______45 Figure 2.3. Hasegawa Settan, Sumidagawa zutsumi shunkei, from Saitō Gesshin et al., Edo meisho zue, 1836. __ 47 Figure 2.4. Hasegawa Settan, Sumidagawa tōgan, from Saitō Gesshin et al., Edo meisho zue, 1836. ______48 Figure 2.5. Detail of Hasegawa Settan, Sumidagawa tōgan. ______48 Figure 2.6. Detail of Sumidagawa Mukōjima ezu, from Kageyama Muneyasu et al., Edo kiriezu, ca. 1842–1862. 50 Figure 2.7. Detail of “Sakura mochi at Mukōjima [play square]” from Utagawa Yoshitsuya, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku, ca. 1850 or 1852. ______51 Figure 2.8. Utagawa Toyokuni and Utagawa Hiroshige, Edo jiman sanjūrokkyō mukōjima-zutsumi no hana narabi ni sakuramochi, 1771. ______53 Figure 2.9. Detail of “Sakura mochi at Sumida River [play square]” from Utagawa Sadahide, Shinpan Ōedo meibutsu sugoroku, 1852. ______54 Figure 2.10. Detail of “Sumida River’s sakura mochi [play square]” from Utagawa Yasuhide, Edo meibutsu tōji ryūkō sugoroku, ca. 1830–1844. ______55 Figure 2.11. Detail of “Toshimaya at Kamakura riverbanks [play square]” from Utagawa Yoshitsuya, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku, ca. 1850 or 1852. ______57 Figure 2.12. Hasegawa Settan, Kamakura-chō Toshimaya shuten shirozake wo akinau zu, from Saitō Gesshin et al., Edo meisho zue, 1836.______58 Figure 2.13. Detail of “Shirozake at Toshimaya [play square]” from Utagawa Sadahide, Shinpan Ōedo meibutsu sugoroku, 1852. ______59 Figure 2.14. Detail of “Toshimaya’s shirozake [play square]” from Utagawa Yasuhide and Goryūtei Tokushō, Edo meibutsu tōji ryūkō sugoroku, ca. 1830–1844. ______61 Figure 3.1. Toyohara Kunichika, “Sanya Yaozen” Kaika sanjūroku kaiseki, 1878. ______67 Figure 3.2. Utagawa Hiroshige and Toyohara Kunichika, Tōto kōmei kaiseki zukushi, 1852. ______68 Figure 3.3. Sokuseki kaiseki o-ryōri, 1859. ______71 Figure 3.4. Detail of “Yaozen at Sanya [play square]” from Utagawa Yoshitsuya, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku, ca. 1850 or 1852. ______76 Figure 3.5. Detail of “Yaozen Restaurant at Sanya [play square]” from Utagawa Sadahide, Shinpan Ōedo meibutsu sugoroku, 1852. ______79 Figure 3.6. Detail of “Yaozen at Sanya [play square]” from Toyohara Kunichika and Utagawa Hiroshige, Edo meishoku yūkyō sugoroku, 1868. ______80 Figure 3.7. Detail of “Yaoya’s Zenshirō at Shin-torikoe 2-chōme [play square]” from Tōri Sanjin et al., Kyōka kaiseki ryōri nayoro sugoroku, date unknown. ______81 Figure 3.8. Detail of “Food from Yaozen [play square]” from Utagawa Yasuhide and Goryūtei Tokushō, Edo meibutsu tōji ryūkō sugoroku, ca. 1830–44. ______82 Figure 3.9. Detail from Edo meibutsu shuhan tebikigusa, 1847. ______83 Figure 3.10. Detail from Nakagawa Gorozaemon, Edo kaimono hitori annai, 1824. ______83 Figure 3.11. Utagawa Hiroshige, “Sanya Yaozen” Edo kōmei kaitei zukushi, ca. 1840. ______85 Figure 3.12. Exterior of the restaurant Yaozen from Kuriyama Zenshirō, Edo ryūkō ryōritsū, 1825. ______86 Figure 3.13. Inner garden and the second story banquet rooms of the restaurant Yaozen from Kuriyama Zenshirō, Edo ryūkō ryōritsū, 1825. ______87 Figure 3.14. Kuwagata Kesai, Yaozen no nikai zashiki nite bunjin kaishoku-zu from Kuriyama Zenshirō, Edo ryūkō ryōritsū, 1825. ______89

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Tables Table 1.1. Schematic diagram of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku ______30 Table 3.1. Restaurants featured in both Sokuseki kaiseki o-ryōri and Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku and their relative locations on the sheet ______71 Table 3.2. Restaurants featured in banzuke ranking sheets listed above ______74

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Figure 0.1. Torii Kiyonaga (Artist), Koi nyōbō jūdanme (恋女房十段目, The Beloved Wife: Chapter 10), Edo: publisher unknown, ca. 1789. Multicoloured woodblock print, 35.7 x 25.2 cm. A samurai playing sugoroku with a young servant. Courtesy of RISD Museum, Providence, US

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Introduction: Furidashi (Starting square)

Popular images of Edo-era (1603–1868) Japan are associated with the colourful woodblock prints known as ukiyo-e 浮世絵, or “pictures of the floating world.” These prints depict the world of early modern Japan—courtesans of the pleasure districts, actors of the kabuki theatre, landscapes, and scenes of travel—and have been appreciated by their contemporaneous consumers and modern-day audiences. Commercial activity in urban centres facilitated the popularization of these prints, as their depictions of different aspects of urban culture circulated throughout the country. With this increasing commercial activity, urban culture rapidly expanded in the cities of Kyoto, Osaka, and Edo, particularly during the Genroku era (1688–1704).1 As the administrative capital of the Tokugawa shogunate, Edo started as a small fishing village in 1457 and by the early 1700s represented one of the largest metropolises of the world.2 Woodblock prints, in the forms of books and sheets, were mass-produced at this time owing a high literacy rate and the demands of the readers. Because of their relatively low costs, woodblock prints on all topics spread across the nation and became part of the information network of the time.

People who lived far from urban centres could learn about the latest fashions and trends by consuming these prints and aspiring one day to experience what they depicted.3

One genre of these popular prints is a type of board game called sugoroku 双六 (lit.

“double six”), somewhat similar to snakes and ladders, with a player aiming to reach the final

1 Genroku was one of the thirty-six Japanese era names (nengō) in the Edo period. The use of era names in Japan began in the seventh century and continues to be used today. Before the Meiji period (1868–1912), an era name might be changed upon the accession of a new emperor or occurrence of an auspicious or malign event. “Nengō 年 号,” Encyclopedia of Japanese History, JapanKnowledge, accessed March 11, 2021, https://japanknowledge- com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca. 2 Andrew Gordon, A Modern History of Japan: From Tokugawa Times to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 23. 3 Although it is hard to determine at what prices prints were sold, single sheet prints were capped at 16 mon from the Tenpō Reforms in 1842 onwards. The price range of sugoroku is discussed in more details in Chapter One.

Chui 9 square before competitors. This form of game appeared in Japan as early as the thirteenth century, and became more popular during the Edo period with advances in woodblock printing technology.4 These games tended to be based on themes, such as religion, theatre, and travel.

Sugoroku can be understood as part of early modern print culture, and like materials such as meisho-zue 名所図会 (pictorial gazetteers of famous places), they were illustrated works that represented and promoted forms of travel.5 The nature of sugoroku as a board game allows viewers to engage in imaginary travel as they move from one square to another. Based on the content of each play square, whether it depicts a location or an object, the players can envision themselves engaged in various actions as a form of role-playing.

This thesis examines one sugoroku that features meibutsu 名物 (lit. “famous thing,” regional specialty). Although meibutsu is often translated as “souvenir,” it is a broad category that includes objects beyond locally produced items that travellers purchased as tangible mementos of their journey.6 While meibutsu can potentially be turned into souvenirs or a material mementos of one’s journey, this is not always the case.7 Examples of meibutsu include artisanal products (e.g., pottery or silk created by local craftsmen), natural products (e.g., a type of wood or fish), and even prostitutes.8 Here, I will limit the usage of the term to regional culinary specialties, often a focal point for illustrations in sugoroku.9

4 Rebecca Salter, Japanese Popular Prints: From Votive Slips to Playing Cards (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2006), 165. 5 On meisho-zue, see Robert Goree, “Meisho Zue and the Mapping of Prosperity in Late Tokugawa Japan,” Cross- Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review 6, no. 2 (November 2017): 404–39 and Robert Goree, Printing Landmarks: Popular Geography and Meisho Zue in Late Tokugawa Japan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2020). 6 Laura Nenzi, “Cultured Travelers and Consumer Tourists in Edo-Period Sagami,” Monumenta Nipponica 59, no. 3 (2004): 301. 7 Katarzyna J. Cwiertka and Miho Yasuhara, Branding Japanese Food: From Meibutsu to Washoku (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2020), 50. 8 Nenzi, “Cultured Travelers,” 304; Cwiertka and Yasuhara, Branding Japanese Food, 49–50. 9 Chapter Two discusses how the early modern context of meibutsu differs from modern understanding of the term.

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This thesis examines the intersection between print culture and food culture in sugoroku by considering how the depictions of food in prints cultivate aspirations and connoisseurship in their audience. I argue that sugoroku enabled travel in two ways: firstly, as a game, sugoroku enabled a form of conceptual travel in an imaginary realm where the players envisioned themselves embarking on a gastronomic journey. Secondly, as an advertisement, sugoroku enabled actual travel whereby its viewers could visit locations depicted in the print and experience the gastronomic journey in reality.

Significance and Historiography

As a source, sugoroku represent both a game to be played and a print that disseminated knowledge. By playing the game over and over again, players learned about the locations, scenery, and objects depicted in it and became familiar with the latest trends, popular actors and courtesans, and commercial items.

Yet despite its dual nature as print and game, sugoroku has not been the object of in-depth historical investigation in English or Japanese. Existing scholarship on sugoroku analyzes the visual aspects of the work while largely disregarding its organizational structure and nature as a game. As an object of play, sugoroku offered a basic framework that consisted of text and image accompanied by a basic plot line with additional elements of chance, uncertainty, and excitement.10 Although the name e-sugoroku (pictorial sugoroku) emphasize on the visual aspect, the accompanying “texts” played an equally important part in their pictorial aspect.11 The textual components in sugoroku included the title of the game, often prominently displayed, the

10 Ann Herring, “The Hidden Heritage: Books, Prints, Printed Toys and Other Publications for Young People in Tokugawa Japan,” in Written Texts—Visual Texts: Woodblock-Printed Media in Early Modern Japan, ed. Susanne Formanek and Sepp Linhart, (Amsterdam: Hotei Publishing, 2005), 185. 11 Although I simply refer to my primary sources as sugoroku, I am referring to e-sugoroku (pictorial sugoroku) specifically. There is another type of sugoroku, named ban-sugoroku (board sugoroku) that will not be included in my analysis. Ban-sugoroku is similar to backgammon but has since become obsolete. Today, the word sugoroku almost always mean e-sugoroku, which is the genre investigated here.

Chui 11 signature of the artist as well as the name and logo of the publisher; and, lastly, an inscription or identifiable title for each square along with instructions within the square on how to proceed depending on the number rolled with a die.12 This particular blend of text and image appealed to consumers while allowing for infinite variation of game content and format.13 Ann Herring notes that rather than considering sugoroku to be single-sheet prints, they may best be treated as books in an unorthodox format, encompassing plot lines and aims.14 By considering the blend of text and image in sugoroku as she suggests, we can fully evaluate their multidimensional aspects as a genre.

Chance and uncertainty within the game plot of sugoroku allow them to express meanings “beyond that of a simple dice game” as the possible directions and movements unfold to reveal the hidden aims of the game.15 Since the mid-1990s, Iwaki Noriko has produced much of the scholarship on sugoroku that looks beyond their overall content. She has investigated a wide range of sugoroku, focusing on the themes of religion, travel, career paths, and women and examined the arrangement of the board and the possible paths of the game.16 She has argued that one can see a hierarchical structure within sugoroku that corresponds to the hierarchical structure of values in reality. By examining the possible movements of sugoroku, as determined by chance, Iwaki demonstrates how the hierarchical structure within the board game reveals the hierarchy of contemporary social values in reality.

Building on Iwaki’s model, Susan Formanek and Sepp Linhart have investigated

12 Susanne Formanek, “The ‘Spectacle’ of Womanhood: New Types in Texts and Pictures on Pictorial Sugoroku Games of the Late Edo Period,” in Formanek and Linhart, Written Texts—Visual Texts, 77–78. 13 Formanek, “The ‘Spectacle’ of Womanhood,” 77. 14 Herring, “The Hidden Heritage,” 185. 15 Formanek and Linhart, introduction to Written Texts—Visual Texts, 17–18. 16 See, for example, Iwaki Noriko, “Shusse sugoroku no henka—Bakumatsu kara Meiji e,” Fūzoku: Nihon fūzoku shigakukai kaishi, 32, no. 3 (May 1994): 62–87; “Jōdo sugoroku-kō,” Tōkyō-to Edo Tōkyō hakubutsukan kenkyū hōkoku 1 (1995): 157–94; “E-sugoroku ni miru machi musume to ōoku,” Rekishi yomihon, 43, no. 6 (June 1998): 248–53.

Chui 12 sugoroku that focus on filial piety and ideal life courses for women, and make similar connections between the hierarchical structures of sugoroku and the hierarchy of values in reality. Specifically, they argue that the positioning of squares reveals social ideas about filial piety and the possible moves in a game suggest a high degree of social mobility, both upwards and downwards, in life courses for women.17 Beyond scholarship by Iwaki, Formanek, Formanek and Linhart, the majority of work that address sugoroku ever since Takahashi Junji’s Nihon e- sugoroku shūsei (1994), a landmark compilation of various categories of sugoroku, are exhibition catalogues from museums and collection highlights from libraries located in Japan.18 Recently, there has been growing interest in sugoroku within English-language scholarship, as seen in articles and dissertations that examine sugoroku from the early modern through the modern periods.19

The focus of this thesis, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku 新版御府内流

行名物案内双六 (Sugoroku on Popular Specialties within Edo, New edition, ca. 1850 or 1852; hereafter referred to as Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku), survives in multiple copies in institutions around the world. This sugoroku touches on a variety of subjects related to food culture, urban culture, and print culture, with its depictions of popular specialties in Edo, including well-known restaurants and food items. Despite being highlighted by curators as part of their collections and

17 Susanne Formanek and Sepp Linhart, “Playing with filial piety—some remarks on a 19th-century variety of Japanese pictorial sugoroku games,” Board Game Studies, no. 5 (2002): 39–64.; Formanek, “The ‘Spectacle’ of Womanhood,” 73–108. 18 Takahashi Junji, ed., Nihon e-sugoroku shūsei (Tokyo: Kashiwa Bijutsu Shuppan, 1994). 19 Faith Kreskey, “Leaping Monsters and Realms of Play: Game Play Mechanics in Old Monster Yarns Sugoroku” (MA diss., University of Oregon, 2013), https://scholarsbank.uoregon.edu/xmlui/handle/1794/12980.; Charlotte Eubanks, “Playing at Empire: The Ludic Fantasy of Sugoroku in Early-Twentieth-Century Japan,” Verge: Studies in Global Asias 2, no. 2 (2016): 36–57, https://doi.org/10.5749/vergstudglobasia.2.2.0036.; Rhiannon Paget, “Games of Conquest: Sugoroku of Imperial and Wartime Japan,” Art in Print 6, no. 5 (2017): 24–29, https://www.jstor.org/stable/26408724.; Kanaya Masataka, “Reading Edo Urban Space in the Tōkyō Gōshō Sugoroku (Tokyo Rich Merchants Board Game),” in Digital Meijis: Revisualizing Japanese History at 150, trans. Tristan R. Grunow (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Library, 2019), 65–70, https://meijiat150dtr.arts.ubc.ca/essays/kanaya/.

Chui 13 featured in exhibitions from institutions such as the National Diet Library of Japan and the Tokyo

Metropolitan Library, there is no extensive in-depth study of this particular print.20 In this thesis,

I will investigate in depth the intersections between the areas of food culture, print culture, and urban culture in this particular sugoroku. While building on the framework proposed by Iwaki and Formanek and Linhart, I not only look at what the source itself tells us about the world to which it belonged, but also how players interacted with these sugoroku prints. Both the content and structure of sugoroku reflect a lived or idealized reality and thus provide a window into the world the players of these games occupied.

