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1973 The ettleS ment Succession of the Boeuf River Basin, Louisiana. John Clarence Lewis Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College
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Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 I I 74-7241
LEWIS, John Clarence, 1930- THE SETTLEMENT SUCCESSION OF THE BOEUF RIVER BASIN, LOUISIANA.
The Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, Ph.D., 1973 Geography
University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan
THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFIIMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED. THE SETTLEMENT SUCCESSION CF THE BOEUF RIVER BASIN, LOUISIANA
A Dissertation
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of philosophy
in
The Department of Geography and Anthropology
John Clarence Lewis B.S., University of Akron, 19^2 M.A., Kent State University, 1965 August, 1973 i i
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Stimulation for this study came from many sources. Initially,
exposure to the work and thoughts of Dr. Fred B. Kniffen and Dr. Milton
B. Newton, Jr. created general interest in settlement geography.
Trips through the Basin, discussions with students from the area in my classes at Northeast Louisiana University, and the realization that
little had been done on the settlement of the Basin provoked specific
interest in the area.
In addition, the enthusiasm of the residents of the area with wham I
came into contact in my various research projects prompted me to continue.
Many of them anxiously await the completion of this work, realizing that much has already been lost forever in the understanding of hew the
Basin’s present cultural landscape came to be.
The aid and constructive criticism of Dr. Milton B. Newton, Jr.
sustained me through many difficult moments. Valuable comments were also given by Dr. william G. Haag, Dr. Miles Richardson, Dr. Roland E. Chardon,
and Dr. Sam B. H illia rd .
Gratitude must be expressed to the staffs of the libraries at
Louisiana State University, Northeast Louisiana University, and Louisiana
Tech University, and to the staffs of the libraries of Ouachita, Morehouse,
Richland, Franklin, West Carroll, Caldwell, and Catahoula parishes.
Similarly, those in the courthouses of Ouachita, Morehouse, Franklin,
Richland, and West C a rro ll p arish es ch ee rfu lly made a v aila b le many records useful in my work, and deserve appreciation. i i i
Finally, recognition of the patience and sacrifices of my wife and children must be mentioned. iv
TABLE CF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS * i i
LIST CF T A B L E S...... vi
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS...... v i i i
ABSTRACT...... x i i
INTRODUCTION ...... 1
Chapter 1. SETTLEMENT PATTERNS PRIOR TO THE UNITED STATES ERA. . . . 10
Indian...... 10 Prehistoric Sites and Areas .••••.••.. 10 Historic Sites ...... 22 Influence upon Subsequent Settlement Patterns .... 23 Impressions of Early European Explorers ...... 2h French Settlement 27 Spanish Settlement. ...••••«...... 33
2. ANTE-BELLUM SETTLEMENT...... 37
Landscape and Vegetation. .. •• 37 Transportation ...... JUO Agriculture and Other Economic Activities ...... h3 S e t t l e m e n t ...... 52 C o n c lu s io n ...... 82
3. WAR, RECONSTRUCTION, AND EXPANDED SETTLMENT (1860-1890). . 81
Landscape and Vegetation. ..••••••••• 8I1 T ran sp o rtatio n • • . • ...... 87 Water ...... 87 R ailroad ••••••••••...... 88 Road...... 88 Agriculture and Other Economic Activities ••••.. 91 Agriculture ...... 91 L um bering...... 97 S e t t l e m e n t ...... 97 Conclusion 117 V Chapter Page
li. RAIL EXPANSION, LIMBERING, AND INTENSIVE SETTLEMENT (1890-1930) ...... 119
Landscape and Vegetation...... 119 T ransportation 120 Agriculture and Other Economic Activities ..... 123 Agriculture ...... 123 Lumbering and M in erals...... 130 S e t t l e m e n t ...... 131 C o n c lu s io n ......
5. WITHDRAWAL AND MODIFICATION (1 9 3 0 - P r e s e n t) ...... 107
Landscape and Vegetation ...... 107 Transportation ...... 15*7 Agriculture and Other Economic Activities ..... 158 Agriculture ...... 15>8 Lumbering ...... 166 M ineral E x p lo itatio n ...... 166 Manufacturing ...... 167 S e t t l e m e n t ...... 170 Orthodox Upland South ..... 189 Modified Upland S o u th ...... •••• 198 Lowland South ..••« 201 Conclusion .••••••••.••... 208
6 . CONCLUSION...... 210
REFERENCES CITED...... 217 v i
LIST CF TABLES
Table Page
1. Indian and European Usages of Indian Sites in the Boeuf River Basin ...... 22
2. Selected Agricultural Characteristics in 1850 ...... Ij8
3. Selected Agricultural Characteristics in i860 ii9
iu Land Purchases on Prairies Mer Rouge and Jefferson 1805-1813 53
5. Religious Bodies in Boeuf Basin i860 •••••••. 77
6 . Birthplace Data for Inhabited Sections of Boeuf Basin for Residents with Rural Real Estate Valued at #2,000.00 or More, 1800 - Percentage ...... 79
7. State of Birth of Children Under 18 Years of Age, 1850 - P e r c e n t a g e ...... 81
8. Selected Agricultural Characteristics in 1880 93
9. Selected Agricultural Characteristics in 1890 . . . . • 9 $
10. Birthplace Data for Inhabited Sections of Boeuf Basin 1880 . 108
11. Religious Bodies in Boeuf Basin 1890 . 115
12. Population by Wards in 1890 116
13. Comparison of Selected Agricultural Characteristics 1890 and 1900 ...... 121}
ill. Comparison of Selected Agricultural Characteristics 1910 and 1920 ...... 126
15. Selected Agricultural Characteristics 1930 127
16. Religious Bodies in Boeuf Basin 1906, 1916, 1926 . . . . 153
17. Population by Wards in 1930 . 151*
18. Selected Agricultural Characteristics 19h0 ...... 160
19. Selected Agricultural Characteristics 195k l 6 l v ii
Table Page
20. Selected Agricultural Characteristics 1961; ...... 161;
21. Population by Wards in 19l;0 ...... 171
22. Religious Affiliations in Boeuf Basin 1936 ...... 171;
23. Folk Structure Types Along the Boeuf River ...... 182
21;. Religious Affiliations in Boeuf Basin 1957 ...... 187
2£. Comparison of Selected Speech and Personal Characteristics. 190
26. 1970 Population ...... 198 v i i i
LIST CF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Page
1. Boeuf B a s in ...... £a
2. The Boeuf Basin in Louisiana ...... lib
3. Indian Areas and S ite s ...... 11
1. Prehistoric Indian Site ...... 12
5. Prehistoric Indian S ite ...... 12
6. Hegwood Island Area ...... lh
7. Site Profiles on Hegwood Isla n d ...... 1 5
8. 1973 Towns and River Crossings Related to Indian Sites. . . 18
9. Selected Boeuf River Landings ...... 19
10. Prehistoric Indian S i t e ...... 20
11. Prehistoric Indian S ite ...... 21
12. Possible Routes of Early Explorers ...... 26
13. Prairie Areas at Settlement...... 29
lU. Boeuf Basin Streams and Bayous ...... 32
15. Spanish Land Grants . 35 .y" 16. Canebrake Area ...... X . . . 39
17. Routes in i860 ...... 12
18. Basin Communities in 1830 ...... I»6
19. Large Slaveholdings i860 (50 or M o ...... 5 l
20. Rectangular Survey. 57
21. C. A. Lewis Home ...... •••59
22. Girod House ...... 6Ii ix
Figure Page
23. Girod House. ....•••••••••«•• 65
21. Richland Parish Land Purchases ...... 67
25. Hatch Home ...... 69
26. Thomason Home ...... 69
27. Thomason Home ...... 70
28. Basin Communities in i860 ...... 73
29. Field Location at Time of Original Survey...... 7l
30. Rectangular Field Pattern ...... 75
31. Old F ield ...... 76
32. River Road ...... 76
33. Settlement Types in i860 83
31. Physical Agricultural Areas of Basin in 1880 ...... 86
35. Dailey Landing ...... 89 36. Point Jefferson Landing ...... 89
37. Basin Roads in 1890 90
38. Purvis Hone...... 101
39. Purvis Home. .••••...... 101
10. Basin Communities in 1890 ...... 103
111* Ribbon F ie ld s P a t t e r n ...... 105
1(2. Ku Klux Klan Sign ...... I l l
ii3. Basin Plantation Pattern ...... 113 till. C h arlieville C om m issary...... llli
Ii5. Charlieville Commissary...... I l l
16. Settlement Types in 1890 ...... ••••• 118
17. Upland South Site ...... 121
18. Rail Lines in 1930 122 X Figure Page
1*9. Sawmill Communities* ••••••••••••• 131
50. Lumber Company House ...... 132
51. Lumber Company H o u s e ...... 133
52. Landerneau House ...... * ...... 136
53* Noble House ...... 136
Sh» Plantation House. ••••.*.•..•••• 137
55. P la n ta tio n House...... 137
56. Plantation House ...... 138
57. Plantation House...... •••.••.<>« 138
58. Plantation House...... 139
59. Plantation Farmstead ...... lliO
60. Collins ton House...... lli2
61. C o llins ton House...... Ih2
62. Collinston House •••••• ll*3
63. Oak Ridge House ...... ll3
61*. Oak Ridge House ...... ll*U
65. Alto House ...... liil
