The Sweden Democrats in Political Space – Estimating Policy Positions Using Election Manifesto Content Analysis
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Liberal Vision Lite: Your Mid-Monthly Update of News from Liberal International
Liberal Vision Lite: your mid-monthly update of news from Liberal International Thu, Apr 15, 2021 at 6:59 PM Issue n°5 - 15 April 2021 SUBSCRIBE TO OUR NEWSLETTER "We have a chance to re-think & re-invent our future", LI President El Haité tells Liberal Party of Canada Convention. In an introductory keynote, President of Liberal International, Dr Hakima el Haité, addressed thousands of liberals at the Liberal Party of Canada‘s largest policy convention in history. WATCH VIDEO CGLI’s Axworthy tells Canadian liberals, "To solve interlinked challenges, common threads must be found." On 9 April, as thousands of Candian liberals joined the Liberal Party of Canada's first-ever virtual National Convention, distinguished liberal speakers: Hon. Lloyd Axworthy, Hon. Diana Whalen, Chaviva Hosek, Rob Oliphant & President of the Canadian Group of LI Hon. Art Eggleton discussed liberal challenges and offered solutions needed for the decade ahead. WATCH VIDEO On World Health Day, Council of Liberal Presidents call for more equitable access to COVID vaccines Meeting virtually on Tuesday 7 April, the Council of Liberal Presidents convened by the President of Liberal International, Dr Hakima el Haité, applauded the speed with which vaccines have been developed to combat COVID19 but expressed growing concern that the rollout has until now been so unequal around the world. READ JOINT STATEMENT LI-CALD Statement: We cannot allow this conviction to mark the end of Hong Kong LI and the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats released a joint statement on the conviction of LI individual member & LI Prize for Freedom laureate, Martin Lee along with other pro-democracy leaders in Hong Kong, which has sent shockwaves around the world. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
State of Populism in Europe
2018 State of Populism in Europe The past few years have seen a surge in the public support of populist, Eurosceptical and radical parties throughout almost the entire European Union. In several countries, their popularity matches or even exceeds the level of public support of the centre-left. Even though the centre-left parties, think tanks and researchers are aware of this challenge, there is still more OF POPULISM IN EUROPE – 2018 STATE that could be done in this fi eld. There is occasional research on individual populist parties in some countries, but there is no regular overview – updated every year – how the popularity of populist parties changes in the EU Member States, where new parties appear and old ones disappear. That is the reason why FEPS and Policy Solutions have launched this series of yearbooks, entitled “State of Populism in Europe”. *** FEPS is the fi rst progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007 and co-fi nanced by the European Parliament, it aims at establishing an intellectual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. Policy Solutions is a progressive political research institute based in Budapest. Among the pre-eminent areas of its research are the investigation of how the quality of democracy evolves, the analysis of factors driving populism, and election research. Contributors : Tamás BOROS, Maria FREITAS, Gergely LAKI, Ernst STETTER STATE OF POPULISM Tamás BOROS IN EUROPE Maria FREITAS • This book is edited by FEPS with the fi nancial support of the European -
PAPPA – Parties and Policies in Parliaments
PAPPA Parties and Policies in Parliament Version 1.0 (August 2004) Data description Martin Ejnar Hansen, Robert Klemmensen and Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard Political Science Publications No. 3/2004 Name: PAPPA: Parties and Policies in Parliaments, version 1.0 (August 2004) Authors: Martin Ejnar Hansen, Robert Klemmensen & Peter Kurrild- Klitgaard. Contents: All legislation passed in the Danish Folketing, 1945-2003. Availability: The dataset is at present not generally available to the public. Academics should please contact one of the authors with a request for data stating purpose and scope; it will then be determined whether or not the data can be released at present, or the requested results will be provided. Data will be made available on a website and through Dansk Data Arkiv (DDA) when the authors have finished their work with the data. Citation: Hansen, Martin Ejnar, Robert Klemmensen and Peter Kurrild- Klitgaard (2004): PAPPA: Parties and Policies in Parliaments, version 1.0, Odense: Department of Political Science and Public Management, University of Southern Denmark. Variables The total number of variables in the dataset is 186. The following variables have all been coded on the basis of the Folketingets Årbog (the parliamentary hansard) and (to a smaller degree) the parliamentary website (www.ft.dk): nr The number given in the parliamentary hansard (Folketingets Årbog), or (in recent years) the law number. sam The legislative session. eu Whether or not the particular piece of legislation was EU/EEC initiated. change Whether or not the particular piece of legislation was a change of already existing legislation. vedt Whether the particular piece of legislation was passed or not. -