Furthermore, I will connect the depictions of food items and restaurants in this print medium to travel culture. Eric C. Rath argues that Edo culinary books “could be enjoyed as forms of vicarious pleasure in the same way that popular literature and guidebooks offered readers descriptions of exotic locations they might never travel to in real life.”21 With its gastronomic content, Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku similarly allowed its players to experience an imaginary journey through game play, intersecting temporal and spatial narratives and enabling two forms of journeying: movement by the players through physical and imagined spaces (as embodied by the act of playing and visiting different locations) and movement of their impressions and ideas cemented by accounts of places they encountered. Although the consumable meibutsu depicted in the sugoroku are not locations, their ties to geographical sites make them places that the players can aspire to visit in reality. I argue that food items and

20 Studies to date include Harada Nobuo, Edo no shokubunka: washoku no hatten to sono haikei (Tokyo: Shōgakkan, 2014), 16–17; Yamamoto Hirofumi, ed., Edo no e-sugoroku: ninki eshi ni yoru koma e ga kataru shinjitsu (Tokyo: Futabasha, 2018), 38–41; Ōkubo Junichi, “A photographic introduction to items from the collection: Esugoroku,” REKIHAKU no. 163 (November 2010), https://www.rekihaku.ac.jp/english/outline/publication/rekihaku/163/witness.html; “Famous products and famous shops in meisho (famous places),” The Landmarks of Edo in Color Woodblock Prints, National Diet Library, Japan, accessed February 23, 2021, https://www.ndl.go.jp/landmarks/e/column/3.html. 21 Eric C. Rath, Food and Fantasy in Early Modern Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), 112.

Chui 14 restaurants, as meibutsu (famous things) and meisho (famous places) respectively, contribute to the aspirations and connoisseurship cultivated by urbanites in their consumption of print media.

By connecting the depictions of food items and restaurants to the concepts of meibutsu and meisho, we can see how sugoroku enabled both conceptual and actual travel for its players.

Thesis Structure

This thesis follows the structure of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku and is organized according to the movement typical of a tobi sugoroku 跳び双六 (jumping sugoroku), in which players gradually make their way upward from a starting square located at the bottom of the print, to a goal square located at the top. The starting square is referred to as the furidashi

(starting square) and the goal square is known as the agari. This thesis will echo the format of sugoroku, starting with an introductory “furidashi” chapter and ending with a concluding “agari” chapter. Chapter 1 provides context and background to sugoroku as a genre and the Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku as a print. It also introduces and defines key concepts such as meibutsu and meisho. It serves as a foundation chapter for the later two chapters which provide in-depth analysis of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku as a game and an advertisement.

Chapter 2 focuses on the depiction of food items in the bottom half of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku. As meibutsu, food items depicted in this particular sugoroku are associated with specific neighbourhoods and stores in Edo. As a game, Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku creates an imaginary spatial environment that includes references to real places. In doing so, it encourages its players to imagine a journey where they can envision themselves eating the food items depicted in the print. With this imagining, the sugoroku fulfills the aspirational aspect of print culture.

Moving upward from the bottom half of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, Chapter 3 focuses

Chui 15 on the depiction of gourmet restaurants in the top half of the print. As meisho, the restaurants depicted are actual locations viewers of the print had the opportunity to visit. As an advertisement, sugoroku encourages its players to conduct actual travel and visit these locations.

Whether they could afford to eat at those restaurants was irrelevant. This sugoroku served as a guide that educated and informed locals and visitors about the places they should know of in the city, and as such they cultivated connoisseurship. Combined, these chapters provide both an overview of the genre of sugoroku and a close analysis of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku. Images of food and restaurants depicted in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku connect ideas of meibutsu and meisho and enable the viewer to travel physically and imaginarily.

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Chapter One: On sugoroku and Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku

Introduction

The growing print culture in the early seventeenth century defined the Tokugawa period with the proliferation production of maps of the realm, soon accompanied by numerous commercial prints that included atlases, gazetteers, urban directories, travel accounts, manuals of work and play, and guides to shopping and local products.22 Many of these print materials are connected to travel culture, including functional maps used on the road or imaginative maps enjoyed in the comforts of one’s home. The sugoroku investigated here is one example of this larger body of travel-related print material including maps, meisho-zue (pictorial gazetteers of famous places), large size (ōban) single sheet, and polychrome prints (nishiki-e). Sugoroku fit into this category for they allow both physical and conceptual travel, as discussed in the introduction. In analyzing the intersection of food culture and print culture within one particular sugoroku, we can understand how print culture influenced the way people travel—whether they visited actual locations or imagined themselves at these locations—within the Edo period.

This chapter begins the study by providing the context and background of sugoroku and analyzing the overall structure of one particular sugoroku, the above mentioned, Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku. This game features various stores and their specialties (meibutsu) within its play squares. Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku is first analyzed as a whole in this chapter and then in two parts in later chapters: relating the top half that features mainly high-end gourmet restaurants to sugoroku’s function as an advertisement that enables physical travel and the bottom half that features mainly food items and culinary dishes to the sugoroku’s nature as a game that enables

22 Nancy K. Stalker, “Edo Popular Culture: the Floating World and Beyond (Late 17th to Mid-19th Centuries),” in Japan: History and Culture from Classical to Cool (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2018), 179; Mary Elizabeth Berry, Japan in Print: Information and Nation in the Early Modern Period, Japan in Print (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), 141.

Chui 17 conceptual travel.

On Sugoroku

Sugoroku feature many play squares between the starting and ending squares and the players win by reaching the goal square, often on the top of the board. The game was popularized in the Edo period (1603–1868) with advances in woodblock printing technology and it often was customized to feature various themes, such as religion, theatre, and travel. One way to categorize sugoroku is by the way the game is played. Under this framework, there are four basic categories of sugoroku (fig. 1.1):

Figure 1.1. Diagram of 4 types of sugoroku by the way the game is played. Red lines indicate the general movement of the game pieces.

Chui 18

1. Mawari sugoroku (roundabout sugoroku) where the player starts at one corner and advances towards the goal square in a spiral-like path.

2. Tobi sugoroku (jumping sugoroku) where each square in the game gives specific instructions as to which square the player should proceed to when they throw a certain number. When the player fails to roll one of the numbers designated in the instructions, they have to wait for the next round in order to make a move.

3. Tobi-mawari sugoroku, which is a combination of the above two, where the structure of the game resembles mawari sugoroku but some of the squares contain instructions for the player to “jump” to another square.

4. Furiwake sugoroku (parted or divided sugoroku) contains two or more different paths towards the goal square. Often, these specific paths are designated for men and women, or for good and not-so-good players.23

Another way to categorize sugoroku is thematically by the nature of their contents.

Takahashi Junji has divided sugoroku into sixteen categories, including the original genre of sugoroku, jōdo sugoroku 浄土双六 (Buddhist or Paradise sugoroku), shusse sugoroku 出世双六

(career and “success-story” sugoroku), senden sugoroku 宣伝双六 (advertising sugoroku), and travel-related sugoroku that, which includes dōchū sugoroku 道中双六 (travel sugoroku) and meisho sugoroku 名所双六 (sugoroku of famous places).24

Although it is hard to place the sugoroku investigated here into a certain category, our sugoroku shares some similarities with meisho sugoroku (as it showcases various meibutsu) and senden sugoroku (as it also advertises these meibutsu and the stores that sell them to some extent). Furthermore, its depiction of restaurants and food items in each play square allows the game to convey a sense of virtual travel like its dōchū sugoroku cousins. As mentioned in the introduction, Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku has been noted for featuring elements from various

23 Formanek and Linhart, “Playing with Filial Piety,” 41–43. 24 Takahashi, Nihon e-sugoroku shūsei, 6–7.; Translations from Formanek and Linhart, “Playing with Filial Piety,” 43–44.

Chui 19 categories listed above by different institutions that house a copy of the print. Touching on the topics of travel, commerce, and food, its versatility allows for interpretations from different angles. Therefore, the combination of all of these elements makes this sugoroku an important lens through which to analyze the intersections of these diverse fields.

Before looking at it more carefully, it is useful to define the terms meibutsu and meisho and how travel-related print materials, including sugoroku, connect to advertisements.

Meibutsu and meisho

Literally “famous thing,” meibutsu is a term broadly applied to regional specialties and souvenirs that travellers purchased on their journeys.25 Writers and publishers filled guidebooks, gazetteers, and the margins of maps with lists of these “famous things” to advertise local products.26 Listing named goods and local products, these guides introduced economic values and the lure of consumption to the public. One example of a famous souvenir at the time was nishiki-e 錦絵 (brocade pictures) from Edo,27 which were produced with a technique used primarily in ukiyo-e (woodblock prints) and invented in the 1760s.28 Being portable, cheap and full of imageries of Edo life, nishiki-e were popular and brought to different parts of the realm.

Sugoroku like the one discussed here, belong to the class of nishiki-e produced by multi-coloured printing and served as souvenirs from the capital along with other media. As one example of sought after woodblock prints, Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku both was and depicted of meibutsu. In other words, there is a duality to this game since it featured regional specialties that people

25 Nenzi, “Cultured Travelers,” 300–301. 26 Berry, Japan in Print, 158–59. 27 On development in nishiki-e, see Christine Guth, Art of Edo Japan: The Artist and the City 1615–1868 (New York: H.N. Abrams, 1996) 103–12. 28 “Nishiki-e 錦絵, JAANUS: Japanese Architectural and Art Net Users System, Mary Neighbour Parent, accessed March 11, 2021, http://www.aisf.or.jp/~jaanus/deta/n/nishikie.htm.; “Edo-e 江戸絵, JAANUS: Japanese Architectural and Art Net Users System, Mary Neighbour Parent,, accessed March 11, 2021, http://www.aisf.or.jp/~jaanus/deta/e/edoe.htm.

Chui 20 should know about and served as a souvenir for those visiting Edo. While we focus on the content in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, it is important to remember this duality of sugoroku.

The concept of meibutsu is linked to the popular allure of meisho 名所 (lit. famous places) as people made pilgrimages to temples and shrines, as well as to locations famous for their associations with specific poetic or literary references.29 The concept of meisho stems from the literary tradition of waka poetry, which dated from before the eighth century. Meisho were synonymous with utamakura (poem pillows), which are certain words used to invoke specific associations and references to create allusions and intertextual connections.30 In addition, meisho had another literary connection to fudoki 風土記 (local gazetteers), which collected stories and myths of how and why famous places and landmarks got their name.31 Regardless of its origins, the concept of meisho continued into early modern Japan, where meisho-zue was one of the most popular book genres of the time and depicted images of meisho for actual and aspiring travellers.

In the case of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, the top half of the sugoroku depicts restaurants in various ways, as storefronts and sign boards that were considered to be meisho of Edo. These restaurants, including Yaozen at Sanya, were also immortalized in woodblock print series as artists created images of social and intellectual gatherings happening at these restaurants.

As a major tourist destination, Edo was home to many famous places as depicted in meisho-zue. During the Hōreki era (1751–1764), high-end restaurants with reception rooms and gardens began to appear and served elaborate meals to an elite clientele.32 These restaurants were

29 A famous example of meisho would be Yatsuhashi (Eight-planked Bridge) from The Tales of Ise. 30 Edward Kamens, Utamakura, Allusion, and Intertextuality in Traditional Japanese Poetry (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), 1–10. 31 For one example of fudoki with a story that leads to a meisho, see Joshua Mostow, “The Ovular Journey: Women and Travel in Pre-Modern Japan,” in Pacific Encounters: The Production of Self and Others, eds. Eva-Marie Kröller et al.(Vancouver: UBC Institute of Asian Research, 1997), 139–41. 32 National Diet Library, Japan, “Famous products.”

Chui 21 originally built near meisho to attract worshippers on their pilgrimages, but over time, they also became meisho in their own right—as places that attracted traveler by virtue of their culinary appeal and atmosphere. Along with other traders and producers in the city, these food establishments were recorded in guidebooks, on par with the locations traditionally acknowledged as meisho (like famous sites, shrines, and temples) and as places that everyone should know about.33 Furthermore, these restaurants also served as cultural salons of sorts, hosting various activities, such as gatherings for painting and writing, haiku 俳句 poetry gatherings, and rakugo 落語 (comic storytelling) gatherings, for Tokugawa intellectuals.34

Analysis of Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku

As the title suggests, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku (fig. 1.2) is a sugoroku that features meibutsu. This coloured print measures 69 cm x 49.8 cm and is signed

Ichi’eisai Yoshitsuya 一英斎芳艶 (= Utagawa Yoshitsuya 歌川 芳艶, 1822–1866). The print was published between 1847 and 1852 by Ebiya Rinnosuke (海老屋林之助, ca. 1832–1895) located in Horiechō. The seal of two official censors and the occurrence in alternating years of the Sannō

Festival, one of three major festivals in Edo and depicted in the goal square, help to narrow down the date of this print to either 1848 or 1850.35 This matches the golden age of restaurants that Edo experienced after the oppressive Kansei era (1789–1801).36

One reason why print culture flourished in the Edo period was the relatively low costs

33 Berry, Japan in Print, 172. 34 National Diet Library, Japan, “Famous products.” 35 The two censors are Mera Taichirō and Murata Mei’emon, working together from 1847–1850 or Kōka 4 to Kaei 3. See Amy Reigle Newland, ed. The Hotei Encyclopedia of Japanese Woodblock Prints (Amsterdam: Hotei Publishing, 2005), 2:555. Just as Formanek and Linhart came to a possible date of their sugoroku, I was able to narrow the date of my sugoroku with help from Professor Joshua S. Mostow. 36 Matsunosuke Nishiyama, Edo Culture: Daily Life and Diversions in Urban Japan, 1600–1868, trans. Gerald Groemer (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1997), 158.

Chui 22 involved. It is difficult to determine at what prices prints sold, as this varied depending on the

Figure 1.2. Utagawa Yoshitsuya (artist), Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku, (新版御府内流行名物

Chui 23

案内双六, Sugoroku on Popular Specialties within Edo, New edition), Edo: Ebiya Rinnosuke 海老屋林之助, ca. 1850 or 1852. Multicoloured woodblock print, 69 x 49.8 cm. Courtesy of the National Diet Library, Tokyo. production quality, size, supply and demand, and printing methods and techniques. In addition, as social and economic conditions fluctuated throughout the period, so did the prices of commodities.37 From the Tenpō Reforms in 1842, single sheet prints were capped at sixteen mon.38 Before the Reforms, prints by Utagawa Kuniyoshi, one of most popular artists, were priced around thirty-eight mon.39 As the dimensions of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku are around double those of the standard print size (ōban 大判), this print is made up of four sheets of paper.40 Since the sugoroku print is dated after the Tenpō Reforms, the game would likely have cost at least sixty-four mon. Even if the sugoroku was sold before the Reforms, since Yoshitsuya was nowhere near as popular as Kuniyoshi, it would not be as expensive as prints by popular artists. As a point of comparison, a bowl of soba noodles in the early 1800s cost about sixteen mon, which meant that peasants and townspeople could easily afford the purchase such woodblock prints.41

The sugoroku is a tobi sugoroku (jumping sugoroku), in which players navigate the game board by jumping from one square to another depending on what number they roll on a die.

Thus, the restaurants depicted in the game are not arranged in relation to where they are located within Edo. Rather than recreating the way one might encounter restaurants in the physical space of Edo, the arrangement of tobi sugoroku encourages players to create their own routes of a gastronomic journey and allows them to virtually experience Edo by jumping around the play squares, “sampling” delights across different parts of the city.

37 Tadashi Kobayashi and Junichi Ōkubo, eds., Ukiyoe No Kanshō Kiso Chishiki (Tokyo: Shibundō, 1994), 216–17. 38 Joshua S. Mostow and Henk J. Herwig, The Hundred Poets Compared: A Print Series by Kuniyoshi, Hiroshige, and Kunisada (Leiden: Hotei Publishing, 2007), 20. 39 Mostow and Herwig, The Hundred Poets Compared, 20. 40 The multi-sheet component of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku is discussed in more details later in this chapter. 41 Nishiyama, Edo Culture, 168. The prices of food items are discussed in Chapter Two.

Chui 24

The board consists of sixty-six squares, including the furidashi and agari. Each square

Figure 1.3. Detail of “Morning market at Nihonbashi [starting square]” from Utagawa Yoshitsuya, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku, ca. 1850 or 1852 (fig. 1.2). The visual features many merchants at the bustling fish market in the foreground and Mount Fuji in a distance in the background. On the right, six possible moves from the starting square are listed. The text in the red circle is uridashi (to sell), which puns on the word for the starting square (furidashi). represents a popular specialty in Edo, with the majority of them featuring well-known restaurants or culinary dishes. Squares that represent restaurants, either show the storefront with a noren curtain over its door or perhaps a kanban signboard, or they feature the signature dish either on its own or as part of a set meal. Restaurants depicted by their storefront or signboard rely on their brand appeal as opposed to the dishes or specialties they offered. Restaurants depicted by food items rely on the reputation of such dishes and perhaps the association of such dish with their store (as a signature item). If restaurants had a part in the printing process, which was likely as

Chui 25 food establishments became major advertisers in the early 1800s, then the choice of the image used to represent a restaurant was deliberate—some seeing their storefronts as part of their brand and recognizable to the public; while others relied more on their culinary reputation of certain dishes at their restaurants. Even if the restaurant owner did not have a say in how or what feature of their establishment was depicted, the choice of storefront or certain food items was likely made by the artist according to the public’s knowledge of the restaurant.