66. Alto House ...... ••••...... Ili5
67. Alto House ...... 11*5
68. Basin Communities in 1930 ...... li*9
69. Settlement Types in 1930 ...... l 5 l
70. Lowland South Dispersed Communities in 1930 ...... 156
71. Boeuf Basin Highways ...... •••.. 159
72. Basin Communities in 1972 ...... 169
73. Basin Bungalow ...... * ...... 173
7i*. Basin Bungalow ...... 173
75. Oak Ridge Church ...... 177 x i
Figure Page
76. C ollins ton Church...... 177
77. Folk Housing ...... 179
78. Folk Housing ...... 179
79* Folk Housing ...... 180
80. Folk Housing ...... 180
81. Folk Housing ...... 181
82. Folk Housing ...... 181
83* Outbuilding ...... 18U
81}. Outbuilding...... 18U
85. Outbuilding ...... 185
86. Outbuilding ...... 185
87. Outbuilding...... 186
88. O utbuilding. 186
89* Sacred Square ••••..••«••••••. 188
90. West C a rro ll P arish F ie ld ••••... .•••• 193
91. Macon Ridge S i t e ...... 193
92. Upland South Dispersed Ccranunities in 1972 .••••• 195
93. Jigger . 196
9h» Modern Plantation Heme ...... 202
95* Workers' Home ...... 202
96. Workers' Home ...... 203
97. Modern plantation Home ...... 205 98. Modern Plantation Home...... 205
99. Settlement Types in 1972 207 x i i
Lewis, John Clarence, B. S. University of Akron, 1952 M. A. Kent State University, 1965 Doctor of Philosophy, Summer Commencement, 1973 Major: Geography; Minor: Anthropology The Settlement Succession of the Boeuf River Basin, Louisiana Dissertation directed by Dr.. Milton B. Newton, Jr. Pages in Dissertation, 229. Words in Abstract, 572.
This Dissertation is a study of the cultural geography of the Boeuf
Basin of northeast Louisiana. The Basin is drained by the Boeuf River and is located in Caldwell, Franklin, Morehouse, Ouachita, Richland, and
West Carroll parishes.
The study seeks to determine the culture affinity of the Basin; in particular, whether it is that of the Upland South or Lowland South or same o th er, lik e ly a blending of th e two.
The findings are based on the culture landscape primarily. The writer also enlisted pertinent literature, public and private records, and the aid of knowledgeable residents of the Basin.
The study attempts to trace the culture development through a study of settlement patterns from Indiai occupance to the present.
Prehistoric Indian occupance seems to have greatly exceeded that at
Contact. In contrast to the presence of dozens of extant prehistoric mounds, European explorers reported few villages. Both prehistoric and historic Indian groups located on natural levees of the Basin streams or nearby prairie areas. Settlers established their towns and most of their villages away frcm important Indian sites.
The French and Spaniards limited their settlement efforts mainly to the Ouachita Valley. The principal heritage of the French period lies in x i i i
the names of seme streams (such as the Boeuf River itself) and prairies.
The Spanish rule left some square grants that remain to this day,
although these have long been in the hands of Anglo-Saxons, No pocket of
French or Spanish culture remains in the Basin,
Although some Anglo-Saxon settlement took place during the Spanish
period, this phase, in general, awaited the United States era. Settlement
concentrated on the southern and northern margins of the Basin prior to 1830. Both Upland South and Lowland South groups entered the Basin, but the
Lowland South culture appeared dominant prior to 1830, Upland South
aversion to lowlands and the availability of upland areas may have accounted
for th is . However, by i860, Upland South settlers had appeared in many
areas, but agricultural characteristics and extant housing indicated that,
even at this early date, a blending of cultures was taking place.
Between i860 and 1890, an increase in the number of migrants and an
expansion into unsettled parts of the Basin occurred. Upland South groups
appear to have accounted for most of the settlement, with a scattering of
Northern migrants. However, some sections, especially in Morehouse,
Ouachita, and Richland parishes, showed a Lowland South influence. S till, characteristics for 1890 continued to give the Basin a general pattern of
i t s own.
The period of 1890-1930 saw the greatest migration of Upland South
settlers to that time. Despite two major floods, these settlers showed
little of their former aversion to lowland conditions. In addition, lumbering activities gave temporary employment to many new settlers until they became established. However, physical conditions in the lowlands and contact with new market opportunities caused a modification of tradi tional Upland South attitudes and operations. The span from 1930 to the present has seen first a continuation of
the migration of Upland South settlers into the Basin, followed by
out-migration, especially since The Depression, changing market conditions, and mechanized fanning, requiring expensive large-scale
operations, caused this out-migration, primarily. In turn, the culture landscape of the Boeuf Basin has become less and less similar to the traditional Upland South and, yet, also unlike the Lowland South. It appears to have a culture landscape of its own, with attendant values relevant to the land and life. 1
INTRODUCTION
The context of this thesis.
Regional cultural geographies of Louisiana have long marked the advanced geographical study of Louisiana at L.S.U., and each of these traces the development of the characteristic patterns in the cultural landscape in each region studied. These includes northeast Louisiana
(Phillips, 1903), French southeast Louisiana (Knipmeyer, 1956), north- central Louisiana (Kniffen, 1952; Trout, 19$k), southwest Louisiana (Post,
1939) and the Atachfalaya Basin (Comeaux, 1969). This study of the Boeuf
Basin contributes to the completion of the cultural geographic study of Louisiana.
S till another L.S.U. tradition is the systematic examination of sp ec ific culture complexes; findings of these have been employed here* survey systems (Hall, 1970), parish evolution (Kyser, 1938), place names
(Detro, 1970), log construction (Wright, 1956), folk architecture(Kniffen,
1962), the peasant farm (Newton, 1967), social organization of the land scape (Newton, 1973-A), and others.
Thus a tradition of modest regional studies, embedded in a matrix of systematic studies, stands behind this present dissertation which is unique in two regards? it covers one of the few remaining regions of Louisiana that have not been studied as cultural landscapes; and it deals-—to a greater degree than the previous regional studies mentioned—with the mingling of settlers of diverse, related origins to form a new, syncretic cultural landscape resulting from the processes of cultural borrowing, environmental adjustment, and technological advancement. A similar study in a different, earlier setting is that of Newton (1973-B), who deals with the development of the Upland South culture from various European and
American elements. Obliquely related papers emphasizing special aspects of Southern syncretic landscape development include, for example, Price’s
(1968) study of courthouse squares, M itchell's (1969 and 1972) studies of frontier economy, and Prunty's (1950) study of plantation modernization.
These regional and systematic studies of the cultural landscape have resulted in the heightened appreciation of four facts, namely: (1) men normally do what they have been accustomed to do. (2) Cultural groups frequently occupy areas because of their customs. (3) High social value frequently contributes to the success of a culture element on the land scape. (ij) Technological change leads to landscape change and to socio economic change which also leads to landscape change. Prosaic as these concepts might seem, thsy nonetheless describe a great deal of what we see in the settlement succession of an area, such as the Boeuf Basin. It is the principal aim of this thesis to interpret the cultural landscape of the Basin in the light of these and related concepts. Primary accents fall upon landscape elements—both as fitting objects of geographical study and as documents in settlement succession.
IWo meanings of "settlement".
Geographers are generally aware of the ambiguity in the term "settle ment". Where English provides one term, German provides "Landaufnahme"
(the act or process of taking possession of land; settling) and l’Siedlungtt
(the installations and their patterns resulting from Landaufnahne). in nearly all instances, however, the intent of the English usage is clear from the context. In any event, this thesis concerns both kinds of "settle- merit”. In the term ”settlement succession”, the ambiguity persists so that we are concerned here with the succession of both acts and patterns.