The 2018 Swedish Election of the Riksdag
The 2018 Swedish Election of the Riksdag POLICY PAPER / NOVEMBER 2018 AUTHORS: EMMA WELSINK LILEESHA BOYD The 2018 Swedish Elections of the Riksdag Policy Paper – Emma Welsink, Lileesha Boyd; November 2018 On Sunday the 9th September 2018 the Social Democrats were able to maintain Swedish voted on the political party that dominance in Sweden as a centre-left they believe should represent them in party, sometimes taking more than 50% of Parliament. Sweden has been a perfect the votes, sometimes going into a coalition example of the Scandinavian model of with leftist parties. Consequentially, the politics for decades, with a focus on social Social Democrats have had a big impact on welfare and progression. But for the first Swedish politics and society. The party is time in history, the 2018 election results especially well known for its establishment left Sweden with an uncertain path of the Swedish welfare system, also called forward as the populist Sweden Democrats ‘Social Democracy’. By implementing this party gained significant ground in expense system, the Social Democrats transformed of the traditionally powerful Social the Swedish health, education and pension Democrats. This paper focuses on the systems. Additionally, they also boosted its question of why Swedish politics have economy, thus providing people with jobs diverted from its established path, and and income. A downside to this impressive what the way forward may look like. welfare system is that during times of economic hardships it is more difficult for The Swedish Political System: the government to curtail (social) expenses Its Political Parties and their and mitigate negative economic Campaign Points developments. -
DENMARK Dates of Elections: 8 September 1987 10 May 1988
DENMARK Dates of Elections: 8 September 1987 10 May 1988 Purpose of Elections 8 September 1987: Elections were held for all the seats in Parliament following premature dissolution of this body on 18 August 1987. Since general elections had previously been held in January 1984, they would not normally have been due until January 1988. 10 May 1988: Elections were held for all the seats in Parliament following premature dissolution of this body in April 1988. Characteristics of Parliament The unicameral Parliament of Denmark, the Folketing, is composed of 179 members elected for 4 years. Of this total, 2 are elected in the Faeroe Islands and 2 in Greenland. Electoral System The right to vote in a Folketing election is held by every Danish citizen of at least 18 years of age whose permanent residence is in Denmark, provided that he has not been declared insane. Electoral registers are compiled on the basis of the Central Register of Persons (com puterized) and revised continuously. Voting is not compulsory. Any qualified elector is eligible for membership of Parliament unless he has been convic ted "of an act which in the eyes of the public makes him unworthy of being a member of the Folketing". Any elector can contest an election if his nomination is supported by at least 25 electors of his constituency. No monetary deposit is required. Each candidate must declare whether he will stand for a certain party or as an independent. For electoral purposes, metropolitan Denmark (excluding Greenland and the Faeroe Islands) is divided into three areas - Greater Copenhagen, Jutland and the Islands. -
Factsheet: the Danish Folketinget
Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Danish Folketinget 1. At a glance Denmark is a Constitutional Monarchy and a parliamentary democracy. The Folketinget is a unicameral Parliament composed of 179 Members. The two self-governing regions, Greenland and the Faeroe Islands, each elect two Members. Of the other 175 Members, 135 are elected from ten multi-Member constituencies on a party list, proportional representation system using the d'Hondt method. The remaining 40 seats are allocated to ensure proportionality at a national level. Elections of the Folketinget must take place every four years, unless the Monarch, on the advice of the Prime Minister, calls for early elections. The general election on 5 June 2019 gave the "Red Bloc" a parliamentary majority in support of Social Democrats leader Mette Frederiksen as Prime Minister. The coalition comprises the Social Democrats, the Social Liberals, Socialist People's Party, the Red– Green Alliance, the Faroese Social Democratic Party and the Greenlandic Siumut, and won 93 of the 179 seats. The Government, announced on 27 June, is a single-party government. 2. Composition Results of the Folketinget elections on 5 June 2019 Party EP affiliation % Seats Socialdemokraterne (Social Democrats) 25,9% 48 Venstre, Danmarks Liberale Parti) (V) (Liberals) 23,45% 43 Dansk Folkeparti (DF) (Danish People's Party) 8,7% 16 Det Radikale Venstre (Danish Social Liberal Party) 8,6% 16 Socialistisk Folkeparti (SF) (Socialist People's Party) 7,7% 14 Red-Green Alliance (Enhedslisten) 13 6,9% Det Konservative Folkeparti (Conservative People's Party) 6,6% 12 The Alternative (Alternativet) 3% 5 The New Right (Nye Borgerlige) 2,4% 4 Liberal Alliance (Liberal Alliance) 2,3% 4 Others <1 % 0 Faroe Islands Union Party (Sambandsflokkurin) 28,8% 1 Javnaðarflokkurin (Social Democratic Party) 25,5% 1 Greenland Inuit Ataqatigiit (Inuit Community) 33,4% 1 Siumut 29,4% 1 Forward 179 Turnout: 84.6% 3. -
Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv. -
How Unique Is the American Situation? Comparing Affective Polarization Across Party Systems Through the Inter-Party Marriage Measure
HOW UNIQUE IS THE AMERICAN SITUATION? Comparing Affective Polarization Across Party Systems Through the Inter-party Marriage Measure ERIK KNUDSEN WORKING PAPER SERIES 2018:4 DIGSSCORE DIGITAL SOCIAL SCIENCE CORE FACILITY UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN BOX 7802, 5020 BERGEN DECEMBER 2018 ISSN 2535-3233 © 2018 BY ERIK KNUDSEN. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. Running head: AFFECTIVE POLARIZATION ACROSS PARTY SYSTEMS 1 How Unique is the American Situation? Comparing Affective Polarization Across Party Systems Through the Inter-party Marriage Measure Erik Knudsen University of Bergen Short Working Paper — All comments are welcome AFFECTIVE POLARIZATION ACROSS PARTY SYSTEMS 2 Abstract Prior research has demonstrated that Americans are increasingly affectively polarized: viewing opposing partisans negatively and copartisans positively. While the literature has thus far provided mixed results to whether the U.S. situation is one-of-a-kind, we lack comparative evidence that takes into account that multiparty systems have multiple political parties. Without accounting for such differences, we risk exaggerating the uniqueness of the U.S. situation. To accommodate this concern, I test an experimental strategy for comparing affective polarization in a two-party setting (the U.S.) with a multiparty setting (Norway) through the inter-party marriage measure. The findings provide evidence to suggest that there are no observable differences in terms of partisan affective polarization in Norway and the U.S., indicating that the U.S. situation is not unique. AFFECTIVE POLARIZATION ACROSS PARTY SYSTEMS 3 How Unique is the American Situation? Comparing Affective Polarization Across Party Systems Through the Inter-party Marriage Measure Prior research has demonstrated that Americans dislike opposing partisans to the extent that they would be unhappy if their son or daughter married someone voting for the other party (Iyengar, Sood, & Lelkes, 2012). -
Right-Wing Extremism in Europe I Ii Right-Wing Extremism in Europe Right-Wing Extremism
Ralf Melzer, Sebastian Serafin (Eds.) RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN EUROPE Country Analyses, Counter-Strategies and Labor-Market Oriented Exit Strategies COUNTRY ANALYSES SWEDEN FES GEGEN RECHTS EXTREMISMUS Forum Berlin RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN EUROPE I II RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN EUROPE RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN EUROPE Country Analyses, Counter-Strategies and Labor-Market Oriented Exit Strategies COUNTRY ANALYSES SWEDEN n Ralf Melzer, Sebastian Serafi (Eds.) ISBN: 978-3-86498-940-7 Friedrich-Ebert-StiftungEdited for: by Ralf Melzer(Friedrich and SebastianEbert Foundation) Serafin “Project on Combatting Right-Wing Extremism” Forum Berlin/Politischer Dialog Hiroshimastraße 17, 10785 Berlin Sandra Hinchman, Lewis Hinchman Proofreading: zappmedia GmbH,Translations: Berlin Pellens Kommunikationsdesigndpa PictureGmbH, Alliance BonnPhotos: Design: Projekt „GegenCopyright Rechtsextremismus“, 2014 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Forum Berlin RIGHT-WINGThe spelling, grammar, and other linguistic conventions in this publication reflect The judgments and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author. They do not necessarily represent the views of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation or of the editors. This publication was compiled as part of a project entitled “Confronting right-wing extremism Editors’ notes: by developing networks of exit-oriented assistance.” That project, in turn, is integral to the American English usage. XENOS special program known as “exit to enter” which has received grants from both the EXTREMISMGerman Federal Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs and the European Social Fund. IN CountryEUROPE analyses, Counter-strategies and labour-market oriented Exit-strategies RECHTSEXTREMISMUS IN EUROPA IN RECHTSEXTREMISMUS ISBN: 978 - 3 - 86498 - 522 - 5 S FE GEGEN S RECHT S Forum Berlin MISMU EXTRE Inhalt 1. Introduction .............................................................................................. -
Capital on the Moral Continuum ERIKSSON Accepted21aug2020 Epublished 2020 GOLD
King’s Research Portal DOI: 10.24357/igjr.6.2.828 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Eriksson, M., Gunnarsson, Å., & Mumford, A. (2020). Capital on the moral continuum: The UK, Sweden, and the taxation of inherited wealth. Intergenerational Justice Review, 6(2), 40-51. https://doi.org/10.24357/igjr.6.2.828 Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against