The term gofunai (within the town limits of Edo) in the title established that the depictions of items and locations in the sugoroku were all located in the capital.42 The starting square features the asa-ichi (morning market) at Nihonbashi,43 with a closed-up of the merchants at the bustling fish market and Mount Fuji in the distance (fig. 1.3). As a location, Nihonbashi was representative of Edo as a meisho.44 The area was notable as the starting point for the five major highways (Gokaidō) spreading out from Edo across Japan and for being the point from which all distances were measured to the capital.45 As the sugoroku was centred around trending items from the capital, it made sense for the player to start their virtual journey from Nihonbashi.

The goal square takes the player to the Sannō Festival, hosted at Sannō Gongen shrine on the fifteenth day of the sixth month in alternate years.46 There are six possible moves at the beginning square, one for each side of a die, while there are three possible moves for the rest of

42 The boundaries of Edo were defined as north to Arakawa and Shakujii-gawa, east to Nakagawa, west to Kanda Jōsui, and south to Megurogawa in 1818. For a map of the boundaries, see Yamamoto Hirofumi, ed., Kochizu de wakaru! Ōedo machizukuri no fushigi to nazo (Tokyo: Jitsugyō no Nihonsha, 2020), 45. 43 In the Edo period, the Nihonbashi district was a major commercial centre and featured a morning market with fish wholesalers and other food-related businesses. Tomioka Issei, “Unearthing the Four-Hundred-Year History of a Wholesale Fish Market: The History of Nihonbashi Uogashi (Part 3: Fish Traveling to Edo),” FOOD CULTURE no.16 (2008): 5. 44 Yamamoto, Kochizu de wakaru!, 22–24. 45 Yamamoto, Kochizu de wakaru!, 26.; Nicolas Fieve and Paul Waley, eds., Japanese Capitals in Historical Perspective: Place, Power and Memory in Kyoto, Edo and Tokyo (London: Routledge, 2003), 17. For a map of the highways extending from Nihonbashi, see Yamamoto Hirofumi, ed., Kochizu de Ōedo osanpo mappu: Edo no machizukuri ga mieru (Tokyo: Jitsugyō no Nihonsha, 2019), 28–29. 46 “Sannō matsuri 山王祭,” Encyclopedia of Japanese History, JapanKnowledge, accessed February 27, 2021, https://japanknowledge-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca.

Chui 26 the squares (figs. 1.3 and 1.4). If a player does not roll a number that corresponds to an allowed move, they simply stay in the same square and roll in the following turns until they roll a number that corresponds to a directed move. Other than pausing when a number that corresponds to a move is not rolled, there are also specific instructions for the player to pause for a turn in some cases. This instruction is in the square depicting the Yoshiwara (the licensed and well-known red- light district in Edo), which is appropriately described as staying at (and thus, losing oneself in) the pleasure quarters for three days (fig. 1.4). The quickest path to the goal would be throwing a

‘3’ at the start, which places the player at Mikaeri at Ōmonguchi and then throwing a ‘5’ to land to Ebiya at Ōji, and finally throwing a ‘1’ to reach the goal. Therefore, it is possible that a player could win the game in only three moves.

Figure 1.4. Detail of “Dōchū procession at Yoshiwara [play square]” from Utagawa Yoshitsuya, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku, ca. 1850 or 1852 (fig. 1.2).47 Above the visual, three possible moves (including pause for a turn if the player throws a 4) are listed for this square.

There are several possible ways of looking at the “contents” of the sugoroku. We could

47 Dōchū refers to the spectacular procession of high-ranking courtesans through the streets of the pleasure districts.

Chui 27 look at the print as a whole, analyzing the layout and possible movements of the player. Another way of investigation would be zooming in on each individual square and studying what is represented in the play squares. As this particular print contains sixty-six squares with three possible moves for each of the squares, the game board allows for a variety of possible game paths. Therefore, here I choose to focus more on the layout and hierarchy of game squares relative to one another—how certain restaurants are featured more prominently than others—and look into the content of individual squares to provide a deeper analysis of selected restaurants.

The Hierarchical Structure of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku

Iwaki Noriko, one of the few Japanese scholars that has analyzed not only sugoroku in their overall content but also the experience of the player during gameplay, points out that it is worthwhile to take a closer look at the arrangement of the board and at the overall trends in the possible paths of the game.48 In doing so, Iwaki reveals a ranking order within the sugoroku that corresponds to a hierarchical structure of values in reality.49 In sugoroku, especially more obviously in tobi sugoroku, the player usually begins at a low starting position and gradually ascends to a more valued position before finally reaching the goal that corresponds to what is considered the most valued position in the particular sugoroku. The structure reflects both the world views that the producers sought to promote and the people for whom the games were intended. The moves defined by the instructions in each square also show patterns that corresponded with the broader society’s hierarchy of values at the time. For example, Iwaki established a correspondence between a hierarchy of moral values with respect to the composition structure of sugoroku in the case of jōdo sugoroku (Buddhist or Paradise

48 Formanek and Linhart, “Playing with Filial Piety,” 39–64.; Iwaki, “Shusse sugoroku,” 62–87. 49 Formanek and Linhart, “Playing with Filial Piety,” 48.

Chui 28 sugoroku).50 Similarly, she also established a correspondence between social hierarchy and

50 Iwaki, “Jōdo sugoroku-kō,” 157–94.

Chui 29

Kawachiya Hirasei Ending: Yaozen Ebiya (Ryōkoku) (Fukagawa) Sannō Matsuri (Sannō Festival at (Sanya) (Ōji) Hie Shrine) 1: Umegawa 1: Ebisuru 4: Goal 1: Goal 3: Exchange 2: Tokiwa 5: Jubako 2: Umegawa 5: Tokiwa 6: Goal 6: Kinryuzan 6: Tokiwa Firefighters Hyakusekirō Tokiwa Ōgiya (48 squadron) (Jinzaemon- (Honchō) (Ōji) chō) 1: Goal 1: Ogiya 1: Yaozen 2: Yaozen 2: Nodatai 2: Goal 2: Kokuran 6: Yoshiwara 4: Kinryuzan 4: Yoshiwara 3: Hyakusekiro 5: Goal Kinbarō Tagawaya Daishichi Musashiya Kokuran Sakuramochi (Asakusa) (In front of (Mukōjima) (Mukōjima) (Koume) (Mukōjima) Daionji Temple) 1: Kokuran 2: Umegawa 1: Nanaura 2: Gannabe 2: Hikeshi 3: Yoshiwara 1: Matsuganeya 5: Hikeshi 5: Fukagawaya 3: Toshimaya 4: Ebiya 5: Enoji 5: Ebiya 6: Yaozen 6: Yaozen 6: Daikokuya 6: Tokiwa 6: Yaozen Matsuganeya Kinryūzan Fukagawaya Ebitsuru Jūbako Umegawa (Yushima) (Asakusa) (Sotokanda) (Yoshiwara) (Sanya) (Yanagibashi)

1: Goal 2:Unagimeshi 1: Tagawaya 1: Sakuramochi 3: Okinaya 2: Enoji 2: Umegawa 4: Tokiwa 5: Enoji 2: Hirasei 4: Kawachiya 3: Matsumoto 3: Kinryuzan 5: Kamenoko 6: Toshimaya 6: Tagawaya 5: Funaya 4: Pause for a senbei turn Daikokuya Matsusushi Nodatai Okamoto Yanagawa Gannabe (At the Corner of (Kandagawa) (Honfuna-chō) (Kayaba-chō) (Honshirogane- (Yamashita) Reiganbashi) chō) 1: Hirasei 1: Hyakusekiro 2: Exchange 3: Toshimaya 1: Tokiwa 3: Yamamoto 3: Daikokuya 4: Matsusushi 1: Matsumoto 4: Kawachiya 2: Kinbaro 5: Musashiya 3: Unagimeshi 5: Suzuki 5: Enoji 6: Awamochi 4: Nodatai 6: Gannabe Nanaura Suzuki Okinaya Gion Torikai Mankyū (Nantenma-chō) (Honchō) (Terifuri-chō) (Asakusa) (Honchō) (Yoshiwara)

2:Unagimeshi 1: Okamoto 4: Sakuramochi 3: Matsusushi 4: Amazake 1: Musashiya 3: Kinbaro 2: Yaozen 5: Jubako 4: Ogiya 5: Eitai dango 2: Myogaya 4: Sanbuntei 3: Kokuran 6: Amazake 6: Fukagawaya 6: Sakuramochi 3: Okamoto

Tateba Takisoba Inakashiruko Kinpura Myōgaya Yamamoto (Hashiba) (Matsui-chō) (Fukiya-chō) (Sudachō) (Aomono-chō) (Dōri 2- chōme) 3: Gion 1: Toshimaya 1: Mankyu 2: Tagawaya 1: Kinpura 4: Yoshiwara 2: Matsuganeya 2: Hiraiwa 4: Yabusoba 2: Hirasei 2: Dozeu 5: Myogaya 3: Yanagawa 3: Kokuran 5:Toshimaya 4: Otaya 5: Gannabe 6: Yaozen Yabusoba Eitai dango Yoshiwara Unagimeshi Dozeu Hiraiwa (Yanaka) (Dōchū) (Fukiyachō- (Ryūkanbashi) (Mukōjima) 2: Torikai gashi) 1: Yaozen 3: Matsumoto 4: Pause for a 1: Anago 4: Daishichi 5: Hikeshi 4: Nodatai turn 1: Yamamoto 4: Ginzo 5: Kinbaro 6: Unagimeshi 5: Mankyu 5: Abegawa 5: Otetsu 6: Yoshiwara 6: Daishichi 6: Otaya

Chui 30

Kamenoko Awayuki Ikunoya Mikaeri Imosakeya Toshimaya senbei (Dōri 3-chōme) (Mikawachō) (Ōmonguchi) (Ayajibashi) (Kamakura- (Kanasugi) gashi) 1: Daishichi 1: Amazake 2:Awamochi 4: Yaozen 2: Toshimaya 2: Yamamoto 2: Enoji 5: Ebiya 5: Kamenoko 1: Mankyu 3: Gion 4: Okinaya 4: Mugimeshi 6: Nodatai senbei 2: Funaya 4: Umegawa 6: Takisoba 5: Musashiya Otetsu Ranmen Funaya Sanbuntei Anago Abegawa (Kōjimachi) (Hongō) (Ryōkoku) (Sakaichō) (Hamegawa) (Rokken-dōri)

1: Ranmen 4: Awayuki 2: Daishichi 4: Matsumoto 1: Daishichi 3: Funaya 2: Amazake 5: Dozeu 3: Ikunoya 5: Okamoto 3: Mankyu 5: Yanagawa 4: Eitai dango 6: Anago 4: Mugimeshi 6: Inakazushi 5: Enoji 6: Kawachiya Ginzō Awamochi Inarizushi Enoji (Anjinchō) (Honshiba) Starting: (Jukkendana) (Honchō) Asa-ichi Nihonbashi (Morning 4: Enoji 1: Gion market at Nihonbashi) 1: Mugimeshi 1: Yoshiwara 5:Unagimeshi 2: Matsuganeya 3: Toshimaya 3: Mankyu 6: Myogaya 4: Mankyu 1: Tateba 6:Yoshiwara 6: Ebiya Amazake Matsumoto 2: Sanbuntei Ōtaya Mugimeshi (Monzeki-mae) (Sumiyoshi- 3: Mikaeri (Yotsuya) (Kugidana) chō) 4: Abegawa 2: Matsusushi 5: Okinaya 2: Yabusoba 1: Nanaura 4: Okamoto 4: Yoshiwara 6: Inakashiruko 3: Mankyu 5: Gannabe 6: Umegawa 5: Daishichi 4: Musashiya 6: Sanbuntei 6: Enoji

Table 1.1. Schematic diagram of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku acceptable positions for women with respect to the structural components of shusse sugoroku.51

In addition, Susanne Formanek and Sepp Linhart made similar connections between the hierarchy of values of filial piety and two sugoroku on the theme of filial piety, as well as social hierarchy and acceptable career choices for women in shusse sugoroku.52 Here, I will use a similar approach focusing on the hierarchy of the game and the overall placement of game squares and connecting this framework to a corresponding social hierarchy of popularity. In doing so, I investigate in my later chapters how the sugoroku enables physical and conceptual travel through the popularity and brand recognition of restaurants and food items depicted. In the following table, I separate Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku into two halves and chart how these two

51 Iwaki, “E-sugoroku ni miru,” 248–53. 52 Formanek and Linhart, “Playing with Filial Piety,” 39–64.; Formanek, “The ‘Spectacle’ of Womanhood,” 73–108.

Chui 31 parts are conveyed through the game and the advertising nature of sugoroku.

The structure and organization of these play squares transcribed in Table 1 depict restaurants popular at the time not based on their physical locations relative to one another, but rather on their popularity and reputation in that period. Furthermore, as Ōkubo Junichi has pointed out, the higher the restaurant is located in the game, the higher the value of dishes served at the restaurant.53 Therefore, the viewer can separate the print into two general parts: a top half

(featuring the top six rows and the goal square of the Sannō Festival) and a bottom half

(featuring the bottom six rows and the starting square of the morning market at Nihonbashi). The slightly offset lines between rows six and seven indicate that this game was likely printed as two components, top half and bottom half. The standard print size (ōban) ranged from 36 x 25 cm to

39 x 27 cm.54 As the width and length of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku is about double the standard print size’s width and length, this sugoroku was assembled from four sheets joined together—with each half made up of two sheets. The National Diet Library also hold the bottom half in its collection, albeit under a different name as a completely separate sugoroku print in their collection, even though that the print is identical to the bottom half of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku.55 These components together make up the game board that is sugoroku and need to be read in relation to one another to understand the whole. In fact, since this bottom-only fragment does not contain the “winning” goal square, it cannot be played. Even so, the library’s mislabeling suggests that Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku is comprised of two general sections: a top part that features high-end gourmet restaurants and a bottom part that feature mostly food items

53 Ōkubo Junichi, “Rekishi no shōnin – shashin ni yoru shūzōhin shōkai: Edo no tabemonoya rankingu,” REKIHAKU no. 196 (May 2016), https://www.rekihaku.ac.jp/outline/publication/rekihaku/196/witness.html. 54 Newland, The Hotei Encyclopedia, 2:476. 55 Utagawa Yoshitsuya (artist), [Edo inshoku meibutsu sugoroku] (Edo: Ebiya Rinnosuke, ca. 1850 or 1852), Multicoloured woodblock print, 36 x 52 cm, National Diet Library, Tokyo.

Chui 32 and dishes from different locations and restaurants. (See Appendixes 1 and 2 for a visual representation of play squares depicting food items and restaurants in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku.)

Many of the restaurants featured in the top rows were well-known, high-end establishments at the time. The closer to the ending square, which is placed in the top centre of the print, the higher-class the stores appear to be. The seven squares that can directly move to the goal square are: Hirasei at Fukagawa, Yaozen at Sanya, Ebiya at Ōji, Forty-eight squadrons of firefighters,56 Hyakusekirō at Jinzaemon-chō, Tokiwa at Honchō and Matsugane-ya at Yushima.

Except for Matsugane-ya, all the other squares that can directly move to the goal square are located in the top two rows of the board. The placement of these squares is purposeful as they reinforce the upward movement of most tobi sugoroku, where the player starts at the bottom of the board and moves upward to the goal square, generally located at the top of the print. Other than the firefighters, the other six squares all depicted kaiseki (traditional multi-course dinner) restaurants and were tailored for a higher class of clientele.57 In particular, these six restaurants are all depicted in Utagawa Hiroshige’s (歌川広重, 1797–1858) Edo kōmei kaitei zukushi series

(江戸高名会亭尽, A Collection of Famous Restaurants in Edo),58 where the exteriors and interiors are immortalized in vividly coloured nishiki-e prints. This series complements the depiction of most restaurants on the top rows of this sugoroku, where they are represented by their storefronts. It shows that these restaurants relied heavily on their brand appeal, not just the

56 Although this thesis focuses on food-related components in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, not all meibutsu depicted on the board are food items or restaurants. Some exceptions include the forty-eight squadrons of firefighters (as listed here) and Matsumoto at Sumiyoshi-chō, which sold white face powder for kabuki actors and hair oil for sumō wrestlers. 57 Harada Nobuo, ed., “A Peek at the Meals of the People of Edo Tracing the Diet of Edo—The Establishment of Japan's Culinary Culture (Part Two),” FOOD CULTURE no.13 (2006): 11. 58 Translation adapted from “Ushijima: The Musashiya Restaurant (Ushijima, Musashiya),” Harvard Art Museum, accessed February 28, 2021, https://hvrd.art/o/209504.