Careful consideration of alternative terms led to adherence to tradition because no alternative term seemed to help more than i t hindered.
Study of rural settlement patterns in the South has dealt mainly with house types, building arrangements, road networks, field patterns, and other manifestations of particular cultures? so w ill we here, although communities w ill also be investigated to illuminate more vividly the working of the elements of the settlement complex, and to understand better the act of settlement. The replacement of the older forms, a historical problem in most areas, is perhaps more so in the Basin because of its rapid agricultural develop ment, particularly in the past fifteen years. As a result of such rapid landscape revision, this thesis has relied to an unusual degree on public and private documents. This open blending of paper and landscape docu ments, together with the taxonomic (type) concept, places this thesis in both cultural and historical geography and further highlights the value of the sin g le, ambiguous teim "settlem ent”• Forms and processes (and their various characteristic docunents) imply each other.
The selection of the study area.
The Boeuf River Basin lies between the h ill parishes of North Loui siana, with their Upland South culture1, and the river parishes of the
^The historic Upland South culture exhibited the following traits* a general choice of uplands for settlement? central—passage houses and transverse-crib barns? woodland-clearing farms? an ever-present kitchen garden featuring greens, root crops, peas, and com? emphasis on both hogs and cattle? a belief in open range for livestock grazing? the burning of forest pastures? and log construction for permanent houses (Newton, 1967* 88? 1973-B*39, 1*1, 1*2? 1972*89, 91, 92? Kniffen, 1965*565, 566, 57h). The Lowland South tends to favor the following traits* choice of M ississippi, with their marked Lowland South influence (Newton, 1972:86)*
This study reports the mixture of these two cultures in the Basin* A new cultural landscape, resulting from mixing of elements of two cultures can be seen on the ground and reflected in thfe attitudes of the Basin’s in
habitants. Because the landscape patterns of Upland South and Lcwland
South cultures are yet stronger than those of the new culture, elements will be described, in most instances, in terms of the Upland South or
Lowland South. The Boeuf Basin, lying in northeast Louisiana and drained by the
Boeuf River and its tributaries, takes up no parish completely, but most
of West Carroll, Richland, and Franklin and large parts of Ouachita and
Morehouse and an a11 parts of Caldwell and Catahoula (Fig. 1). The Tensas
and Ouachita basins stand to the east and west, respectively. Because
Macon Ridge limits the right-bank drainage of the Tensas River and the
natural levees of the Ouachita limit that stream’s left-bank drainage in
the latitudes of the Boeuf River, the Boeuf Basin extends over nearly
2,000 square miles for the Louisiana portion (Hammond, 19h$tl3) (F ig . 2 ).
Although Geddes considered the river basin to be a ’’natural" geo
graphic region of cultural evolution (Geddes, 1968:161;-165), such was not
the thinking behind selecting the Basin. The choice was animated by the
simple, historic, and human fact that the Basin, more or less as a whole, was settled late, selectively, and differently when compared to adjacent and nearby areas. Even though the Boeuf Basin is smaller than the unit
lowlands close to a river or coast instead of uplands; "Viiginia" house types; a more cleared appearance to the countryside; frame construction for permanent houses; less emphasis on greens and corn in diet; and the closed range (Newton, 1972:80; Kniffen, 1965:566; Louisiana State Uni versity Seminar, 1969). Oak Grova ■ 9 Lake Providence J B^ u PLIJ g O M er Rouge W EST." » /MOREHOUSE CARROLL/ A .j EAST I CARROLL O U A
32 30 ' QRayvllle
C H L A N D T allulahg
MADISON
$Winnsboro a AN K LIN
CALDWELL
BOEUF BASIN
• Pariah Seat CATAHOULA Baain Limits Harrisonburg
93 30 *
F ig . 1 Note: City symbols represent municipal corporate lim its. THE BOEUF BASIN IN LAKE PROVIDENCE LOUISIANA
■Basin Limit VICKSBURG
50 100 MILES Geddes had in mind, the characteristics of the area did, as he suggested, exert characteristic selective pressure on landscape development.
The Boeuf Basin has been included, along with the north-central part of the state, in the Upland South (Newton, 1972:86 } Kniffen, 1968tl3l4)—— apparently because the Basin has lacked the importance of the adjacent
M ississippi parishes in cotton production, numbers of plantations and size of slave holdings.^ Further, basin political sentiments (such as those toward secession and the Longs), along with local technical arid economic problems, have differed from those in the M ississippi River parishes.^ Basin residents insist that it is the home of middle-class, independent citizens of modest acreages and wealth.^ Moreover, they quickly deny Upland origins or adherence to habits that they attribute to th a t source. (Even so, Upland Southerners—among o thers—commonly o ffe r pro forma denials of association with cultures considered socially in ferior llewton, 1973*Atl83).
A number of complications arise in classifying the landscapes of the
Basin as Upland South or Lowland South. The origins of many of the settlers
definitely lay in the Upland South. Even so, the dog-trot house (basically
two roans with a central passage), hal3mark of the Upland South, was
rarely encountered, and missing entirely over wide areas. Other
2 In percentage, the black population ranged from 19.1 percent in West Carroll Parish, to h2,$ percent in Morehouse Parish (U.S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedules, 1970). In those wards under stucjy, the black percentage ranged from 3 percent to 66 percent. ■i ■"Terry H. Howard explores th is su b ject in sane d e ta il in his Political Tendencies in Louisiana (Howard, 1971).
^Since raapy have held th a t th e absence o f yecman fanner in th e South was a great weakness of the area (Smith, 1950tl5l), local claims to be a region of middle-class farmers seonrid to make the section unusual and interesting. In this lay further motivation for studying the Boeuf Basin. diagnostic outbuildings, such as the transverse-crib barn, appear rarely.
Cemeteries, new or old, possess few sim ilarities to traditional Upland
South types (Jeane, 1969). Further, the inhabitants take better care of their houses than has been reported in traditional Upland South areas.^
Farmsteads usually bear only vague resemblances to those of the Upland
South. Agricultural activities are much more profit-oriented, even from the beginning of settlement, than among the peasant^ class in other
Upland South areas (Newton, 1967:152). The courthouse square holds little significance in the parish seats of the Basinj main roads lead to com mercial sections, rather than to the square, as generally noted for Upland
South county seats (Newton, 1973-A:13). Thus, the landscape Imprints of the ’’characteristic conmunity” (Arensberg, 1956:98) for the Upland South seems to be missing or severely changed in the Basin.
The traveler sees, instead, fully cleared fields, well maintained farmsteads, and an obvious emphasis on modern, commercial, and specialized agriculture. He might imagine himself to be in the Midwest, were it not for the cotton, pecans, and the absence of lai^ge barns.
These observations led to such questions as: (1) Boes the Basin serve as an example of the meshing of Upland South and Lcwland South cultures?
(2) Are the social and economic traits observed those that any Upland
South group would have chosen in a Basin-like environment? (3) Was this section dominated by the elite of the Upland South (Newton, 1973-B)?
^Tn a seminar on settlement geography at L.S.U. in the spring of 1969, observers reported the common characteristic of poor house mainte nance in Upland South areas. ^For the purposes of this paper, a peasant farmer is one who employs traditional methods in traditional agriculture, who has only a small sur plus, who is largely controlled by an urban elite, and who resents this urban elite. A fuller definition is found in Newton 1973-A. Methods of research employed.
Students of Louisiana's cultural geography have utilized many tactics in seeking evidence for theses or in the presentation of findings.
Usually, one method has been emphasized, depending upon individual compe tence or in te r e st or upon the nature of the area. Approaches have included extensive field work and study of land use patterns (Phillips,
1953), exhaustive examination of cultural a r tifa c ts (Knipmeyer, 1956}
Kniffen, 1952} Wright, 1956), place names (Detro, 1972) and th e ty p ica l farm pattern in buildings and crops (Newton, 1967).
Due to lateness of settlement, ease of access to other areas, and the rapid adaptation of innovations in this century, the Boeuf Basin has little in the way of material tradition, Therefore, it was necessary to enlist all possible methods of research within the bounds of the writer's experience. Where possible, building types and crop and field patterns were recorded and analyzed, yielding valuable results in limited sections.
In other instances, public and private records filled gaps in under standing of cultural developments. Aerial photographs of the 19i;0»s and
1950 ’s, land ownership maps, and topographic maps of the 1930's often pro vided conclusive or supplementary information.
Finally, the writer consulted newspaper files and interviewed a number of Basin inhabitants. While conflicting opinions, failing memory, bias, or the trend of the moment may lessen the value of these sources, conformity of information with that of other sources aided in finalization of presentations.
Thus, the writer emphasized no sin gle method, but depended upon veri fication of his findings by a variety of supplementary sources. 8
Some definitions.
Owing to a distaste for jargon and synthetic nomenclature, plain
terms have been used wherever possible. Moreover in an effort to have
the geographer's teims reflect categories native to the Boeuf Basin, the
categories defined below were developed merely to describe the actual
occurrences in the Basin. That they reflect accurately the landscape of
the Basin is a matter for future testing as is the degree to which they
agree with other classifications.
Classes of Agricultural enterprises in the Basin include: (1)
plantation--an operation upon which more than three worker families reside
at present, more than five prior to 1930; (2) large farm—an operation
upon which one to three worker families either live or work at present,
one to five prior to 1930j (3) family farm—an operation worked by one
family with but occasional, temporary use of hired labor. These terms
and their associated concepts commonly occur among local residents and
their neighbors, urban and rural; the vernacular usage strongly agrees with the landscape features, and for that reason they appear here.
The classes of community for the Basin include: (1) major town—a community dominated by tertiary economic functions (including courthouse,
as well as conmercial and service enterprises) and with a population of
at least 3,000; (2) Minor town—a community with a variety of services, but no governmental (except, perhaps parish or state highway-maintenance facilities) and a population of 500 to 3,000; (3) hamlet—a rural com munity limited to fewer than five commercial establishnents and fewer than
500 inhabitants, most of whom commute to other communities for their livelihood; (h) agricultural village—a rural community of farmers; most agricultural villages have fewer than 500 inhabitants, and most of their residents own and farm large acreages in the area about the community, but 9 choose to live away from their lands; (5) "Settlement”—a rural agglome ration of one to six houses (f> to 30 inhabitants) usually with no commercial establishments (while occasionally the term is used as Newton indicated H.973-A ], it is rarely heard in that sense here). This classi fication is empirical and casual; but based upon observation, study of the various censuses, and discussions with knowledgeable residents, virtually all agglomerations fall quite easily into these categories. 1 0
CHAPTER 1
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS PRIOR TO THE UNITED STATES ERA
Indian
The object of this section is not to stu Boeuf River Basin. Then, the relation sh ip with subsequent European settlem ent patterns can be determined. I n it ia l European settlem ent patterns, we should expect, have been influenced by evidences of Indian patterns, as well as the experiences of the Europeans in former areas. Prehistoric Sites and Areas Investigations of the Basin have produced fewer records of Indian sites than one might have expected from knowing the immediately adjacent Tensas and Ouachita b a sin s. The Boeuf B asin i s poorer in number of s ite s and in their impressiveness in size and complexity. However, the Euro pean settlers found evidence of Indian occupance in artifacts turned up while plowing; the widespread nature of this occupance was studied even during the nineteenth century (Brodnax, 1879:388). Attention focused early on the most obvious characteristic of Indian sites—their clustering along the various streams of the Basin (Figs. 3-5)* A scattering of sites can be found along the length of the Boeuf River and many of its tributary streams. Turkey Creek stands out among these. Historic sur veyors’ notes mention extensive swamps along the Boeuf and other streams ARK. + X OMer Rouge t Jefferson % Oak RldgeO ♦♦K' ; Korog -3 2 * INDEAN AREAS AND SITES Settlement Areas X Village Sites Goldmine Plantation 9a* 30 F ig . 3 Sources: Manuscript Files; Swanton, 1911; Field Trips. 12 F ig . U. P re h is to ric In d ian S ite . A mound s ite i s behind th e pho tographer. The depression in the center is occupied by Hegwood Bayou, an intermittent stream, though it appears a larger and permanent stream once occupied the channel. A pasture takes up the area shown. Close by was the old Point Jefferson (Fig. 3). (Louisiana State University Anthro pology Museum S ite Number RL 2 ), Fig. 5. Prehistoric Indian Site. Throughout the Basin, there exists a number of ridges with elevations as much as 25 feet higher than the surrounding areas. An example appears just beyond the turn in the r^ad, since it rises abruptly to its maximum elevation. Goldmine Plantation (F ig . 3)f which has yielded many artifacts to the local archeologists, occupies the general area. 13 of the Basin, but not along Turkey creek. Therefore, Turkey Creek would have been more attractive to Indian groups. Also, note that the Oak Ridge site is not in the midst of a concentration of sites. Since this site had much more impressive earthworks than others in the Basin, a group much advanced or more recent than others probably occupied it. The choice of relatively high ground, usually active or derelict natural levees (Fig. 5), is also characteristic. The Arkansas Eiver formed some of these when it flowed in the Basin in a braided manner (Saucier and Fleetwood, 1970). Few Indian sites in the Basin have mounds. However, some mounds studied by observers, even in this century (Moore, 1909), have been destroyed by agricultural activities or erosion. This destruction, more widespread than has been suspected, could account far some of the paucity of mounds. Sites with abundant evidence of Indian occupation (and, thus, possibly longer occupance) occur mainly on mellow soils, that is, on soils rich in hunus and easy to cultivate (Durham, 1970). Although more notable sites occupy relatively high and dry ground (F ig. 6 ), there is but little difference between the site elevations of 85 to 90 feet and the elevation of the surrounding area in general, which dips below 80 feet only by the Boeuf River and in gullies occupied by minor streams. Obviously, elevation in itself did not attract Indian settlement, but the combination of elevation and the presence of a stream. The Indians built these mounds a short distance to the rear, rather than on the edges, of the gullies (Fig. 7). For site A, there is room enough for a modern river road between the mounds and the edge of the gully. Both sites are located on what is now Hegwood Island (the only known such use for the word '•island" in the Basin), and European cemeteries are found on both. Land cleared for farming in 1935 (indicated Ill § 9 9 9 9 9• 9 • 999*9 9 9 9•■••• . • • ——... . » • ».»• • ♦. • - ' • • • * I • • • ^ lllf (HMMf | HEGWOOD ISLAND AREA Favl Land Below 85' I I Land 85-90' IVI Land Above 90' 0 Indian Site «— Major Road Cultivated Area in 1935 ■IIU 92 40 L . .i.. F ig . 6 Sources: U. S. Department of the Interior, "Hurricane Quadrangle"; Field Trip. o - o* ,n CM £E < 4) o ■ o« U. m U. Fig. 7. Site Profiles on Hegwood Island. Sources: U. S. Department of the Interior, "Hurricane Quadrangle"; Field Trip. 16 by the dashed line in Figure 6 ) can be considered the limits of the island. Since that t,ime, inhabitants have cleared and are cultivating virtually all of the land in the vicinity. The major routes of the area s till focus on Hegwood Island. However, the caranunity (Stevenson’s Gin) has so declined in importance that its name no longer appears on state or parish road maps. Professional and amateur observers have found few, if any, agri cultural tools, suggesting that the inhabitants were hunters and gatherers or were living under the conditions of "primary forest efficienty" (Caldwell, 1 9 ^ 8 ),although perishability of tools could be a factor. Caldwell postualtes that, under primary forest efficiency, Indians depended mostly upon hunting, fishing, and gathering for their food supplies, with a lesser dependence on agriculture (or better, horti culture). Dependence on these two sources of food led typically to a rapid rise and decline of individual primary-forest-efficiency settle ments, thus accounting for the absence of evidence of many permanent Indian villages in the Basin. Most of the characteristics listed ty Caldwell for primary-forest-efficiency cultures have been noted in the Basin. These include: flexed and bundled burials, the use of mounds, the great importance of shellfish (revealed by large middens of shellfish at sane sites, as noted on Louisiana State University Anthropology Museum file cards, amateur observers, and personal experience), and the large and complex earthworks at Oak Ridge. The sparse population found in the Basin at Contact was probably, to some extent, the result of another h t this suggestion has validity, little relationship could be ex pected between Indian and European settlement patterns, as the two groups would have different perceptions of the usage of the natural environment. 