Chui 33 food they offered, to draw in customers, and supports the claim that these restaurants had become meisho in their own right over time. This sugoroku contains a hierarchical relationship where the more popular and famous the restaurants are, the higher the play squares that depict these restaurants are located. For example, those in the top three rows of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku

(near the ending square of the Sannō Festival) feature notable restaurants at the time, such as

Yaozen, Hirasei and Daishichi. Some scholars have remarked that sugoroku of this type can be understood as a Michelin guide of the Edo period where people visiting Edo learn all about the famous restaurants the capital had to offer.59

While the upper half of the sugoroku features a line-up of brand-name restaurants, the bottom half depicts food items like inari zushi (tofu pouch sushi) or amazake (sweet rice wine).

They are often meibutsu associated with a certain store or location within Edo, like sake from

Toshimaya at the Kamakura waterfront or Kantō-style sakura mochi in front of the gate of the temple Chōmeiji at Mukōjima. For commoners, these items are “B-grade gourmet” available for purchase and enjoyment and they remain familiar to a modern-day audience.60 The depiction of food items, often as a combo set with side dishes and a beverage, contrasts with the strategy taken by the restaurants in the upper half. Rather than relying on their brand appeal, the restaurants featured in the bottom half showcase the dishes they offer to attract potential customers. In this sense, the depiction of these food items connects to the idea of meibutsu, where an item became associated with a certain store or location over time.

This strategy of mixing food from various price points provide something for every player—it facilitates for gastronomic aspirations and distributes knowledge of connoisseurship,

59 Naomichi Ishige, History of Japanese Food (London: Kegan Paul, 2014), 127.; Yamamoto, Edo no e-sugoroku, 38. 60 Yamamoto, Edo no e-sugoroku, 39.

Chui 34 while introducing experience attainable for anyone. The inclusion of gourmet restaurants educated the masses about the finest dining experiences Edo had to offer, whether or not they could afford to eat at these locations. It also feeds into the aspirational aspect of print, where people can experience luxuries beyond their means by purchasing cheap woodblock prints. The inclusion of commoner items and dishes at food stalls supplements the gourmet restaurants in feeding the appetites of the masses—literally and figuratively. It provides attainable opportunities where the viewers can visit locations mentioned and purchase items depicted for consumption. By combining the high and the low, the gastronomic content appeals to a wide range of audiences—from peasants and visitors of Edo to low-ranking samurai and merchants— allowing people of all classes to experience the diverse food scene in Edo at an affordable price.

Conclusion

Other than being a game meant to be played and enjoyed, sugoroku are also an example of the many genres of print materials created and consumed in the Edo period. If “a picture is worth a thousand words,” then there is a duality to sugoroku — it is “worth a thousand words” when examined as a print and “worth many thousands of words” with the components of individual play squares included. In examining Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku as a whole, we can analyze its overall hierarchy and its correspondence to a hierarchy of values, where the popularity of restaurants in Edo is ranked and ordered accordingly. The structure of the game can be separated into two components: the top half, which features many well-known high-end restaurants at the time in the form of storefronts and signboards and the bottom half, which features other restaurants with illustrations of food items and culinary dishes offered by them.

As a game, Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku allows its players to experience a gastronomic journey through Edo, whether they actually visited these locations or not. For those who had

Chui 35 visited these locations, the game could be nostalgic by evoking memories of their culinary experiences—from the delicious food items to the dining atmosphere. Connected to a specific store or geographic location, these food items are meibutsu. For those who have not visited or do not have the means to do so, the game could be aspirational as they hoped to visit a particular restaurant or eat a particular dish. Furthermore, through the act of playing, the players also engaged in a form of “arm chair travel” in a virtual environment.

As an advertisement, Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku aims to attract its viewers, Edoites and visitors alike, to visit these restaurants depicted. In doing so, the sugoroku enabled physical travel where people could visit these famous locations and boast that they have done so to their family and friends. As notable locations to visit, these restaurants were meisho in their own rights. For those who could afford the extravagant price tag, they could even eat at these gourmet restaurants where well-known intellectuals held calligraphy and poetry banquets.

By connecting the game to the ideas of meibutsu and meisho, we can see how this print object was part of a travel culture. The duality of sugoroku as game and advertisement enabled its viewers to embark on two kinds of travel—imaginary and actual, as discussed in the preceding pages.

Chui 36

Chapter 2: Conceptual Travel as a Game

Introduction

Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku features landmark restaurants and food items that existed in

Edo Japan. The inclusion of restaurants and food items in a route-based game allows and enables the player to “travel” in an imaginary sense. Fundamentally, the sugoroku is a board game.

Despite being grouped with other travel-related print media, sugoroku ultimately are designed for enjoyment and meant to be played. Although meibutsu is a broad term for regional specialties and can refer to both natural and manmade products, this chapter focuses on food items as meibutsu.

In reference to maps, literary references, and other print media, I will examine the nature of consumable meibutsu depicted in the bottom half of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku. By being meibutsu, the food items depicted are strongly associated with a geographic location, or even a specific shop. Using sakura mochi (“cherry rice-cakes”) in front of the temple Chōmeiji and sake from Toshimaya as examples of these food items, I argue that by featuring meibutsu, this sugoroku enabled its players to embark on an imaginary gastronomic journey where they can envision themselves visiting restaurants and consuming these food items by playing the game. I chose sakura mochi and sake as two examples of food items as edible meibutsu because of their ongoing popularity from the Edo period to present day and their strong association with the stores depicted in the game.

The Dual Aspects of the Spatial Environment Created in a Game of Sugoroku

Before examining the sugoroku as a print in the next chapter, we will first examine how the sugoroku functions as a game, designed to be enjoyed and played by their consumers. Before examining the association between meibutsu and specific locations in this chapter, it is helpful to

Chui 37 understand how sugoroku create a spatial environment through their nature as a game.

Johan Huizinga’s Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play Element in Culture (1938) has become a landmark in the scholarship on the study of play. Discussing Huizinga’s work in intersection with the field of history, Robert Anchor describes play as “a voluntary activity that takes place outside ordinary life [and] proceeds, within its own proper boundaries of time and space, according to fixed rules in an orderly manner.”61 In this way, the world of the sugoroku exists outside of the parameters of the real world and has its own rules when it comes to establishing boundaries and creating space. For example, play squares are not grouped relative to their real world geographical proximity in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku. Anchor also writes of

Eugen Fink’s description of play as a double existence that includes two different spheres that exist simultaneously, whereby the act of playing “enables the player to withdraw temporarily from the real world and assert his freedom by recreating it imaginatively, without losing touch with reality.”62 Therefore, play is always partly rooted in fantasy. In this sense, sugoroku create a fantastical world where the players can imagine themselves visiting locations depicted and enjoying foods included in the sugoroku print. However, as play always has to do with real objects, it is never wholly a creation of fantasy. Sugoroku both create a world of their own in the act of game playing and interact with the world the player resides in. In providing an imaginary construct of the existing world through a play route, sugoroku enable the player to ‘travel’ through geographical locations represented by food items. This creation is not entirely one of imagination as the locations are based in reality and therefore, merely a reconstruction or re- imagination of reality. Here, the play world of sugoroku mirrors behaviour in the real world. Yet

61 Robert Anchor, “History and Play: Johan Huizinga and His Critics,” History and Theory 17, no. 1 (February 1978), 70. 62 Anchor, “History and Play,” 92.

Chui 38 it does more than simply reflect something outside passively.63 Rather, with the player interacting with the object of play, he or she is relating the imaginary world with the real world in which the player lives. This allows the play world to possess a double nature—where play is both the thing reflected and the reflection itself and the player is the subject and object of his or her playing.64

Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku creates a dual experience with the spatial environment created: the play squares depict stores and restaurants that exist in reality, yet simultaneously construct an imaginary space in which these play squares are linked and connected. There are two environments that this sugoroku references: firstly, the real world where one can visit restaurants depicted and therefore enjoy edible meibutsu; and secondly, the game environment where these restaurants exist in an imaginary form and in association with one another through the possible game paths.

Food in Edo

Other than enabling conceptual travel as a game, Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku is also connected to travel culture through its content, since travel culture contributed to the rise and emergence of restaurants. As the number of travelers increased in the Edo period, innkeepers on the road began to serve regional specialties for their enjoyment, and thus cooking became a selling point for some of these inns.65 In addition to travel inns, cha-ya (teahouses) were another type of dining establishment linked to the rise of the restaurant. The development of these teahouses was connected to the increase in tourism and pilgrimages to temples and shrines.

Starting from the seventeenth century, the city of Edo grew rapidly through the system of sankin kōtai (alternative attendance). Because the Tokugawa Shogunate required all daimyō

63 Anchor, “History and Play,” 93. 64 Anchor, “History and Play,” 93. 65 Ishige, History of Japanese Food, 118–19.

Chui 39

(feudal lords) to spend half of their time at the capital, there was a constant influx of people coming into Edo from around the regions of Japan. The retainers and entourage of these daimyō and people who moved to Edo to cater to them made up a part of the urban residents in Edo. For those in the city temporarily who had money to spend, they would want to purchase and experience different forms of meibutsu, from consuming delicious foods from different neighbourhoods to purchasing sugoroku and other prints to take home to their castle towns.66

This constant rotation of people in and out of the capital contributed to the growth of consumer culture, since they relied on shops and markets for food, clothing and other commodities.67

These items were readily available to all classes, from food stalls for working Edoites to fine-dining at gourmet restaurants for the wealthy. As economic development progressed in the late Edo period, the constant flux of willing spenders created a society with a level of affluence that was incomparable to earlier periods. Thus a new culinary culture that included cookbooks and restaurants flourished in urban areas. Prominent castle towns like Edo saw the rapid emergence of exclusive, high-end restaurants with unique floor plans consisting of interior gardens and private rooms, as well as a variety of low-end food stalls and vendors who would serve anyone as long as they had money.68 As Ōta Nanpo, a renowned poet and writer at the time, famously wrote of Edo, “there is an eatery for every five paces and a restaurant for every ten paces.”69

It was in this environment that iconic Japanese dishes today, including sushi, buckwheat soba noodles, tempura, and unagi (charcoal-broiled eel) were popularized from their humble fast

66 Penelope Francks, The Japanese Consumer: An Alternative Economic History of Modern Japan (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 15. 67 Stalker, “Edo Popular Culture,” 177. Fieve and Waley, Japanese Capitals, 16. 68 Harada Nobuo, ed., “A Peek at the Meals of the People of Edo Tracing the Diet of Edo—The Establishment of Japan's Culinary Culture (Part One),” FOOD CULTURE no.12 (2006): 3. 69 Harada, “A Peek at the Meals (Part Two),” 11; Nishiyama, Edo Culture, 168.

Chui 40 food origins as street stalls specialties.70 They were the fast food of the Edo period, designed to satisfy the appetites of Edo’s labour force quickly and cheaply, without emptying their purses. In

1860, there were over 3,700 shops that sold soba noodles in Edo, which meant that an Edoite could find a noodle shop on every block of the city.71 Ultimately, for residents in major cities, food became an item of fashion or sport, or as anthropologist Ishige Naomichi puts it, food became “a point of pride and fashion to pay a premium price for the earliest available specimens of a vegetable or fish, in order to be able to serve foods fresh before they were thought to be in season.”72

Of course, the majority of the residents in Edo would not be able to afford a meal at these gourmet restaurants. There was an anecdote that Yaozen, one of the premier restaurants at the time, once charged 1 ryō and 2 bu for a serving of ochazuke (steamed rice steeped in green tea) due to the usage of premium ingredients.73 To put the price of this seemingly simple dish into its contemporary context, the yearly salary of a female indentured servant of a samurai was around two to three ryō while a male servant of a commoner could earn up to two ryō a year and his female counterpart one ryō.74 In fact, the meals of most commoners in the cities consisted of rice,

70 On the connection between soba noodles and Edo, see Lorie Brau, “Soba, Edo Style: Food, Aesthetics, and Cultural Identity” in Devouring Japan: Global Perspectives on Japanese Culinary Identity, ed. Nancy K. Stalker (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018) 65–76. 71 One block of Edo streets was about 120 meters. Stalker, “Edo Popular Culture,” 178., Ishige, History of Japanese Food, 122. 72 Ishige, History of Japanese Food, 113. On hatsugatuso (first tuna of the season), see Matsushita Sachiko, Nishikie ga kataru Edo no shoku (Tokyo: Yūshikan 2009), 98–99. Of course, there were sumptuary laws restricting consumption of certain luxuries (including food) to certain class, but many of these laws were not strictly enforced. On sumptuary laws, see Francks, The Japanese Consumer, 42–43; Donald H. Shively, “Sumptuary Regulation and Status in Early Tokugawa Japan,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 25 (1965): 123–64; and Rath, Food and Fantasy, 114–16. 73 The price of particular fish or vegetables will vary in season and quality. On a possible account of why this simple dish was so expensive, see Nishiyama, Edo Culture, 164–66. “Yaozen tsutae kaki,” History of Yaozen, Kappouya Yaozen, accessed April 3, 2021, http://www.yaozen.net/history/history_04.html. 74 On Japanese currency in the Edo period, see “History FAQ,” Bank of Japan Currency Museum, accessed April 3, 2021, https://www.imes.boj.or.jp/cm/history/historyfaq/answer.html and Amy Stanley, “A Note on Currency and Prices” in Selling Women: Prostitution, Markets, and the Household in Early Modern Japan, Fulcrum.Org (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012), xxi–xxii. See also “Edo jidai no ichi ryou wa ima no ikura,” Bank

Chui 41 miso soup and pickles, with the addition of one side dish of simmered vegetables or tofu, or even grilled fish for lunch and dinner.75 Examples of side dishes include boiled dried daikon radish strips, deep-fried tofu with kelp or clear soup with tofu, all of which remain familiar to the

Japanese today.76 As a bowl of soba noodles cost about sixteen mon, one could have bought 250 bowls of soba noodles with the yearly salary of a female servant of a commoner.77

Although it is hard to determine whether this anecdote was true or not, one thing was clear—restaurants that use premium ingredients must have been out of reach for the majority of the Edo population. Therefore, in reading and viewing sugoroku and ukiyo-e prints, Edoites can experience the latest luxurious trends that they simply could not afford. This plays into the aspirational nature of print culture, where the masses imagined themselves visiting brand-name restaurants and eating famous dishes through consuming prints depicting such content. Other than these gourmet restaurants, the sugoroku discussed below also features commoner food items and dishes, which appeal to a broader audience.

The Bottom Half of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku: Food Items As Meibutsu

In the previous chapter, we examined the structure and positioning of the play squares of

Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku. Since the top half features mostly gourmet restaurants and the bottom half features mostly food items and dishes from different restaurants, I argue that we should analyze the sugoroku in two general sections: the top half that features the top six rows

of Japan Currency Museum, accessed April 3, 2021, https://www.imes.boj.or.jp/cm/history/historyfaq/mod/1ryou.pdf. 75 Ishige, History of Japanese Food, 113. 76 Harada, “A Peek at the Meals (Part One),” 4. 77 I am using the conversion of 1 gold ryō = 60 silver monme = 4,000 copper mon as stated in the FAQ from the Bank of Japan Currency Museum. As monetary values fluctuate and change (even within the Edo period), I decided to compare the ochakuze’s price to the salary of servants and the commodity price of soba at the time rather than convert them to modern values. See Nishiyama, Edo Culture, 168; Bank of Japan Currency Museum, “History FAQ”; and Stanley, “A Note on Currency and Prices.”

Chui 42 and the bottom half that features the bottom six rows. It is important to keep in mind that this is a rough categorization and there are always exceptions to the rule (Appendixes 1 and 2). For example, despite the majority of the play squares in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku being food- related, as depictions of either food items or storefronts of restaurants, there are a few squares that are not related to food. These exceptions include the forty-eight squadrons of firefighters in the second row from the top, Yoshiwara (the licensed and well-known red-light district in Edo) in the middle part of the print and the store Matsumoto at the bottom most row, which sold white face powder for kabuki actors and hair oil for sumō wrestlers.78

Although meisho-zue provided readers with visual and textual information about places, they were not used by consumers as travel guidebooks. Rather, they were used as “stimulants to engage in a premodern mode of virtual travel, by which [the consumers] enjoyed vicarious experiences of place without the attendant corporeal and economic drawbacks of physical travel.”79 Similarly, besides serving as advertisements that enticed actual travel to the physical locations of restaurants (as discussed in chapter 3), Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku also served as a stimulant that allowed its consumers to engage in a form of conceptual travel to these restaurants to enjoy gastronomic experiences, without the financial or physical burdens, through its format as a game. However, the environment created in the game was not entirely one of fantasy, as the locations depicted in the sugoroku existed in reality. Therefore, the form of “arm-chair travel” conducted by players through sugoroku was both imaginary and based in reality—it was imaginary in that the players did not leave their comfort of their homes to go on this “journey,” but nevertheless the locations depicted were based on the real world such that the players could

78 See Footnote 25 in Chapter One. 79 Robert Goree, “Meisho Zue and the Mapping of Prosperity in Late Tokugawa Japan,” Cross-Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review 6, no. 2 (November 2017): 406.