17 characteristic—frequent wars, although epidemics of introduced diseases likely played a role as well. In summary, prehistoric Indian sites are less numerous in the Basin than in seme other parts of the state, including adjacent river basins. The frequent and lengthy floods, mentioned in Indian myths (Swanton, 1907), noted in geological studies (Saucier and Fleetwood, 1970), and experienced by early European settlers, may be held responsible. The prehistoric population seems to have practiced a hunting-and-gathering economy. Sites and areas would not have been selected for all of the sane reasons important in European site selection. Sites where firm banks existed on both sides of streams in the Basin frequently became European river crossings, many remaining important to the present (Fig. 8). Correlations may have been greater in the past, if one knew the crossings now forgotten and unrecorded; nonetheless, currently used crossings were used in the nineteenth century, according to early maps (Fig. 17). Riverboat land ings o ften occupied former In d ian s ite s fo r much the same reasons as route crossings (Fig. 9). Although a few villages occupy Indian sites, most of them are experiencing a decline in importance. No correlation exists between the important present towns and Indian sites of the Basin. Mounds and sites on high ground were sometimes employed for cemeteries (Fig. 10-11). The increasing importance of water recreational activities in the past ten years has made seme sites receive attention. However, in general, little relation can be found between areas of concentrated Indian settlement and European settlement, past or present (Table 1)^ Indian sites have had little value for European usage at the actual spot. Instead, most sites are simply parts of the cultivated land. Indian villages hold practically no attraction for European villages. River 18 ARK. La. 835 La. 134 32*30 32*30 □ Rayvilla c 1973 TOWNS AND RIVER CROSSINGS RELATED TO INDIAN SITES MILES 9 3 '3 0 F ig . 8 Sources: Manuscript Filesj Louisiana Department of Public Works, 1?66. ARK. W allace Pt. Jefferson irso □ •Tillm an Rhymes ■ I v 1 ti” f SAIabama* Charlieville > Landerneau Red Bluff H ebert um Point c Thomas e Rivers h ite O ak ailey agle Island ones * tuart SELECTED BOEUF RIVER LANDINGS 92* JO" F ig . 9 Sources: Noble, 1970; P u rv is, 1970; Gunby, 1970; Moore, 1909:109. 20 Fig. 10. Prehistoric Indian Site. An Indian mound in the middle of a cemetery, near Hegwood Bayou, Richland Parish. The cleared area generally encompasses what has long been termed “Hegwood Island”, bounded ty the Boeuf River (line of trees in background to the southwest) and Hegwood Bayou (to th e re a r o f the cam era). The mound measures Ij fe e t high by bS feet wide; and it stands 210 feet from Hegwood Bayou. While most graves date fran the 1930's, the oldest dated stone bears the date 1898. (Louisiana State University Anthropology Museum Site Number 2). Fig. 11. Prehistoric Indian Site. Two mounds located about 3 m iles north of the mound in F ig . 10. Encroaching c u ltiv a tio n shows the fate of many mounds. The cemeteiy's presence should prevent ultimate d e stru c tio n . Note the few graves on the flanks of the la rg e mound. To the left and right can be seen old fruit trees. Frequently, an early use fo r mounds was fam ily-sized orchards. Trees in the d istan c e lin e Boeuf River. (Louisiana State University Anthropblogy Museum Site Number Ri 1 ). crossings will likely show less positive relationship as highways and equipment beecme more ccmplex and advanced. TABLE 1 INDIAN AND EUROPEAN USAGES CF INDIAN SITES IN THE BOEUF RIVER BASIN European Usage Indian Usage and Classification Mound Village Other Prehistoric Historic I V illage 1 1 2 Farmstead 3 3 2 Faim 18 13 35 1 Cemetery h 1 h River Crossing 3 1 h Hiverboat Landing 1 1 Other 1* h 5 13 Note; Sane sites have multiple characteristics. The "Other” category for European usage generally includes idle land or land used, at most, for forage. The "Other” category for Indians generally means workshops. The number of mound sites may give an exaggerated impression of their importance, when actually, it may indicate ease in discovery of such sites. Sources; Manuscript Files, Anthropology Museum, Louisiana State Univer sity; Personal Field Trips. Historic Sites There were few historic sites in the Basin (Table 1). Only one tribe, the Koroa, is consistently mentioned as being present at Contact, and this tribe seems to have established only one village. The core area of the Koroa encompassed the area about the Yazoo River in M ississippi. The presence of this one group in Louisiana probably resulted from the ravages of small pox in the main Koroa area and from pressure in the Yazoo Basin fran groups of Indians migrating from the east (Bjork, 1926»lj01)» Historic maps, as well as investigations in this century, have placed the Koroa village at several points, hut usually close to the Boeuf River. The most common site choice has been in southern Richland Parish (Fig. 3). Swanton (1911:330) places the number of Koroa in northeast Louisiana at 500, but Kniffen thinks this is a conservative figure (Kniffen, 1935: 11). The Koroa stayed in the Basin only temporarily, rejoining the rest of the tribe on the Yazoo River by 1701* (Swanton, 1911:331)» Their short occupance, plus the likely dominance of hunting and gathering in the economy, resulted in little attention being given to them and their area from the earliest European settlers. Otherwise, evidence of historic occupation is extremely rare, according to studies made in the last century (Brodnax, 1879), local amateur archeologists, and the manuscript files in the Anthropology Museum of Louisiana State University. In addition, there is no record of sale of land by Indians to Europeans in the Basin (Dart, 1921). In 1803, the Spanish authorities dispersed 1*00 to 500 Choctaw families within the D istrict of Washita, but, with the exceptions of the villages near Mer Rouge and at Landerneau (Fig. 3), this occupance seems also to have been temporary. Maps show a Tensas village at Point Jeffer son as late as I81j0, and part of the Basin is usually considered in the Tensas domain (Tanner, I 8I1O). Apart from these villages, Indian settle ments after 1810 usually coincided with European faims, where the Indians served as laborers, according to family records (Whatley, 1970j Landerneau, 1970). Influence Upon Subsequent European Settlement .patterns In many cases, the first European settlers located on former Indian s i t e s , e ith e r because th e s ite was on high ground, or because a mound afforded refuge fran flood. Indian hunters' camps on sand banks by rivers and lakes would be near water and a means of c aim unication, yet be re3a tively dry and breezy enough to be free of bothersome insects (Trigger, 1968:61). Little Indian heritage exists in place names in the Basin. Colewa Creek, in the northern part of the Basin, represents the best-known example. This name could be derived from the Choctaw word Kalowa, meaning "crooked", but could also be a corruption of "cold water" and have no Indian connection at all (Read, 1928. Many present-day cemeteries are found on Indian mounds or sites, for the purpose—according to local citizens—of protection against flooding. However, hills are frequently chosen for cemeteries in other areas, such as the Piney Woods, where flooding is not a concern. Since elevated places are few in the Basin, we might have expected cemeteries to be focused on Indian sites, if Basin people share such an interest in high places for cemeteries. In a very few instances, orchards are found on mounds (Fig. 11), and these old remnants probably represent small plant ings which served only one family. No commercial orchards have been found on such mounds (or sites). Otherwise, the current settlement pattern, whether of towns or farm steads, shows a trend away from those areas where Indian sites are most numerous, except for the previously-mentioned recreational possibilities. Impressions of Early European Explorers Few of the early European explorers visited the Boeuf River Basin, at least, few wrote of any travels through the Basin. Where written records remain, the lack of distinctive landmarks in this part of the state makes positive reconstruction of their routes extremely difficult. A majority of students now seems to accept a Louisian route for de Soto (Gibson, 1968), one which led him through the extreme southern part of the Basin (Fig. 12). The chronicler was unfavorably impressed with the Basin, referring to it as a country "so full of lakes and evil ways, that they traveled one whole day in water, sometimes knee deep, sometimes to the stirrup, and sometimes they swam" (Hakluyt, 1851:116). This was in March, a month of high water, and the description conforms to others given of the lower Basin before construction of modern drainage systems. The party saw few Indians and mentioned no fields of maize, although they did describe large Indian villages a few miles south of the Basin, The emphasis in the report on a paucity of Indians and the flooded nature of the Basin would attract little attention to it by potential European s e t t l e r s , De Soto traversed the area in 15>U2. m o sco so recrossed the southern section of the Basin with de Soto’s group, but mentioned little about it, except the existence of mounds here and there. Bienville crossed the Basin in 1700, also making his trip in March. He described the area as partly flooded, and containing many streams in the unflooded sections. Also mentioned were savannahs and prairies, one being a half league wide and very long (Margry, 1879-88, Vol. it:33). His party killed a buffalo on one of these prairies, which seems to account for the name of Boeuf Prairie in southern Hichland Parish, while he spoke well of the prairies, the emphasis of his report was on the bad, wet country and poor trails (Margry, 1879-88, Vol. In33). Bienville crossed the Basin from Lake Providence to the present site of Monroe in the same year, seemingly following much the same route as Louisiana Highway 2 (Fig. 12), Again, the flooded nature of the region was the theme. 26 a— / s»*' • V M' ------POSSIBLE ROUTES -N- OF EARLY EXPLORERS de Soto Bienville HOICOIO ——— 10 20 MILES. F ig . 12 Sources: Margry, 1879-88; Hakluyt Society, l8£l; Gibson, 1968. 27 Bernard de la Harpe appears to have been on the western fringe of the Basin in 1719 and reported finding many large prairies, only a few Indians, and no European settlers (Margry, 1879-88, Vol. 5:288). Well into the eighteenth century, then, the Basin was one of the least-know n p a rts of what was to become th e s ta te of L ouisiana. One e a rly map showed the Basin to be on high land behind an apparent extension of the Kisatchie Wold (lePage du Prabz, 177^:1), further illustrating the general lack of knowledge of the area. Otherwise, the few reports that existed emphasized the water-logged nature of the Basin, with occasional interruption 'ey drier prairies. These reports did little to attract settlers to the area. French Settlement Although aware of the Basin early in its administration, the French colonial government promoted settlement elsewhere; nevertheless, some development was attempted. The prairies (Fig. 13) and the natural levees of the Ouachita River attracted the first settlers. In the north, the different prairies appear to have merged imperceptibly, one into the other; in the south, the areas were distinct in name and lim it. The wording of the early descriptions indicates that this term applied to a landform drier than its surroundings, as well as to a grassy land. The named prairies occupy the parts of the Basin first settled or explored. A warehouse for fur trade, established at the mouth of the Boeuf River before 1720 (Green, 1936jPlate II), may have stimulated settlement on the nearby Boeuf Prairie. Local legend has it that French farmers on Boeuf Prairie were massacred by Natchez Indians. A small settlement did exist at the same time in the vicinity of Monroe. Threat of starvation amd F ig , 13* P ra irie Areas a t S ettlem en t, Sources: Margry, 1879-88; U,S, Department of the Interior, "Bastrop” ”Collinston”, "Fort Necessity", "Harriscnburg", "Hurricane" Quadrangles; Plattbooks, Franklin Parish, Plattbooks, Morehouse Pariah, ARK. LA • Mer Rouge {«5j«'Qallon \ ****** ^ ******, / * ********. ***************•.. X f |I ,******************* f * ********************** r • ********************** j : *******************• •- s I ***************\^. I ************** : ;?■' WAZUy J«ff«r*on i ** *******^»******.{ J % V , ^ 'w j»C • v v \ > * v White 2 Burnt I-" Boeuf -N- PRAIRIE AREAS AT SETTLEMENT 20 MILES F ig . 13 3 0 the menacing attitude of the Natchez Indians forced abandonment of these settlements in the 1730»s (Monette, 181*6j2li5»). Settlement in the Basin does not appear to have been attempted officially again until the Spanish era. Newness of settlement, lack of experience in the Basin environment, and distance to market and points of supply can be held partially responsible for the failure of the French settlements. To 1783, little use had been made of the Basin, except for Boeuf Prairie, so far as permanent settlement is concerned. The student can be misled by the presence of seme family names of obvious and not-so-obvious French background. Actually, these people entered the Basin up to half a century later (Landerneau, 1970). Nor can French survey systems, based on the arpent, be found, a further indication of quite temporary settle ment, since the arpent system is so common in other places in Louisiana where French groups settled as farmers (Hall, 1970). In the names of water bodies, the French presence can be detected. Besides the Boeuf River, the bayous La Fourche, Boeuf, Gallon, Bonne Idee, and, possibly, Coulee show a French heritage (Fig. ll*). These names relate to features of the water bodies or other natural features, with the exception of Eonne Idee (good idea) and, perhaps, Galion, which could mean '’stripe'* or "braided" or refer to some person. The name "Boeuf" likely refers to the buffaloes encountered by the first explorers. Prairies Mer Rouge and Gallon (names no longer used) in the north of the Basin, and Boeuf Prairie also show French affiliation (Fig. 13). Perhaps the Boeuf River Basin symbolizes the frustration of French colonization hopes in Louisiana in general. The French, as the original European settlers, endured the trial-and-error period which discouraged 31 Fig* lit* Boeuf Basin Streams and Bayous. Note that Big Creek changes its name to Colewa Creek approximately in the middle of its course* The Bayou Boeuf channel connects the Ouachita: and Boeuf systems, but its small size has prevented navigation. Bayou Bonne Idee’s meanders bear a great resonblance to those of the Boeuf, Ouachita, and Bayou Bartholomew, indicating sane larger stream cnee occupied that channel. Source: Louisiana State Department of Public Works, 1966, -92*30 BOEUF BASIN STREAMS AND BAYOUS 92 90 F ig, 11* 33 many of the first arrivals. Before adjustments could be made, the French era came to an end. Spanish Settlement The French abandoned their settlement efforts after the Natchez up rising in the 1730»s and, though Filhiol spoke of the "vestiges" of early inhabitants, he found no agricultural settlers. A census of 1769 did list 110 whites for the entire Ouachita district (Calhoun and M itchell, 1937s 8). However, in the case of the Ouachita River area, these apparently involved themselves exclusively as hunters and trappers, lacking ary basis for productive agricultural settlement. Among them, it was said, lived many fugitives of French, Spanish, and British origin (Filhiol, 1786:10). The Spanish government seems to have ignored the Basin until 178£, when Commandant Filhiol was ordered to the upper Ouachita, eventually stationing himself at Fort Miro (Monroe) (Miro, 1783). The location of this post on the Ouachita instead of the Mississippi was related to con trol of roads running north and south and east and west (Holmes, 1781; Holmes, 1810, Map 23; Lafon, l8o6sPart 2 of it), and to the low banks on the Spanish side of the Mississippi. Maps of the time show no other junctions or north-south roads to the east in Louisiana. Fort Miro*s greater elevation gave it greater protection from flooding. In addition, the post could control a buffer zone between the Americans on the east and the Spanish claims to the west. Distance from areas controlled by the United States may also have given the Spanish administration a greater sense of security. Filhiol was instructed by his superiors to enforce conservation in hunting, to encourage agriculture, and to organize the inhabitants into villages (Miro, 1783). Soon after his arrival, he had learned much about 3h the land under his command. He reported on the quick drainage of the area in general, but admitted that overflow might handicap the use of some places to the east of the Ouachita, i.e., the Boeuf Basin. Further, Filhiol extolled the superior qualities of the soil, describing it as being topped by a layer of black earth twelve to eighteen inches deep; he believed it to be especially premising for tobacco, cotton, vegetables, and indigo. Other observers spoke of the likelihood of success of fruit and nut-bearing trees (du Fossat, 1963:39). Grants were made to individuals of wealth or position during the Later years of the Spanish administration. Most of the grants actually settled at this time were outside the Basin. However, the largest of these, the de Bastrop Grant of 1795, included almost half the Boeuf Basin. The grant comprised an area twelve leagues square (II 1I4 square leagues, or about 6^0,000 acres) (Fig. 15). The government instructed de Bastrop to introduce principally German and Flanish settlers and to concentrate on the cultivation of wheat. The entire Louisiana colony had suffered from a chronic shortage of wheat, importing it fron Mexico and elsewhere (Filhiol, 179h:8). Authorities hoped for a surplus from de Bastrop's plan, in return for this grant, de Bastrop agreed to settle 500 families on it, each receiving hOO areal arpents (338 acres) (American State Papers, 1809-1815, Vol. 11:772). In reality, de Bastrop introduced fewer than fifty families, and the government forbade in 1797 his continuance of his efforts. The authorities had intended, by the de Bastrop Grant, to stimulate settlement, but its great size and the confusion regarding the true title of the land hindered settlement of the northern part of the Basin until the middle of the nineteenth century. ARK. L A. f de Bastrop Pargoud I------■— Farfar •v □Gallardo J da L a o n ^ | -N- SPANISH LAND GRANTS 20 MILES F ig . 