Chui 43 recreate their in-game imaginary travel in reality by visiting these restaurants in Edo.

As a game, the player begins at the morning market at Nihonbashi in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku (fig. 1.3). The Nihonbashi district was a major commercial centre in the Edo period and arguably the “beating heart of Edo” where commerce and commoner culture flourished.80 It was also located along the Sumida River which nurtured the low city (shitamachi) as it flowed westward until it emptied into Tokyo Bay.81 The open spaces on the floodplains of the Sumida

Figure 2.1. Kuwagata Keirin (artist), Ōedo chōkan zu (大江戸鳥瞰圖, Bird's-eye View Illustration of Great Edo), Edo: publisher unknown, ca. 1853–1868. Multicoloured woodblock print, inside: 39.8 x 55.7 cm, outside: 66 x 95 cm. Courtesy of the Tokyo Metropolitan Library.

80 On the division of the commercial area in Nihonbashi, see Yamamoto, Kochizu de Ōedo osanpo mappu, 62–63. 81 Jinnai Hidenobu, Tokyo: A Spatial Anthropology, trans. Kimiko Nishimura (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 69. On commercial activities on Edo waterways, see Yamamoto, Kochizu de wakaru!, 54–56; and Yamamoto, Kochizu de Ōedo osanpo mappu, 26–27.

Chui 44

River were popular gathering-places and filled with bustling shops, tea-houses and restaurants, storehouses and various kinds of entertainment.82 If Nihonbashi was the “beating heart,” then the

Sumida River was surely the major artery that connected different neighbourhoods of Edo and allowed for the development of low-culture and entertainment in the era. As the number of entertainment centres at the entrances of temples and shrines and the bases of the city’s great bridges increased, so did the tea-houses and restaurants on both banks of the river.83 The importance of the many canals and bridges that made up the city was best seen in late Edo period bird’s eye-view maps of the city, such as in Ōedo chōkan zu (ca. 1853–1868) (fig. 2.1). This map by Kuwagata Keirin (鍬形蕙林, 1827–1909), a specialist in bird’s-eye view illustrations, depicts the view of Edo looking out to the west from the heights above the Kōtō district.84 The Sumida

River connects the city, with its many buildings and bustling activities, from right to left across the picture.

One example of such entertainment centres along the Sumida River was Chōmeiji temple, which is located on the east bank of the Sumida River and near the modern-day Sumida

Park.85 Cherry trees were planted in the river embankment in that area during the administration of the fourth shogun, Tokugawa Ietsuna (徳川家綱, 1641–1680).86 Later during the administration of the eighth shogun, Tokugawa Yoshimune (徳川吉宗, 1684–1751), the area was

82 Guth, Art of Edo Japan, 35. 83 Jinnai, Tokyo, a Spatial Anthropology, 101.; “Oryōri kondate-kurabe,” Kaga Collection, Tokyo Metropolitan Library, Japan, accessed April 4, 2021, https://www.library.metro.tokyo.lg.jp/portals/0/edo/tokyo_library/modal/index.html?d=5369. 84 “Ōedo chōkan zu,” Tokyo Shiryō Collection, Tokyo Metropolitan Library, Japan, accessed April 4, 2021, https://www.library.metro.tokyo.lg.jp/portals/0/edo/tokyo_library/modal/index.html?d=5405.; Jinnai, Tokyo, a Spatial Anthropology, 69. 85 Both the store and the temple continue to exist and remain a popular destination. 86 “Sumidagawa zutsumi shunkei,” JapanKnowledge chishiki no izumi, Horiguchi Masumi, accessed April 3, 2021, https://japanknowledge.com/articles/edolove/016.html.

Chui 45 made into an official public park.87 Yoshimune had planted another hundred cherry trees in 1717 and an additional total of 150 peach, willow and cherry trees in 1726.88 Other than for the enjoyment of the masses, these trees also served the purpose of preventing flooding by strengthening the Sumida embankment and the rows of cherry blossom trees increased year by year.89

Figure 2.2. Utagawa Kuniyoshi (artist), Sumidagawa hanami (隅田川花見, Hanami at Sumida River), Edo: Enshūya Hikobei, ca. 1847–1852. Multicoloured woodblock print, 3 ōban sheets. Courtesy of the National Diet Library, Tokyo.

With all these cherry trees, the location became known as a meisho for cherry blossom viewing in spring and was associated with sakura mochi as one of its meibutsu. This is evident in contemporaneous woodblock prints and illustrations from meisho-zue, such as Sumidagawa hanami (ca. 1846–1852) by Utagawa Kuniyoshi (歌川国芳, 1798–1861) (fig. 2.2) and

Sumidagawa zutsumi shunkei (1836) in Edo meisho zue (fig. 2.3), which depict courtesans

87 Jinnai, Tokyo, a Spatial Anthropology, 101. 88 “Sumidazutsumi,” The Landmarks of Edo in Color Woodblock Prints, National Diet Library, Japan, accessed April 3, 2021, https://www.ndl.go.jp/landmarks/e/sights/sumidazutsumi/?tokyo=sumida. 89 Horiguchi Masumi, “Sumidagawa zutsumi shunkei.” On hanami locations in Edo, see Yamamoto, Kochizu de Ōedo osanpo mappu, 108–109.

Chui 46 enjoying cherry blossom at the hanami (flower viewing) season. The Chōmeiji temple complex

Chui 47

Figure 2.3. Hasegawa Settan (artist), Sumidagawa zutsumi shunkei (隅田川堤春景, Spring View at the Sumida embankment), from Saitō Gesshin (author), Saitō Kansai (author) and Saitō Chōshū (author), Edo meisho zue (江戸 名所図会, Illustrated Guide of Famous Places in Edo), Edo: Publisher unknown, 1836, vol. 7, 97v–98r. The red frame highlights the courtesans enjoying cherry blossom along the riverbanks, which corresponds to the coloured image of Figure 2.2. Woodblock printed book, 26 x 18 cm. Courtesy of the Center of Open Data in the Humanities, Tokyo. and its proximity to the Sumida embankment is evident in another illustration, titled Sumidagawa tōgan (1836) from Edo meisho zue (figs. 2.4 and 2.5). Although the illustration is not coloured, we can see rows of trees along the river bank, likely cherry trees, planted to prevent flooding.

Like most illustrations of Edo at the time, as seen in Ōedo chōkan zu (fig. 2.1), the Sumida River connects the image from east to west as it flows towards the direction of Tokyo Bay, reflecting the importance of Sumida River as a major waterway that connected different districts of the city.

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Figure 2.4. Hasegawa Settan (artist), Sumidagawa tōgan (隅田川東岸, East banks of the Sumida River), from Saitō Gesshin et al., Edo meisho zue, 1836, vol. 7, 82v–83v. The red frame indicates where Chōmeji temple is located (fig. 2.5). Woodblock printed book, 26 x 18 cm. Courtesy of the Center of Open Data in the Humanities, Tokyo.

Figure 2.5. Detail of Hasegawa Settan, Sumidagawa tōgan, from Edo meisho zue, 1836 (fig. 2.4). A close-up of Chōmeiji temple.

Chui 49

Furthermore, the geographic association of Chōmeiji temple with sakura mochi is seen in contemporaneous Edo district maps, where the area of the Sumida embankment was decorated with cherry trees and the location of Chōmeiji temple is noted as having sakura mochi as meibutsu (fig. 2.6). Here we can see that the locations depicted in the sugoroku exist in an imaginary form whereby players can envision themselves eating the famous sakura mochi from

Chōmeiji temple without actually setting foot in the location, but Chōmeiji temple also existed in reality as a place people can visit if they have to ability and desire to do so. Moreover, these locations continue to exist in modern-day Japan, where readers (of this thesis) can visit the

Sumida embarkment during flower viewing season and enjoy sakura mochi from the centuries- old store while viewing cherry blossoms along the riverbank.

In the example above, we see the association of meisho and meibutsu with flower viewing and sakura mochi, both linked to the Sumida embankment area near Chōmeiji temple.

By interacting with sugoroku as a game, we can see that the stores depicted in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku existed in reality and in the imagination. The stores in the real world provide the basis of the players’ imagination as they envisioned themselves visiting these meisho and enjoying these consumable meibutsu. In seeing the connections between food objects depicted in the sugoroku as objects tied to specific locations, we can understand how these items are meibutsu and the dual geographical aspects of sugoroku—creating its own world for the players to play in and interacting with the real world by referencing specific stores and their specialties.

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Figure 2.6. Detail of Sumidagawa Mukōjima ezu (隅田川向島絵図, Pictorial Map of Mukōjima in Sumidagawa), from Kageyama Muneyasu (editor), Tomatsu Masanori (editor), and Iyama Yoshitomo (editor), Edo kiriezu (江戸切 絵図, Edo Area Maps), Edo: Owariya Seishichi, ca. 1842–1862. The red frame highlights the stretch of land with the inscription of “Chōmeiji meibutsu sakura mochi.” Woodblock printed map, 50 x 54 cm. Courtesy of the National Diet Library, Tokyo.

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More Than Just Consumables: Sakura mochi in Front of Chōmeiji Temple and Sake from Toshimaya

Figure 2.7. Detail of “Sakura mochi at Mukōjima [play square]” from Utagawa Yoshitsuya, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku, ca. 1850 or 1852 (fig. 1.2). The small bamboo baskets behind sakura mochi are also depicted in Figure 2.8 and 2.9.

In this section, I will examine sakura mochi sold in front of the temple Chōmeiji, along with sake from the store Toshimaya, and how these two consumable specialties came to represent the geographical location and the store through their nature as meibutsu. Not only did these two examples have strong connections with the geographical locations of the stores, their ties are also long-lasting as both items continue to be sold and associated with these stores up to the present day. Furthermore, both the specialties and the stores they come from share the similarities of being located on the river embankment and consumed for hinamatsuri (Girls’ Day or Dolls’

Day), which falls on the third day of the third month.

As mentioned in the previous section, the area of the Sumida embankment, or more

Chui 52 specifically, in front of Chōmeiji temple, was and continues to be known for sakura mochi. This style, known as the Kantō-style, has a thin, cooked layer of flour wrapped around bean paste, which is then wrapped in salt-pickled cherry-tree leaves.

The cherry-tree leaves of sakura mochi, with their veins clearly drawn, are shown inside the bowl in the play square from Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku (fig. 2.7). We can also see small bamboo baskets behind the bowl of sakura mochi in the figure. These bamboo baskets are also carried by two women along the Sumida embankment in Toyokuni and Hiroshige’s Mukōjima- zutsumi no hana narabi ni sakura mochi (1771) from their Edo jiman sanjūrokkyō series (fig.

2.8).90 These baskets are called eboshikago (courtier-cap baskets) as they are shaped like eboshi, which was a type of headgear worn by Japanese nobles in their court outfits.91 In those days, sakura mochi were carried in these eboshi baskets lined with bamboo leaves.92 These bamboo baskets were certainly a featured item associated with sakura mochi, as they are depicted, instead of the actual sakura mochi in the play square of Shinpan Ōedo meibutsu sugoroku (1852) (fig.

2.9). In another example of a play square from a sugoroku titled Edo meibutsu tōji ryūkō sugoroku (ca. 1830–1844) by Utagawa Yasuhide (歌川安秀, fl. 1829–1830), sakura mochi is represented not by the confection itself, but by a flag with “meibutsu sakura mochi” written on it

90 (Edo jiman) Translation from “Thirty-six Views of the Pride of Edo ” Tokyo Shiryō Collection, Tokyo Metropolitan Library, Japan, accessed April 4, 2021, https://www.library.metro.tokyo.lg.jp/portals/0/edo/tokyo_library/english/modal/index.html?d=5423. 91 “No. 130 sakura mochi,” Edo shokubunka kikō, ed. Matsushita Sachiko, accessed April 3, 2021, https://www.kabuki-za.com/syoku/2/no130.html. 92 Matsushita Sachiko, ed., “No. 130 sakura mochi.”

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Figure 2.8. Utagawa Toyokuni (artist) and Utagawa Hiroshige (artist), Edo jiman sanjūrokkyō mukōjima-zutsumi no hana narabi ni sakuramochi (江戸自慢三十六興 向嶋堤ノ花并ニさくら餅, Flowers and Sakura mochi at the Mukōjima embankment), Edo: Hiranoya Shinzō, 1771. The red frame highlights multiple bamboo baskets containing sakura mochi. Multicoloured woodblock print, 25 x 37 cm. Courtesy of the National Diet Library, Tokyo.

Chui 54 and blooming cherry blossoms (fig. 2.10). These representations highlight different aspects of sakura mochi as well-known products that both locals and travellers would have sought out. It is an item meant for consumption and associated with cherry blossom viewing as seen by the wrapping of the leaves (fig. 2.7); a portable souvenir carried in bamboo baskets so one can share the confection with friends and family back home after a visit (figs. 2.8 and 2.9), and serves as a seasonal item associated with the activity of flower viewing and the location of Sumida embankment as a prime location of flower viewing (fig. 2.10). The multifaceted representations of sakura mochi highlight its nature as a meibutsu, where it is an object of enjoyment and meant to be shared, but also has strong ties to specific location.

Figure 2.9. Detail of “Sakura mochi at Sumida River [play square]” from Utagawa Sadahide, under the name of Eiyū Hyakushu (artist), Shinpan Ōedo meibutsu sugoroku (新板大江戸名物双六, Sugoroku on specialties in Great Edo, New edition), Edo: Tsutaya Kichisō, 1852. Multicoloured woodblock print, 45.5 x 68.5 cm. Courtesy of the National Diet Library, Tokyo.

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Figure 2.10. Detail of “Sumida River’s sakura mochi [play square]” from Utagawa Yasuhide, under the name Ichiuntei Yasuhide (artist) and Goryūtei Tokushō (editor), Edo meibutsu tōji ryūkō sugoroku (江都名物当時流行双 六, Sugoroku on Currently Trending Specialties in Edo), Edo: Echizen Kihē, ca. 1830–1844. Multicoloured woodblock print, 47.5 x 70.5 cm. The inscription in the square is a kyōka poem about sakura mochi.93 Courtesy of the Ad Museum Tokyo.

Other than the many visual references shown above, sakura mochi from Chōmeiji temple were also referenced in poetry compilations and works of literature, which included Edo meibutsu shi (江戸名物詩, Chinese Poems of Edo Specialties, 1836) and Kyūrizukai (胡瓜遣,

93 Kyōka (“crazy verse”) is a form of poetry that updates the classical waka by making parodies through witty allusions and puns. Along with tea ceremonies and literati gatherings, kyōka groups were part of the distinctive urban aesthetic sensibility emerging in Edo. This form of poetry was practiced by many of the urban sophisticates who gathered in the tea-houses and restaurants, such as Yaozen, while enjoying the company of popular courtesans at the time.

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The Cucumber Messenger, 1872).94 As a meibutsu of Chōmeiji and of Edo, hundreds of thousands of sakura mochi must have been sold and consumed. In Toen Shōsetsu (兎園小説,

Tales from the Rabbit Garden, 1825), a collection of essays compiled by Kyokutei Bakin (曲亭

馬琴, 1767–1848), 775,000 cherry blossom leaves were stocked in 1824. As two leaves were used for each sakura mochi made, it meant that 387,500 sakura mochi were sold in that year.95

The Kantō-style sakura mochi is associated with Chōmeiji temple in Mukōjima ward as this style of sakura mochi was created by the gatekeeper of the temple.96 Overtime, as the birth place of Kantō-style sakura mochi, Chōmeiji sakura mochi came to represent Kantō-style as a whole and sakura mochi was recognized as a meibutsu of the area. The depiction of sakura mochi in relation to various locations, such as the Chōmeiji temple, Mukōjima ward or Sumida riverfront, emphasizes the geographic associations of meibutsu. Furthermore, the inclusion of sakura mochi in woodblock series, like Edo jiman sanjūrokkyō, and meisho-zue indicates that sakura mochi were among the prized specialties of Edo and certainly a must-try for those who visited the capital.

94 Kinoshita Baian, Edo meibutsu shi (Edo: publisher unknown, 1836), 17r. Digital version, HathiTrust.; “sakura mochi 桜餠,” Shogakukan Unabridged Dictionary of the Japanese Language, JapanKnowledge, accessed April 7, 2021, https://japanknowledge-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca. 95 National Diet Library, “Famous products and famous shops.” 96 National Diet Library, “Famous products and famous shops.”

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Figure 2.11. Detail of “Toshimaya at Kamakura riverbanks [play square]” from Utagawa Yoshitsuya, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku, ca. 1850 or 1852 (Fig. 1.2). The orange box in the front features Toshimaya’s logo.