15 Sources: Plattbooks, Franklin, Morehouse, Ouachita, and Richland parishes; Calhoun and M itchell, 1937. Thus, while the Spaniards were considered more aggressive than the French in settlement attempts in northern Louisiana, at the end of the Spanish era, observers described it as mostly ’‘primeval forest" (Calhoun, l?3St62i). Definite evidence of Spanish heritage is even more difficult than for the French to find today in the Basin. No natural feature bears a Spanish name. There are neither clusters of population nor communities with Spanish c h a ra c te ris tic s . The de Bastrop Grant, though shown on maps as late as the mid-nineteenth century, has disappeared completely. The rec tangular sections at Mer Rouge and Oak Ridge, sold after the Spanish era by those who had gained possession of portions of the grant, are, there fore, only indirectly a heritage of the Spanish era. Five of the square Spanish grants (sitio s) (Hall, 1970) are found in Morehouse, Richland, and Franklin parishes (Fig. 15). In the locations of the smaller grants, the Importance of waterways and the Boeuf Prairie area can be clearly seen. These could have been fore-runners of extensive riverine settle ment on the respective streams. Anglo-Saxon settlers entered northeast Louisiana in the last years of the Spanish era. The origins of these settlers included Kentucky, Ohio, and various states of the northeast and southeast United States (Miscellaneous Papers, Index 29, Documents in French and Spanish l ? 8 l - 1818 of Ouachita Parish Conveyance Records). Most of these settlers located along the Ouachita River and Bayou Bartholomew. The sparse settlsaent and scantiness of records make it difficult to determine the nature and extent of Anglo-Saxon culture for the Basin at the end of the Spanish aid French eras. CHAPTER 2 ANTE-BELLUM SETTLEMENT Landscape and Vegetation The beginning of this era found the Basin little-known and sparsely settled, much of it still a hunting ground for Indians and Europeans. Official reports give little information about the area (Gallatin, 1809: 586 ). The general tone of travelers* reports was more favorable than earlier (Darby, I8l6:li9; Brown, 1817:130; Martin, 1827:25). Writers mentioned alluvial land, renewed yearly by floods. They failed to men tion that this renewal meant possible destruction of livestock and facilities, as spring floods occasionally reached the banks of the Ouachita River frcm the east. Instead of describing the entire area as a canebrake, travelers stressed the great amount of land unencumbered by Indian or Spanish claims (Stoddard, 1812; 261j). However, a canebrake did take up much of the center of the Basin (Fig. 16), though no part of it remains at p resen t. The annoyances and threat of insects and diseases s till impressed most visitors to the Basin and likely resulted frcm the je arly flooding, follow ed by poor drainage over much of the area. Fig , 16* Canebrake Area. Sources: Plattbooks, Caldwell, Franklin, Morehouse, Ouachita, Richland parishes; U. S. Department of Agriculture, #ljR-lfjli85-A, #ljR- 15069-A, #iR-1^071-A, #hR-13778TA, #IiR-llt767-A, '‘Ouachita P a ris h .'1 ARK LA 32 w m m m ' 1J • • • #k* • V 32 CANEBRAKE AREA 20 MliCS F ig . 16 1 0 Transportation Water transportation stood as the most important means of entry into the Basin at the opening of this era. The Ouachita River and Bayou Bartholomew, but especially the Boeuf River and Bayou Macon provided access. However, each of these streams would occasionally have le s s than two fe e t of water in the f a l l (Jefferson and Dunbar, 190iisl8). Therefore, their use was seasonal. During periods of high waterr the Boeuf River could be navigated to Point Jefferson and, in seme years, to within 30 m iles of the Arkansas border (Plattbook, West Carroll P arish ). A significant event occurred in 1819, with the opening of the streams of the Basin to steamboat transportation. Even though no great obstacles, such as the "Great Raft" on the Red River, had hindered it, improvement of navigation stimulated migration into the Ouachita Valley more than into the Boeuf Basin. For land transportation, trails already existed and a few roads could support wagons. The various roads and trails frequently traversed the countryside from prairie to prairie or elevated area to elevated area, instead of proceeding directly across the Basin (Fig. 17)• Boeuf Prairie was connected to Monroe, although the tra il's exact course depended upon the amount of water in the area (Hendry, 1839-181|2). The route from Monroe to Bayou Bartholomew, Mer Rouge, and Lake Providence had long been used, as had the road north to Arkansas. In the I8lj0«s, a road was constructed between Monroe and Vicksburg, but could be used only in dry weather (Williamson, 1939:185). Authorities established a mail route in the l81|0's connecting Vicksburg with Harrisonburg, through Rich mond, and using Macon Ridge as far as possible (Snyder, l81|2;Letter, Dec. 10. Fig* 17* Routes in i860. Comparison with Figure 28 indicates that the primary function of mary of these routes was to connect points out side the Basin, rather than to serve those within the Basin. Records indicate that routes crossing swamp areas in eastern Morehouse Parish and in the area west of the Boeuf, south of that parish, changed course frequently due to boggy roadbeds. Most of these routes have lost the importance held at this time. Sources: Plattbooks, Caldwell, Franklin, Morehouse, Ouachita, Richland, West Carroll parishes; Hardee, ca. 1895> J Marshall, 1858. ARK LA. —•—' («»*•»** H ,« 1 ► ^ (TlHMIIIHIHHI • V ROUTES -N- IN 1860 'Definite Route Location Possible Route Location to F ig . 17 Railroad construction in northeast Louisiana was actually part of a larger scheme to connect the east and west coasts of the United States. Considered crossings of the Mississippi River included Lake Providence, Vicksburg, and Vidalia, with the Vidalia route's being abandoned early in the discussions (Bry, 18U7)• Sane planners argued that the Lake Providence route could take advantage of Macon Ridge and Prairie Mer Rouge, and that the swamp in that section of the Basin was not so wide. Others believed that the Vicksburg route was more direct and would be in line with cities of the South, such as Charleston, Montganery, Shreveport, and Pallas (Bry, 18147). In a d d itio n , a bridge over Bayou Bartholanew could be avoided. The availability of capital for promotion and investment decided the dis pute; the greater ca p ita l in Vicksburg, Monroe, and Shreveport lay along the route finally accepted. Construction began in the 18E>0' s and the line had almost reached Monroe by i860. However, the C ivil War prevented further work. Water remained the most important form of transportation, and, thus, had the greatest influence on settlement. Agriculture and Other Economic A c tiv ities While commercial farming was the goal of the first Anglo-Saxon s e t tle r s , as was true of most areas of new settlement (Mitchell, 1969* 113), remoteness posed a distinct handicap. Distance to gins and mills severely limited emphasis on cotton and hopes for grain export. In addition, supplies (equipment, tools) often had to be obtained at probate sales, as no convenient stores existed. Visitors to the Basin spoke of the increasing establishing of cotton plantations along the navigable stream banks. Sugar and cotton were claimed to do quite well (During these years these two crops became commercially important in Louisiana), and de Bastrop's grant was referred to as "the garden of the Ouachita bottoms" (Brown, 1817:130). By this time, due to the lack of streams east of the Ouachita that could be used to drive m ills, wheat and other small grains were less frequently men tioned as possible crops (Darby, l8l6:l|lj). A variety of agricultural activities was apparently attempted. Seme settlers emphasized the raising of livestock, both cattle and hogs. Practices employed on the prairies in the south of the Basin resembled ranching operations.^- These operations may have resulted from herds of feral cattle in the Basin. Observers mentioned the presence of these herds (Dunn, l88|?:£7). Others allowed their tame cattle and hogs to roam the forests. The adaptation of the traditional open-range grazing of the Upland South to the new conditions of a lowland swamp forest, as opposed to an upland forest, is seen here. Owners rounded up their animals in the fall with the aid of a special folk breed, the "Catahoula hog dog" (Cottingham, 1938:33* LeBon, 1970:31). While many settlers established family-sized farms (as indicated by the frequent mention on surveyors' platts of fields belonging to various individuals), others operated large tracts. This occurred particularly in the southeast of the Basin close to Bayou Macon near Upper Settlement and Lower Settlement (today's Como and Oakley) (Fig. 18). Farms of up to 1,000 acres were found here, some having as much as liOO acres in both com and cotton. A season's crop might amount to 100,000 pounds of lin t (200 bales). Parcels of land sometimes sold for $l,f>00 (Snyder Papers, 1810-1829). here means an operation where cattle-raising is the pre dominant activity, and the animals are herded. Fig. 18* Basin Canmunities in 1830* Communities include settlements mentioned in public and private records. Source: U* S* Bureau of the Census, 1820, 1830j Ouachita Parish, Conveyance Records* ARK. LA. • Point Jaffaraon f■ 1 • v v . • Uppar i ^ ? • Sattlamont Boauf Pralrla ■ 32' 32 BASIN -N- COMMUNITIES IN 1830 [Harrisonburg 20 MIIIS F ig . 