Leaving the cherry blossom-lined Sumida riverfront momentarily, let us turn to

Toshimaya, a sake brewery located at the Kamakura riverfront.97 Toshimaya is the oldest sake store in Tokyo and was established in 1596 when its founder, Toshimaya Jūemon, opened a sake store and tavern at the Kamakura riverbank.98 Jūemon created shirozake (white sake, also known as amazake, sweet sake) in the early 1600s and enjoyed wide-spread recognition for this beverage throughout Edo. In fact, the store claimed that there was a saying, “For mountains, it must be Fuji; for shirozake, it must be Toshimaya!”99 In doing so, Toshimaya saw shirozake as part of their branding and likely invented this slogan as an advertising strategy to claim such

97 On sake consumption and production, see Ishigawa Eisuke, Ōedo banzuke jijō (Tokyo: Kōdansha, 2004), 57–64. 98 “Brand,” Toshimaya Corporation, accessed April 3, 2021, https://www.toshimaya.co.jp/en/brand. 99 山なれば富士、白酒なれば豊島屋 (yama nareba Fuji, shirozake nareba Toshimaya) from Toshimaya Corporation, “Brand.”

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Figure 2.12. Hasegawa Settan (artist), Kamakura-chō Toshimaya shuten shirozake wo akinau zu (鎌倉町豊島屋酒 店 白酒を商う図, Shirozake Being Sold at Toshimaya Sake Store in Kamakura District), from Saitō Gesshin et al., Edo meisho zue, 1836, vol. 1, 28v–29r. Woodblock printed book, 26 x 18 cm. The lanterns on top of the gates feature Toshimaya’s logo. Courtesy of Tokyo Metropolitan Library. prominence for the store itself. As a low-alcohol beverage (7%), shirozake was a customary drink at Girls’ Day, where it was offered to the ornamental dolls and consumed by those present.100 The illustration in Figure 2.12 depicts the shirozake buying frenzy at Toshimaya at the end of the second month, when people flocked to the area to buy shirozake for the upcoming

Girls’ Day in the third month. The inscription describe that from dawn people gathered in front of the store in search of shirozake. Figure 2.13 provides another depiction of Toshimaya on this occasion, where the sake barrels are stacked as high as the height of the storefront and the crowd fills the gaps between the barrels in search of shirozake. To keep up with the high demands,

100 Katherine Rupp, Gift-Giving in Japan: Cash, Connections, Cosmologies (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003) 134.

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Figure 2.13. Detail of “Shirozake at Toshimaya [play square]” from Utagawa Sadahide, Shinpan Ōedo meibutsu sugoroku, 1852. The noren curtain between the two blue figures depicts Toshimaya’s logo. Courtesy of the National Diet Library, Tokyo.

Toshimaya only produced and sold shirozake leading up to Girls’ Day.

Other than their well-known shirozake, Toshimaya also sold kudari-zake (下り酒, sake sent down), which had been transported from the Kansai region.101 At the time, 90% of the liquor consumed in Edo was kudari-zake and the annual consumption is said to be as high as one million barrels.102 In the Genroku era (1688–1704), the annual consumption of sake in Edo was estimated to be fifty-four litres per person.103 In 1786, 780,000 barrels of kudari-zake were bought down to Edo.104 The play square of Toshimaya from Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku consists

101 Toshimaya Corporation, “Brand.”; Hayashi Ayano, Ukiyo-e ni miru: Edo no shokutaku (Tokyo: Kabushiki Kaisha Bijutsu Shuppansha, 2014), 100. On kudari-zake, see Hayashi Ayano, Tabitai! Oishii ukiyo-e (Tokyo: NHK Shuppan, 2019), 118–19; and Hayashi, Ukiyo-e ni miru, 100–105. 102 “Edo shomin no gaishoku: Izakaya, kaiseki ryōriya,” Nihon shoku bunka no shōyu wo shiru, Muraoka Shōji, accessed March 23, 2021, http://www.eonet.ne.jp/~shoyu/mametisiki/edo-reference16e.html. 103 Ishigawa, Ōedo banzuke jijō, 58. 104 Hayashi, Tabitai! Oishii ukiyo-e , 119.

Chui 60 of an orange box with Toshimaya’s logo, “Kane-ju” (fig. 2.11) and a large barrel. The symbol for

“Kane-ju” consists of a “L”-shaped outer part, which represents a carpenter’s tool and gives the impression of stability, and the character “jū” (ten in Japanese), taken from one of the characters in the name of the founder Jūemon.105 The barrel behind the orange box features the diamond- shaped logo of Kenbishi brewery from Kobe. Together with Nanatsu Ume sake, Kenbishi sake was noted as one of the most popular brands of sake enjoyed by Edoites, and were included in

Edo shiritori uta (Botan ni karajishi) (江戸しりとり唄【牡丹に唐獅子】, Edo Shiritori Song

[Peony and Lion]) as the specialties of Uchidaya, a sake store in Izumichō.106 As the brewery was located in Kobe, the barrel was likely one example of kudari-zake sold by Toshimaya and enjoyed by the residents of Edo.

Along with sakura mochi (discussed above) and the restaurant Yaozen (discussed in the next chapter), Toshimaya was featured in Edo meibutsu tōji ryūkō sugoroku (ca. 1830–1844) in the form of a cedar cask (fig. 2.14). Toshimaya’s shirozake was also referenced in contemporary literary works, including Edo meibutsu shi (江戸名物詩, Chinese Poems of Edo Specialities,

1836) and Tōkaidōchū Hizakurige (東海道中膝栗毛, Shank’s Mare, 1802–1822) by Jippensha

Ikku (十返舎一九, 1765–1831).107 The depiction of Toshimaya and its product shirozake in contemporary sugoroku and works of literature suggests that shirozake was popular among

Edoites and regarded as a product which visitors should know and be aware of. Furthermore, the inclusion of Toshimaya in Edo meisho zue indicates that the sake store, especially during the period leading up to Girls’ Day when shirozake was for sale, was a meisho of Edo and certainly a

105 Toshimaya Corporation, “Brand.” 106 Ishigawa, Ōedo banzuke jijō, 62. Shiritori is a type of Japanese word game where the player is required to say a word that begins with the final kana (character) of the previous word. 107 Jippensha Ikku, Tōkaidō-chū hizakurige, ed., Nakamura Yukihiko (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2003), 23.

Chui 61 must-see for visitors to the city. As Toshimaya was recognized as the place for shirozake, like sakura mochi was for Chōmeiji temple, there is a strong geographical association between the stores that produced these products and the products themselves.

Figure 2.14. Detail of “Toshimaya’s shirozake [play square]” from Utagawa Yasuhide and Goryūtei Tokushō, Edo meibutsu tōji ryūkō sugoroku, ca. 1830–1844. The inscription in the play square is a kyōka poem. Courtesy of the Ad Museum Tokyo.

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Conclusion

In creating a conceptual space where the players are not bound by geographical or monetary constraints, Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku enables imaginary travel where the players can achieve their gastronomic aspirations. The concept of meibutsu consists of a relationship between a geographical association and the item known as meibutsu. As a meibutsu, food items become associated with a specific geographical location. Overtime, in the examples of sakura mochi and shirozake, the items themselves also came to represent the specific stores where they were sold.

Therefore, with these geographic associations, these consumable items became more than just food or beverages. Rather, they could be seen as a representation of a specific location or store in

Edo or even a holiday celebrated in a particular way and recognized as notable for both residents and visitors of the city. Beyond representing Edo, these items were also building blocks of the flourishing consumer culture. It is the collective (and attainable) fame of these foods, along with the masses’ aspirational desires for these food, that turned Edo into a place that attracted people from far and wide.

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Chapter 3: Physical Travel as Advertisement

Introduction

The previous chapter examined meibutsu as food items and how the Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku enables a form of conceptual travel in allowing the viewers to imagine themselves visiting these locations and eating the dishes depicted. As mentioned in chapter 1, the concept of meisho is linked with meibutsu. Meisho started as uta-makura (poem pillows), or places with literary associations and references in the medieval period. Over time and into the early modern period, the definition of meisho expanded beyond poetic locales and developed into famous places that people visit on their travels. Arguably, with their fame and reputation, the restaurants depicted in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku are meisho in their own right, owing to their culinary reputation and gastronomic appeal.

This chapter examines restaurants as meisho and how sugoroku encourage actual travel in the physical environment through their depiction of these restaurants. As a form of advertisement, sugoroku attract and entice the player to visit the restaurants depicted in the print.

In reference to other contemporary print media, like woodblock prints and banzuke ranking sheets, I will examine the popularity and reputation of restaurants depicted in the top half of

Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku. As the sugoroku is ultimately a game, it may be hard to imagine it as a guide for shopping or local products. However, like other print materials at the time, I argue that the sugoroku prints that featured restaurants and food items served as and advertising guide for shopping and local products. To demonstrate this, I will examine depictions of Yaozen at

Sanya as an example of the way the sugoroku turns restaurants into meisho within its visual space. It succeeds in making this visual argument because of Yaozen’s reputation as one of the best restaurants at the time and also the way it plays off the depiction of this restaurant in other

Chui 64 print media. In this way, through its function as an advertisement, sugoroku encourages those with the means actually to travel to these restaurants. In addition to offering culinary experiences, actual travel described above also included visiting the storefronts and locations of these restaurants within the popular Edo neighbourhoods such as Asakusa and Ryōkoku where they were located.

Solidifying the Status of Restaurants as Meisho Through Advertisements

The massive production of prints, which ranged from actor prints to maps, and from meisho-zue to sugoroku, served as “the Internet of the Edo period.”108 The rapid and relatively cheap prices of such products enabled these prints to become a medium of the latest news and hottest gossip for ordinary people. They also informed viewers of the current trends and customs.109 Because of their lightweight and easily transportable nature, nishiki-e prints became popular souvenirs from Edo and carried news of the capital—the most popular kabuki actors, trending courtesan fashion, popular specialties, including fans and food products—to the rest of the Japanese archipelago.110 Restaurants depicted in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku are also depicted in nishiki-e series by artists like Utagawa Hiroshige (歌川広重, 1797–1858) and

Utagawa Kunisada (歌川国貞, 1786–1865), who immortalized these restaurants’ Japanese-style drawing rooms, grand entrances, and refined inner gardens.111 By recognizing these locations as notable tourist destinations, these artists solidified the restaurants’ status as meisho. Like these woodblock prints, sugoroku, especially those under the subcategory of senden sugoroku, served

108 Stalker, “Edo Popular Culture,” 186.; Advertising Museum Tokyo, “ADMT Collection: nishiki to sugoroku,” Ad Studies 2 (November 2002), 23. 109 Iwaki, “Jōdo sugoroku-kō,” 157. 110 Advertising Museum Tokyo, “nishiki to sugoroku,” 18. 111 National Diet Library, Japan, “Famous products.” Examples of such prints include Hiroshige’s Edo Kōmei Kaitei Zukushi series and Hiroshige and Kunisada’ collaborated Tōto Kōmei Kaiseki Zukushi series (東都高名会席尽, A Collection of Famous kaiseki restaurants in the Eastern capital) series, where restaurants like Yaozen, Hirasei, Daishichi and more are depicted.

Chui 65 advertising functions.112 As the sugoroku investigated here served as an advertisement through its depictions of restaurants like other contemporary print media, we can consider this meibutsu sugoroku to be an example of senden sugoroku.

As savvy business owners and merchants took note of the possibilities in the print media, they quickly turned to print production for their own advertising purposes. The first usage of print media as advertisements were woodblock prints depicting courtesans and the brothels they worked in. In the early eighteenth century, hikifuda, a woodblock printed advertisement used to announce the opening of stores or publicize products for sale, emerged in the early nineteenth century and developed into an elaborate form of ads with popular writers writing tag lines and famous woodblock artists designing the images.113 Food businesses began to join the publishing landscape and became major advertisers in the early 1800s. Restaurants sponsored the production of cookbooks and woodblock prints to promote their business. By intentionally including storefronts and store items in the prints themselves, publishers could rely on merchants to sponsor the production of such prints while the merchants received a trendy advertisement in return.114 These woodblock prints are like modern-day magazine pages or train station posters, where famous kabuki actors or courtesans wearing the latest fashion use their celebrity status to act as brand ambassadors for the purpose of promoting stores and their products. Some examples include Toyohara Kunichika’s (豊原国周, 1835–1900) Biritsu kaiseki hakkei (美立會席八景,

Eight Views of Beautiful Kaiseki Restaurant Scenery, 1875) series, Kunichika’s Kaika sanjūroku kaiseki (1878) series and Hiroshige and Kunisada’s collaborative Tōto kōmei kaiseki zukushi

112 This is one of the sixteen categories of sugoroku defined by Takahashi Junji in his Nihon e-sugoroku shūsei. See Chapter One for more details. Translation “advertising sugoroku” is adapted from Formanek and Linhart, “Playing with Filial Piety.” 113 “hikifuda 引札,” JAANUS: Japanese Architectural and Art Net Users System, Mary Neighbour Parent, accessed March 11, 2021, http://www.aisf.or.jp/~jaanus/deta/h/hikifuda.htm.; Salter, Japanese Popular Prints, 72–73. 114 Salter, Japanese Popular Prints, 73–74.

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(1852) series.115 These woodblock prints reveal their advertising agenda through deliberate placements of storefronts and products in positions of prominent visibility.116 For example, in the

“Sanya Yaozen” print in the Kaika sanjūroku kaiseki series, the restaurant Yaozen’s storefront served as background for the two courtesans who happen to be walking by (fig. 3.1). In the

Biritsu kaiseki hakkei series, the restaurant is depicted and mentioned in a fan-shape window in the background with a courtesan in the foreground, while the Tōto kōmei kaiseki zukushi series featured a kabuki actor instead (fig. 3.2). These prints start and spread fashion trends and influence readers to dress in the latest ways like the courtesans and kabuki actors, who were regarded as celebrities of their time. Similarly, these prints must have encouraged people to visit and pay patronage to the food establishments depicted, or at the least, visit these places so that they could boast to their relatives and friends that they have been there.

115 As Toyohara Kunichika’s Biritsu kaiseki hakkei series and Kunichika’s Kaika sanjūroku kaiseki series are produced after 1868, these two series are from the early Meiji period. 116 Salter, Japanese Popular Prints, 73–74.

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Figure 3.1. Toyohara Kunichika (artist), “Sanya Yaozen” Kaika sanjūroku kaiseki (開化 三十六会席, Thirty-Six Kaiseki Restaurants of Civilization and Enlightenment), Edo: Aonagado, 1878.117 Multicoloured woodblock print, 34.5 x 23.3 cm. The sign behind the courtesan in green has the inscription of “Yaozen/Yaoya.” Courtesy of the Digital Collections of Keio University Libraries.

117 As this print was produced after 1868, it is an early Meiji woodblock print.

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Figure 3.2. Utagawa Hiroshige (artist) and Toyohara Kunichika (artist), Tōto kōmei kaiseki zukushi, (東都高名会席 尽, Collection of Restaurants of the Eastern Capital), Edo: Fujiokaya, 1852.118 Multicoloured woodblock print, 41.0 x 29.5 cm. Courtesy of the National Diet Library, Tokyo.

118 Translation from “Toyodaya restaurant at Jinzaemoncho,” Hara Shobō, accessed March 15, 2021, https://www.harashobo.com/english/ukiyoe_detail.php?print_id=23346.

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Similar to these woodblock prints, sugoroku also served advertising functions. For example, the store Mitsumasaru, located at Honmachi, published multiple sugoroku that listed and advertised their products.119 While ordinary sugoroku were purchased as games, sugoroku with illustrations of storefronts and products were distributed as not-for-sale products for promotional purposes.120 The advantage of using sugoroku as advertising material is its strategy of interweaving commercial content within a game format, where the player unconsciously learns and remembers the stores and their products while playing. With this added purpose, sugoroku were some of the most effective advertisements along with calendars and fans, since their additional functions ensured them a longer than normal life.121 Although Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku is not a catalogue of store inventories, it is nevertheless a guide to notable restaurants and food items in Edo. As a curated guide, it provided locals and visitors information on the places they should visit in the capital, and repeated playing of the game would surely cement their impressions of these restaurants and food items and entice to them to visit these locations and sample the dishes. By advertising brand-name restaurants and enticing people to visit these food establishments (arguably meisho in their own right), sugoroku encouraged physical travel by their players.

The Top Half of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku: Gourmet Restaurants

As mentioned in the previous chapter, Edo had a flourishing food scene with thousands of restaurants on the streets and at least one soba noodle shop per city block.122 With all these contenders for being among best restaurants, there was a need to list, classify and rank them.

119 Yamamoto, Edo no e-sugoroku, 114–15. 120 “03. Kōkoku e-sugoroku,” Advertising Museum Tokyo, accessed February 23, 2021, https://www.admt.jp/salon/collection/esugoroku.html. 121 Salter, Japanese Popular Print, 78. 122 A survey of 1804 recorded in over 6,000 food establishments (not counting those in the theatre and pleasure quarters), or 1 per 170 inhabitants in the city. Ishige, History of Japanese Food, 122.

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This is where banzuke 番付 (ranking sheets) assisted Edoites and visitors with their culinary decisions. By examining banzuke, we can assess the relative popularity of restaurants depicted in

Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku and see the differences between the content in the top half (depicting mostly gourmet restaurants) and the bottom half (depicting mostly food dishes) of the game board (fig. 1.2).

Another type of print medium, banzuke, are broadsheets typically with two columns that list the names and addresses of about 150 curated items, in descending order and size of print according to their popularity with the public.123 Produced by publishers eager promote and distribute information to the masses (like kabuki producers to theatre-goers), these sheets were packed with information for the sophisticated connoisseur about the trends and “must-knows” of their city.124 They imitated the established format of sumō standings, which ranked sumō wrestlers of the Eastern League on the right and the Western League on the left, while listing the names of the referees and promoters in the centre column.125 This genre was originally produced to rank kabuki theatre actors and sumō wrestlers, particularly for the three important entertainment worlds of Yoshiwara, kabuki theatre and sumō leagues,126 but food-themed banzuke sheets also listed popular restaurants in the city and featured their names using different sizes of text.127

123 Ishige, History of Japanese Food, 127. 124 Salter, Japanese Popular Prints, 52. 125 Ishige, History of Japanese Food, 127. 126 Salter, Japanese Popular Prints, 51. 127 On a more extensive study of restaurant-themed banzuke, see Ishigawa, Ōedo banzuke jijō, 20–27. For a close reading of one culinary banzuke, see Eric C. Rath, “The Tastiest Dish in Edo: Print, Performance and Culinary Entertainment in Early-Modern Japan,” East Asian Publishing and Society 3, no. 2 (2013): 184–214.

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Figure 3.3. Sokuseki kaiseki o-ryōri (即席会席御料理, Seated kaiseki restaurants), [Edo]: Publisher unknown, 1859. Monochrome woodblock print, 46.5 x 64.0 cm. The red frames highlight restaurants also featured in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku. Courtesy of Tokyo Metropolitan Library.

Visitors to Edo in 1859 who lacked knowledge about the best restaurants the capital had to offer could pick up a banzuke guide like Sokuseki kaiseki o-ryōri (即席会席御料理, Seated kaiseki restaurants) (fig. 3.3) and use it to learn about all the places where they should visit and eat. Similar to sugoroku, banzuke broadsheets had a hierarchical framework. The restaurant- themed banzuke kept the format of sumō ranking and divisions, like maegashira (lowest rank of the highest divisions), komusubi (fourth highest rank), or sekiwake (third highest rank), with the names of the restaurants becoming smaller as they go down in rank.128 Although it was possible

128 “Banzuke no mikata,” Oh! Regasu Shinjuku nyūsu, Shinuku mirai sōzō zaidan, accessed February 23, 2021,

Chui 72 for restaurants to pay their way into the top featured spots, the ranking in most cases adhered to their actual reputation.129 By examining the size and location of restaurants on this broadsheet, we can determine their popularity and reputation at the time and cross-reference their placement in the play squares of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku.

This banzuke features 184 restaurants in three sections, which includes the left column

(Western League), right column (Eastern League) and centre column.130 The bottom of the centre column features the top three kaiseki (traditional multi-course Japanese dinner) restaurants:

Yaozen at Sanya, Hirasei at Fukagawa and Shimamura at Himono-chō. Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku mirrors this ranking in that Yaozen and Hirasei are located in its top row and are two of the seven squares that lead directly to the goal square. As previously mentioned, these seven squares are important as since they reinforce the upward movement of most tobi sugoroku and also because of their relative closeness to the ending square. In total, thirteen restaurants in

Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku are also featured in the banzuke broadsheet (see table 3.1). This confirms that restaurants widely acknowledged for their high standing were depicted in the sugoroku. The play squares of all but one of these restaurants are located in the top half of the sugoroku, located in the top six rows of the print, indicating that the top half features mainly gourmet restaurants, as opposed to the varied food dishes in the bottom half as discussed in the previous chapter. Furthermore, as this particular broadsheet is kaiseki restaurant-themed, the existence of these restaurants’ names here reaffirms their status as high-end establishments. The sugoroku print operates under a visual and textual strategy while the banzuke print operates under a graphic and textual strategy. Utilizing different visual strategies, these two media forms

https://www.regasu-shinjuku.or.jp/?p=158463. 129 Ishigawa, Ōedo banzuke jijō, 17. 130 Ishigawa, Ōedo banzuke jijō, 21. On the relationship between the geographical locations of the restaurants and the Western and Eastern Leagues in the banzuke print, see Ishigawa, Ōedo banzuke jijō, 24–26.

Chui 73 in tandem to reinforce the same hierarchies. The viewer must thus be literate in a wide range of visual strategies while still getting the same message. This again plays into the idea of being a connoisseur in the city—Edoites are expected to know the latest trends and rankings of entertainments from different spheres.

Table 3.1. Restaurants featured in both Sokuseki kaiseki o-ryōri and Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku and their relative locations on the sheet. Rows 1 to 12 are counted from top to bottom and columns A to F are counted from left to right.

Other than the example analyzed above, there were also other banzuke ranking sheets of restaurants and later editions that existed into the Meiji period.131 Like Sokuseki kaiseki o-ryōri, these broadsheets often survive in multiple copies, which suggests their wide circulation at the time. The same restaurants found in Sokuseki kaiseki o-ryōri can also be found on the following banzuke ranking sheets:

131 For a more extensive study of banzuke centred around gourmet food and restaurants, see Ishigawa, Ōedo banzuke jijō, 135–42.

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• Kaiseki sokuseki o-ryōri (会席即席御料理, Kaiseki seated restaurants, ca. first half of 1800s), • O-ryōri kondate kurabe (御料理献立競, Comparison of restaurants, 1850), • Uo-zukushi mitate hyōban daishoshū (魚盡見立評判第初輯, Ranking of Fish [first edition], 1861).

In comparing Sokuseki kaiseki o-ryōri with the other banzuke sheets listed above, there are a total of seventeen restaurants found in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku that are also featured in these ranking sheets (see table 3.2). Ishigawa Eisuke notes that although top restaurants in these banzuke prints were often duplicated, about two-thirds of them were not.132 Eight out of seventeen of these restaurants can be found in all four banzuke sheets. More notably for our analysis focusing on the top half of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, seven out of eight of these restaurants (with Hiraiwa at Mukōjima being the sole exception) are located in the top half. This confirms that restaurants depicted in these top rows are recognized as high-end establishments as they are featured in various ranking sheets at the time. The intersection between two print media reinforces the upward movement of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, where the higher the play square is located, the higher the value of food products or culinary experiences depicted in play squares.

In all the ranking sheets, other than in Uozukushi mitate hyōpan dai shoshū, the restaurant

Yaozen was ranked first as seen by its placement at the most prominent space (bottom centre of the sheet). As the layout of Uozukushi mitate hyōpan dai shoshū featured two prominent spaces parallel to each other, Yaozen is ranked as one of the best two restaurants along with Shimamura at Himono-chō. As mentioned earlier, the space at the bottom of the centre column in a banzuke sheet is generally reserved for the sponsor and (organizer of the box office, especially in the context of sumō wrestlers). But the items featured in this space are also recognized as the best

132 Ishigawa, Ōedo banzuke jijō, 21–22.

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Table 3.2. Restaurants featured in banzuke ranking sheets listed above among the things that are being ranked.133 In listing the most popular restaurants and having a ranking system for such establishments, these banzuke sheets serve as both guides—introducing the most popular restaurants in town—and advertisements—enticing their viewers to visit these establishments. Similar to Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, these banzuke sheets entice their viewers to travel and visit these culinary establishments by sharing a curated list of restaurants. By cross- referencing Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku with these banzuke sheets, which have clear hierarchical structures in relations to the text sizes, we can see that the restaurants from the top half of our sugoroku were indeed gourmet restaurants held in high regards in their time and that the top half of the sugoroku functions in a hierarchy where the more popular and famous a restaurant is, the

133 Oh! Regasu Shinjku nyūsu, “Banzuke no mikata.”

Chui 76 higher the square depicting the restaurant is located and the closer it is to the goal square of

Sannō Festival. In the next section, we will look closely at Yaozen, one example of these kaiseki restaurants and relate the food establishment to other contemporary print materials.

More Than Just a Kaiseki Restaurant: Yaozen at Sanya

Figure 3.4. Detail of “Yaozen at Sanya [play square]” from Utagawa Yoshitsuya, Shinpan gofunai ryūkō meibutsu annai sugoroku, ca. 1850 or 1852 (fig. 1.2).

Kadokawa Kogo Daijiten (The Great Dictionary of Archaic Japanese) lists Yaozen at

Asakusa Sanya, Hirasei in front of Fukagawa Hachiman and Daishichi at Mukōjima as the three notable high-end restaurants at the city of Edo in the Edo period (all are featured in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku).134 However, as Yaozen is featured in various print media (ranging from ehon [illustrated books] to woodblock prints) and has a legendary reputation as one of the best restaurants, if not the best, in Edo, it is worthwhile to examine it in depth. The name “Yaozen” came from an abbreviation of “yaoya” (meaning greengrocer’s) and Zenshirō, the name of the

134 “ryōri chaya 料理茶屋,” Kadokawa Kogo Daijiten (The Great Dictionary of Archaic Japanese), JapanKnowledge, accessed April 1, 2021, https://japanknowledge-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca.

Chui 77 fourth-generation proprietor who turned the greengrocer’s into a well-known restaurant.135 As mentioned previously, the name can be found prominently in both the Sokuseki kaiseki o-ryōri ranking sheet and the Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, as one of the top three kaiseki restaurants on the bottom of the central column on the broadsheet and depicted in a play square on the topmost row, to the right of the ending square in the sugoroku. Chapter 2 mentioned that how expensive a dish could be at Yaozen, far beyond the budget of regular Edoites. But for those who could afford a meal at a kaiseki restaurants, what was it like to dine at Yaozen?

Founded in 1717 in Asakusa Sanya, Yaozen became one of the most famous restaurants in the city and served as a high-class salon where writers and artists gathered. As a kaiseki restaurant, it served extravagant multi-course meals that included sake, appetizers, sashimi

(sliced raw fish), clear soup, grilled foods, steamed foods, simmered foods, dressed salad-like food, miso soup, pickles, rice, Japanese confections, fruit and tea.136 In 1822, the fourth- generation proprietor, Kuriyama Zenshirō, published a cuisine text, Edo ryūkō ryōritsū (江戸流

行料理通, Handbook of Fashionable Cooking for the Epicures of Edo),137 which gained popularity as a meibutsu from Edo and cemented Yaozen’s position as one of the most prominent restaurants at the time. The word tsū in the title of the book indicates that this was part of the range of books designed to guide consumers through the world of taste and fashion in order to be a proper connoisseur.138 Furthermore, Zenshirō’s wide cultural interests and extensive personal network of literati, which included Ōta Nanpo (playwright and author of kyōka comic poems),

135 Terakado Seiken, Edo hanjōki, eds. Asakura Haruhiko and Andō Kikuji (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1994), 200. 136 "kaiseki ryri 会席料理,” Encyclopedia of Japan, JapanKnowledge, accessed April 7, 2021, https://japanknowledge-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca. 137 Translation from Patricia J. Graham “Lifestyles of Scholar-Painters in Edo Japan” The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, 77, no. 7 (September 1990), 262–83. 138 Francks, The Japanese Consumer, 45.

Chui 78 enabled Yaozen to become the cultural salon of Edo.139 In fact, Nanpo once composed a poem that praised the restaurant as first-class: The best Chinese poetry means Shibutsu; calligraphy,

Hosai; and kyōka, me. The best geisha means Kokatsu; the best food, “Yaozen.”140 Many of the dishes Yaozen offered were depicted Edo ryūkō ryōritsū and included flounder and fish cake

(matsukatsu jinjo) and braised ayu (ayu nibitashi).141 Yaozen and Hirasei at Fukagawa, were considered the best two restaurants in Edo until well into the Meiji period, and Yaozen still exists today.142

In Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, the play square of Yaozen features its storefront and noren curtain with the restaurant’s name in white. Other than Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, it is also featured in other meibutsu-themed and food-related sugoroku, which include:

• Shinpan Ōedo meibutsu sugoroku (1852), • Edo meishoku yūkyō sugoroku (1868), • Kyōka kaiseki ryōri nayose sugoroku (date unknown), and • Edo meibutsu tōji ryūkō sugoroku (1830–1844).

These sugoroku sheets depict Yaozen in different ways: a large red fish with two smaller grey fish, likely representing the ingredients used in meals served at Yaozen; a waitress serving meals with a background of the restaurant’s inner gardens; and customers at the entrance of the restaurant and seated during a meal, accompanied by kyōka poetry (figs. 3.3–3.6). These different depictions of Yaozen highlight the various components of the restaurant’s appeal— specialty dishes, restaurant environment and atmosphere, the brand appeal and popularity as the

139 Harada, “A Peek at the Meals (Part Two),” 11.; National Diet Library, Japan, “Famous products.” 140 Nishiyama, Edo Culture, 158.; National Diet Library, Japan, “Famous products.” 141 “Edo ryōri to Yaozen,” History of Yaozen, Kappouya Yaozen, accessed April 3, 2021, http://www.yaozen.net/recipe/index.html. On recipes of Yaozen dishes from Zenshirō’s days, see “Eiyō to ryōri dijitaru aakaibusu,” Eiyō to ryōri, Kagawa Nutrition University, https://www.eiyotoryori.jp/system/archive/abstlst.php?author=%E6%A0%97%E5%B1%B1%E5%96%84%E5%9B %9B%E9%83%8E&kana=%E3%81%8F. 142 Nishiyama, Edo Culture, 168. Because of the high costs associated with the labour-intensive dishes, Yaozen now exists not as a restaurant, but as a supplier of high-class side dishes and New Year cuisines (osechi ryōri) to major department stores.

Chui 79 place to be, and the aspect of being a cultural salon. By depicting Yaozen in various ways, these details from different sugoroku show that Yaozen was more than just a restaurant, but rather a meisho in its own right.

Figure 3.5. Detail of “Yaozen Restaurant at Sanya [play square]” from Utagawa Sadahide, Shinpan Ōedo meibutsu sugoroku, 1852. Courtesy of the National Diet Library, Tokyo.

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Figure 3.6. Detail of “Yaozen at Sanya [play square]” from Toyohara Kunichika, under the name of Ichiōsai Kunichika (artist) and Utagawa Hiroshige, under the name of Ichiryūsai Hiroshige (artist), Edo meishoku yūkyō sugoroku (東京銘食遊興寿吾六, Sugoroku on Food and Entertainment in the Eastern Capital), Edo: Gusokuya Kahē, 1868. Multicoloured woodblock print, 60 x 74.5 cm. The colour of this square is distorted as the square is located at where two sheets of paper are connected. Courtesy of the National Diet Library, Tokyo.

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Figure 3.7. Detail of “Yaoya’s Zenshirō at Shin-torikoe 2-chōme [play square]” from Tōri Sanjin (writer), Utagawa Sadakage, under the name Gokotei Sadakage (artist), and Hōrai Sanjin (editor), Kyōka kaiseki ryōri nayoro sugoroku (狂歌会席料理名寄双六, Sugoroku on a Register of Kyōka Poetry and Kaiseki Restaurants), Edo: Iwatoya Kisaburō, date unknown. Multicoloured woodblock print, 50 x 70 cm. The inscription in the square is a kyoka poem. The entryway of this square corresponds to the entryway with noren curtains in Figure 3.4. Courtesy of the National Diet Library, Tokyo.

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Figure 3.8. Detail of “Food from Yaozen [play square]” from Utagawa Yasuhide and Goryūtei Tokushō, Edo meibutsu tōji ryūkō sugoroku, ca. 1830–44. The inscription in the square is a kyōka poem. The female server depicted here is similar to the one carrying a tray in Figure 3.6. The fish on the table is similar to the big red fish in Figure 3.5. Courtesy of the Ad Museum Tokyo.

Other than sugoroku, Yaozen was featured in multiple tourist handbooks with the phrase hitori annai (“self-guided tour”) in their titles.143 Examples include Edo kaimono hitori annai (江

戸買物独案内, A Self-Guided Tour to Edo Shopping) in 1824,144 and Edo meibutsu shuhan tebikigusa (江戸名物酒飯手引草, Guidebook to Food and Drink Specialties in Edo), a later imitation of Edo kaimono hitori annai in 1847.145 In Edo kaimono hitori annai, the characters of

143 On hitori annai (tourist handbook), see Berry, Japan in Print, 173. 144 Translation adapted from Kyōto kaimono hitori annai (A Self-Guided Tour to Kyoto Shopping) from Berry, Japan in Print, 167. 145 “Edo Guidebooks,” The Landmarks of Edo in Color Woodblock Prints, National Diet Library, Japan, accessed

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Figure 3.9. (Right) Detail from Edo meibutsu shuhan tebikigusa (江戸名物酒飯手引草, Guidebook of Food and Drink Specialties in Edo), [Edo]: Publisher unknown, 1847. Woodblock printed book, 17.5 x 9.0 cm. A record of Yaozen. Courtesy of the National Diet Library, Tokyo.

Figure 3.10. (Left) Detail from Nakagawa Gorozaemon (editor), Edo kaimono hitori annai (江戸買物独案内, Edo Shopping Guide), Edo: Yamashiroya Sahē, 1824. Woodblock printed book, 18.9 x 11.7 cm. A record of Yaoya Zenshirō. Courtesy of the Center for Open Data in the Humanities. the restaurant’s name are rearranged to include the name of Kuriyama Zenshirō and a crest similar to the character fuku 福 (good fortune and happiness) is shown at the top centre of the entry, presumably because the restaurant advertises itself as a wedding venue (fig. 3.10). In Edo meibutsu shuhan tebikigusa, the record lists the restaurant as a rental venue as well as food establishment (fig. 3.9). In both entries, the shop’s address is listed at Asakusa Shin-torikōe 2- chōme. Yaozen was located at Sanyabori (Sanya Canal), which was part of Shin-torikōe-chō, and it makes sense that the guidebook listed Shin-torikoe-2chōme as a more specific address over the more commonly used Sanya address.146 These advertisement booklets served as a list of stores

February 23, 2021, https://www.ndl.go.jp/landmarks/e/column/4.html. 146 " Sanya Tōkyō-to Taitō-kuさんや【山谷】東京都 台東区,” Shinpan Kadokawa Nihon Chimei Daijiten, JapanKnowledge, accessed March 15, 2021, https://japanknowledge-com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca.; “Asakusa shin- torikōe-chō Tōkyō-to Taitō-ku あさくさしんとりごえちょう【浅草新鳥越町】東京都 台東区,” Shinpan Kadokawa Nihon Chimei Daijiten, JapanKnowledge, accessed March 15, 2021, https://japanknowledge- com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca.; “Sanyabori Tōkyō-to Taitō-ku さんやぼり【山谷堀】東京都 台東区,” Shinpan Kadokawa Nihon Chimei Daijiten, JapanKnowledge, accessed March 15, 2021, https://japanknowledge-

Chui 84 and establishments in Edo, including the kaiseki restaurants focused on here. They further illustrate the advertising nature of print material at the time, where various forms of woodblock- printed materials list and spread information for educational and commercial purposes.

Writer Aoyama Hakuhō wrote that restaurants like Yaozen, Hirasei and Sakurai were

“becoming fashionable since the Kansei period (1789–1801)” and praised them all as “elegant

[establishments] with no limit to their high price” in Meiwashi (明和誌, Records of the Meiwa era),147 a book on customs and practices of the time.148 In the same text, it is recorded that

Yaozen’s annual turnover was as high as 2,000 ryō.149 Three notable restaurants, Yaozen,

Hirasei, and Kawachō, served Japanese confections accompanying tea in the latter part of the meal, while other restaurants did not provide such service. Among these three, the meal costs roughly ten monme per person whereas it cost around six to eight monme in other similar establishments.

Besides its main function as a food establishment, especially under Zenshirō’s proprietorship, Yaozen also served as a cultural salon where literary and cultural figures gathered.150 These gatherings, including shogakai (calligraphy and poetry banquets) and haikai circles,151 are depicted by Hiroshige in his Edo kōmei kaitei zukushi series. Shogakai was a gathering where renowned artists, painters and calligraphers created improvised artworks live in

com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca. 147 いづれも上品にして値高事限なし. Translation from Ogawa Hiroshi, ed., “Supporting Roles in Food Culture II: The Origins and Tradition of O-zen,” FOOD CULTURE no.17 (2009): 14. 148 Meiwashi in vol. 2 of Sobakujisshu (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1916), National Diet Library, Tokyo, cited from “Gaishoku no rekishi,” Jōsetsutenji, National Diet Library, Japan, accessed March 23, 2021, https://rnavi.ndl.go.jp/kaleido/entry/jousetsu145.php. 149 Muraoka, “Edo shomin no gaishoku”; Harada Nobuo, Edo no ryōrishi: ryōribon to ryōri bunka (Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha, 1989), 158. 150 High-class restaurants at the time were culture salons where literary and cultural figures gathered as well as places that served food. See Guth, Art of Edo Japan, 124. 151 On haikai circles, see Eiko Ikegami, “The Haikai, Network Poetry: The Politics of Border Crossing and Subversion,” in Bonds of Civility: Aesthetic Networks and the Political Origins of Japanese Culture (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 171–203.

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Figure 3.11. Utagawa Hiroshige (artist), “Sanya Yaozen” Edo kōmei kaitei zukushi (江戸高名会亭尽, A Collection of Famous Restaurants in Edo), Edo: Fujiokaya, ca. 1840. Multicoloured woodblock print, 23.8 x 36.0 cm. Courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. front of guests who were charged for admission.152 The “Sanya Yaozen” print in Hiroshige’s Edo kōmei kaitei zukushi shows the interior of the second-floor room (fig. 3.11). The window on the left that shows Mount Fuji in the distance resembles the depiction of Mount Fuji at the background of the bustling fish market at Nihonbashi in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, as an iconic symbol of Edo scenery (Fig. 1.3 and 3.11). The image also depicts courtesans at these literati gatherings. Like the sugoroku discussed above, these woodblock prints on the theme of kaiseki restaurants are another way for restaurant owners to advertise to the public. Although it was

152 On shogaikai, see Andrew Markus, “Shogakai: Celebrity Banquets of The Late Edo Period,” Havard Journal of Asiatic Studies 53, no. 1 (1993): 135–67. For one example of shogakai, see Andrew Markus, The Willow in Autumn, The Willow in Autumn (Leiden: Brill, 1992), 174l; also Ōkubo Junichi, “A photographic introduction to items from the collection: Collection of Shogakai Related Materials,” REKIHAKU no. 190 (May 2015), https://www.rekihaku.ac.jp/english/outline/publication/rekihaku/190/190witness.html.

Chui 86 unlikely that the majority of the population would be able to afford to eat in such places, these prints allow the viewers to learn about these high-end establishments and therefore, imagine themselves experiencing such gastronomic experience and restaurant atmospheres (if they are unable to do so) and visit these meisho in person (if they have the means to do so).

Figure 3.12. Exterior of the restaurant Yaozen from Kuriyama Zenshirō (author), Edo ryūkō ryōritsū (江戸流行料 理通, Handbook of Fashionable Cooking for the Epicures of Edo), Edo: Izumiya Ichihē, 1825, vol. 2, preface 4v–5r. Woodblock printed book, 18.0 x 13.0 cm. The same entrance depicted in Figure 3.4 and 3.7 is located on the right side of illustration. Courtesy of the British Museum.

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Figure 3.13. Inner garden and the second story banquet rooms of the restaurant Yaozen from Kuriyama Zenshirō, Edo ryūkō ryōritsū, 1825, vol.1, preface 4v–5r. Woodblock printed book, 18.0 x 13.0 cm. Courtesy of the British Museum.

While Hiroshige’s Edo kōmei kaitei zukushi shows the interior of Yaozen, Zenshirō included two illustrations of the restaurant’s exterior in his cuisine handbook. The two-story building that housed Yaozen, including the window that afforded a view of Mount Fuji depicted from Hiroshige’s print and the inner gardens depicted in Edo meishoku yūkyō sugoroku, are featured in Figure 3.12 and 3.13. The noren curtain over its entrance, depicted in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, is also visible behind Edoites on the bustling street (fig. 3.12). In Figure

3.13, the reader can catch a glimpse of such activities inside Yaozen through the windows of the

Chui 88 second floor. The exterior view of this scene very much mirrors Hiroshige’s depiction of what an interior scene at Yaozen would have looked like (fig. 3.11). By comparing Hiroshige’s print with the illustrations in Zenshirō’s book, well-versed viewers could piece together an experience at

Yaozen from internal and external views of the restaurant.

Yaozen also served as a cultural salon where notable literati at the time, such as Ōta

Nanpo, Kuwagata Keisai (ukiyo-e artist)153, Kameda Bōsai (nanga literati painter), and Ōkubo

Shifutsu (poet of Chinese poetry) were patrons of the restaurant. To highlight such esteemed patronage, Zenshirō included an illustration of a gathering between these four men, drawn by

Kuwagata Keisai, in his cuisine handbook (fig. 3.14). One occasion of such gatherings would be for a book collector salon. At the time, Ōta Nanpo was regarded as the leader of literary circles in the East (with Kimura Kendarō as his Western counterpart in Osaka). As leaders of their respective regional literary circles, Nanpo and Kimura often hosted reading circles and composition gatherings with their network of writers, poets and artists.154

Here, we can see that Yaozen served as a space for creative activities and pursuits, as well as for social gatherings. Again, these depictions from other print materials emphasize the atmosphere and dining experience Yaozen had to offer its customers and reaffirm the idea that

Yaozen, like other kaiseki restaurants depicted in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku, was a meisho in its own right. These collective representations of the restaurant in various print media, from various play squares in sugoroku to depictions in woodblock prints, illustrate the functions of a restaurant of this stature. For those who were part of the literary circles, they desire to partake in poetry and calligraphy parties hosted at these gourmet establishments. For those who could not afford the

153 Kuwagata Keisai was his pen name. His actual name was Kitao Masayoshi, but he also had other pen names for kyōka comic poems and literature compositions. 154 “Edo jidai ni okeru tōzai no zōshoka saron,” Japanese Ex-libris Stamps, National Diet Library, Japan, accessed March 23, 2021, https://www.ndl.go.jp/zoshoin/column/column_2.html.

Chui 89 luxury to dine at Yaozen, they could fulfill their aspirations by experiencing different aspects of the restaurant through the visuals in these prints or to attend one of those poetry and calligraphy parties in person. As a prominent location for the occurrences of such gatherings, Yaozen was more than just a restaurant—it was a symbol of Edo culture and represented the best Edo had to offer for literati and connoisseurs.

Figure 3.14. Kuwagata Kesai (artist), Yaozen no nikai zashiki nite bunjin kaishoku-zu (八百善の二階座敷にて文 人会食図 Picture of the Literati Gathering at the second-floor seating at Yaozen) from Kuriyama Zenshirō, Edo ryūkō ryōritsū, 1825, vol. 1, 19v–20r. Woodblock printed book, 18.0 x 13.0 cm. Ōkubo Shifutsu is pictured on the left, with Kameda Bōsai at the centre rear, Kuwagata Kesai at the centre front, and Ōta Nanpo on the right. Previously it was thought that the figure at the centre front was Sakai Hōitsu (painter of the Rinpa school), but it is now generally accepted that the figure is Kuwagata Kesai, the creator of this illustration.155 The figures were holding Western glassware. Courtesy of the British Museum.

155 “Yaoya Zenshirō cho,” Digital Showcase, Tokyo Metropolitan Library, Japan, accessed March 23, 2021, https://www.library.metro.tokyo.lg.jp/collection/features/digital_showcase/008/04/.

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Conclusion

Like other print media, such as woodblock prints or banzuke ranking sheets, sugoroku served as guides to notable restaurants and culinary dishes for its viewers. They introduced new restaurants to both the inhabitants of Edo and people in other parts of the country, since the circulation of print culture acted as an outlet for news and publicity and a way for people to learn about the hottest trends from the capital. Taking note of the possibilities of the print medium, savvy restaurant proprietors entered the publishing landscape of Edo period by sponsoring and commissioning printed materials that featured their establishments. As part of the larger print culture, these prints, including Shinpan meibutsu and others, allowed proprietors to build their restaurants’ brand appeal and reputation and communicate it from the capital to other castle towns.

While the bottom half of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku mostly depicts edible meibutsu, the top half discussed in this chapter depicts famous restaurants similar to modern-day tourist destinations. In reviewing the structure and content of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku relative to other print materials of the era, we see that this particular sugoroku includes advertising features despite not belonging to the subcategory of commercial and advertising sugoroku. By introducing notable restaurants in the capital and therefore enticing those with the means to embark on a gastronomic journey to visit these locations, Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku advertises these restaurants in the form of a curated guide. Whether the viewers actually dined at these restaurants was irrelevant. Rather, its importance lay in the ability of sugoroku and other printed materials to inspire their viewers to visit these locations in person and boast to family and friends of the achievement. In doing so, the advertising aspect of sugoroku enabled a form of physical travel in its readers—a full culinary experience for those who could offer to eat one of these

Chui 91 extravagant meals and a touristic experience for those who could only visit the storefronts and take a peek at the restaurant interior from the outside.

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Conclusion: Agari (Goal square)

In the Edo period, the concept of meibutsu as local products and specialties gained traction as souvenirs and the concept of meisho extended beyond their historical contexts in literature and poetry, and expanded to include scenic and tourist locations, like temples, shrines, and even the restaurants depicted in sugoroku. Although sugoroku are grouped with other travel- related print media, such as meisho-zue and maps, the sugoroku in its nature is a board game, designed for the enjoyment of its players and meant to be played. As players interact with sugoroku, the game encourages aspirational travel and dining and cultivates possibilities for connoisseurship. Specifically, the sugoroku studied allows the players to learn about the latest trends of Edo and fulfills their desire to consume food items and visit the restaurants depicted. In doing so, one can connect sugoroku to the broader culture of travel during the Edo period.

Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku enables conceptual travel through the construction of an imaginary game space and encourages actual travel by introducing and advertising the must-eats and must- visits to restaurants of the capital. The squares where real stores and restaurants are advertised also as game spaces that the player enters and leaves.

This thesis has examined the intersection of food culture and print culture through a close reading of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku. In investigating sugoroku as part of the vibrant print culture of early modern Japan, I situate sugoroku alongside other print media, such as meisho-zue and hitori annai (“self-guided tour”). In doing so, I strove to recreate the communication of media that Edoites experienced in the period. Consumers of such media would have knowledge of prints in them that covered a wide range of topics and referenced to one another. Those playing sugoroku would have recognized the examples of food items and restaurants depicted in poetry and literature and within other visual materials. The affordable nature of the prints

Chui 93 allowed people of all classes and locations to learn about the content of printed material and experience it in an imaginary format. Therefore, like other print media, sugoroku mobilized specific knowledge and fulfilled the aspirations of the commoners. In transmitting specific knowledge, sugoroku engaged in the cultivation of connoisseurs. The development of urban culture meant people in the city, even if they could not afford such luxuries, were expected to know the best of various forms of entertainment and enjoyment at different price points. In fulfilling travel and culinary aspirations, sugoroku allowed people who could not afford certain luxuries or to visit the city to experience them virtually.

Although this thesis mostly focused primarily on sugoroku, another aspect of meibutsu found in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku may also be considered. As a genre, sugoroku were classified as a nishiki-e due to the multicoloured technique used in the printing process. Like the food items depicted in the prints, nishiki-e themselves were also considered a famous item, or meibutsu, of Edo.156 Owing to their low cost and portable nature, prints like sugoroku must have served as souvenirs for visitors to take home. They could be a memento of their journey, a guide for the rural population to the latest trends and popular items, or even a piece of evidence of their experience in the capital and a source of pride once the visitor returned home. Copies of sugoroku, which conveyed knowledge of Edo trends and items, circulated around the country. As meibutsu from Edo and associated with Edo, they must have distributed knowledge to those far away from the city and fulfilled the dreams of those who wished to visit (yet could not do so) through their imagination.

While this conclusion is named after the final square (or agari) on a sugoroku board, the journey of Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku does not end here. Multiple copies of prints came to be

156 Andreas Marks, Japanese Woodblock Prints: Artists, Publishers, and Masterworks 1680–1900 (Tokyo: Tuttle Publishing, 2012), 10.; Okubo, “Esugoroku.”

Chui 94 held in the collections within and beyond Japan, including the National Diet Library (the copy used in chapter 1) and the University of California Berkeley Library (where I first encountered the print digitally). Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku from Edo travelled far from its place of publication and has now reached viewers globally through its digitalized form on the internet. In this way, the print continues to inspire interest and disseminate information. Even today the text and images in sugoroku enable present viewers to imagine life in Edo-era Japan. In doing so, it fulfills yet another aspiration of its viewer—the historian’s aspirations to understand the past— by building a bridge from Edo of the mid-nineteenth century to our understanding of Edo now.

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Appendixes

Appendix 1

Distribution of restaurants and food items in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku. Play squares in yellow indicates the depiction of a restaurant, orange indicates the depiction of food item whereas grey indicates it is an exception to the above.

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Appendix 2

Number of play squares depicting restaurants and food items in Shinpan meibutsu sugoroku

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