18 1*7 Selected characteristics for the Basin parishes reveal that these parishes bore seme marked differences (Tables 2 and 3). Carroll, with many large plantations, might be expected to have the largest average faim size. The same should be true for Ouachita, with its large early land grants. While the average total sizes for the remaining parishes are much the same, Franklin has a much smaller average improved area. This would seem to ind icate the presence o f many an a l l fanners, as would the value of implements. The value of farm implsnerrts appears to go up with a decline in average farm size, perhaps reflecting the greater numbers of farmers and the repetition of types of equipment. The lesser importance of the mule, as opposed to the horse, in most of the Basin parishes contrasts sharply with the nearly even figures for Carroll Parish in 1850. Beportedly, the mule did not appear in the Basin u n til 1835 (Kilpatrick, 1852: Vol. I2;22 li). The ratio of horses to mules changed considerably between the 1850 and i860 censuses. The mule gained popularity in those sections where larger farms were the ru le. Planta tion operators employed mules before small farmers and the id e n tity of cultures cannot be determined by traction types (Newton, 1973-Bili*). However, the importance of the mule first in Carroll Parish and then in those sections of the Basin with large farms may serve, in addition to other characteristics, to underline the presence of the Lowland South. By 1850, slavery held great importance in all the Basin parishes, except Caldwell, and much of that parish lies outside the Basin. Franklin, although near the average, had the smallest percentage of slave-holding families. All of the Basin parishes combined had only 17 slaveholders with more than 50 slaves (U. S. Bureau of the Census, Slave Schedules, 1850), but only Franklin and Caldwell had a majority of whites in the population. TABLE 2 SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS IN 1850 Promi Percentage nence of Average Total Value of Slaves in Average Improved of Farm Fam ilies T otal Slave- Farm Size Acreage Implements w ith Population holding P arish P arish Acres p er Farm - Dollars Horses Mules Slaves Percentage Average Population Caldwell 171* 89 133,636 397 175 16 1*3 9.1 2,816 C arro ll I487 159 206,71*7 1,61*3 1,1*1*6 51* 71* 21.1 8,778 F ranklin 200 51 10l*,8l8 1,01*5 352 1*8 1*8 9.5 3,227 Morehouse 235 87 56,917 791* 325 51 51 9.8 3,883 Ouachita 290 82 50,590 798 1*52 62 58 11.2 It, 727 Source; U. S. Bureau of the Census, Agriculture and General, 1850. TABLE 3 SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS IN i860 Promi Percentage nence of Average Total Value of Slaves in Average Improved of Farm Fam ilies Total Slave- Nunber Farm Size Acreage Implements w ith Population holding Slave Location Acres per Farm - Dollars Horses Mules Slaves Percentage Average holders Caldwell 338 81* 88,166 798 1*02 31 1*0 7.7 226 C arro ll Ward 5 21*2 70 Ii2,25>0 390 31*7 30 1*0 11.1* 86 Ward 6 276 80 100,lt79 371 21*7 1*6 1*8 7.9 97 Ward 7 261* 80 3l*,7l*l* 237 303 6o 1*8 9.3 66 F ranklin 368 98 69,682 1,300 990 1*2 00 11.1 291* Morehouse Ward 5 1*31* 166 28,050 202 332 1*1 71* 2i*.9 1*8 Ward 6 307 126 12,370 11*0 21*7 00 78 21*. 3 36 Ward 10 U88 111* 8,220 109 120 01 06 11.3 37 Ouachita Ward 2 1*20 173 13,760 11*6 101* 61 08 21*. 0 19 Ward 3 1*32 110 12,208 81 126 n /a n/a 17.0 16 Ward 1* 170 99 20,070 92 69 n/a n/a 1U.6 26 Note: Where the census figures are listed by wards, only Basin wards are shown. Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Agriculture and General, i860. .c- VO So In regard to large slaveholdings in i860 (Fig. 19), Franklin and Caldwell appear to have been similar to a number of parishes in the north-central hill area and the Florida Parishes. Although Caldwell is partly in the hill area, Franklin’s lowland situation makes its affinity to the mainly hill parishes more impressive. Ouachita and Morehouse fall into the category generally held by a number of lowland parishes, and, in canbination with other features of Morehouse Parish, tends to more firmly place it under seme Lowland South influence. Carroll’s high standing related to the great number of large slaveholdings in its eastern portion. While slaveholdings characteristics, in themselves, serve as no culture stamp, similarities and differences with parishes in other areas in th is respect can be an aid . The possibility exists that the importance of slaves in the Basin and their early use served as a deterrent to small farmer Upland South entry, thus limiting the Upland South’s influence in the cultural land scape. The slaves served as cheap labor and were involved, in sane cases, in selling com and pork in the markets of the general area (McGuire, I8l8-l8£2). Thus, they were well entrenched in an activity in which small, yeoman farmers would normally be involved. All in all, comparison of agricultural characteristics in the Basin parishes with those in other parishes about the state leads to a tenta tive conclusion that the Upland South dominated western Carroll Parish, Ward h in southeast Ouachita Parish, and Caldwell Parish; and that the Lowland South daninated in Morehouse Parish and Wards 2 and 3 in Ouachita Parish (east-central and northeast). Inmost categories, Franklin Parish shows a f f i l ia t io n w ith the Upland South. -N- (50 more) or 1 1 1 - 2 5 1 NO RETURNS n BOEUF BASIN LIMITS 11-10 □ ABOVE26 LARGE LARGE SLAVEHOLDINGS 1860 WILES H* (-* ►*) VO TO Source: Menn, 196b:7 5>2 Settlanent By the end of the French and Spanish eras, almost 1|00 Europeans had settled in the Ouachita District, with United States citizens already accounting for over half (Berquin-Duvallon, 1860*136). During the first 2£ years of the American era, settlement concen trated in the south of the Basin (on Boeuf Prairie) and on Macon Ridge (near Bayou Macon), and, toward the north, on prairies Mer Rouge, Galion, and Jefferson (Fig. 13). These concentrations resulted from relative ease of access, the expansion or reinstitution of previous settlement, and the attraction of higher ground. Abraham Morehouse, who had cane into possession of much of the de Bastrop Grant, was primarily responsible for settlement of the Prairie Mer Houge area in the early 1800* s. Between 180JU and 1813, he made approximately 100 land sales to people who actually settled on the land (Calhoun and M itchell, 1937:130). He sold land mostly to people fran outside Louisiana, especially from Kentucky. A mixed cultural background is suspected for these early settlers (Table lj). Sane of the names represent families canmon in the Upland South, while other patrinyms were distinctive of other sections, including New England; and, of course, many names were ubiquitous (Rossiter, 1909). Registrations of marks and brands in Ouachita Parish for 182£ revealed only one definitely Scotch- Irish name in 110 entires (Ouachita Parish Conveyance Records, Declara tion s of Marks and Brands). While not a l l Upland South people were Scotch-Irish, they were an important group in the Upland South, so that these name lists seem to question the importance of the Upland South at that time. Thus, blending, or meshing, with no discernible pattern of culture characteristics may well have been a feature of the Basin from early days of settlement. TABLE h LAND PURCHASES ON PRAIRIES MER ROUGE AND JEFFERSON 1805-1813 Purchaser Year Sold Location Acres Zone of Concentration of Nane Buckner, Samuel 1805 Prairie Mer Rouge 150 Virginia, North Carolina B a lls, W. 1807 Prairie Jefferson 500 Massachusetts, Virginia Bowmar, Capt. Joseph 1807 Prairie Mer Rouge 500 Pennsylvania, Virginia Ballinger, Nancy 1810 Prairie Mer Rouge 272 Not Available Barlow, James & Than as 1809-1810 Prairie Mer Rouge 1,199 Massachusetts, Vi rginia Clack & Frazier 1808 Prairie Jefferson 875 North Carolina, Pennsylvania Clack, Thompson, e t al 1811 Prairie Jefferson 87? Ubiquitous Darley, Patrick 1809 Prairie Mer Rouge IjOO Not Available Davis, Nathaniel 1810 Prairie Jefferson 500 Ubiquitous Davenport, Josiah 1807 P rairie Mer Rouge o o New York, Massachusetts, North Carolina, Virginia Egg, Joseph 1810 P rairie Mer Rouge 200 Pennsylvania, North Carolina Floyd, Moses 1809 Prairie Jefferson & Bonnee 950 North Carolina, South Idee Carolina Guffy, John 1807 Prairie Jefferson 500 Not Available Table 1*—Continued Purchaser Tear Sold Location Acres Zone of Concentration of Name Griffing, Archibald, John, 1807-1812 Prairies Jefferson & 2,000 New York, North Carolina Jeremiah Mer Rouge Hamilton, George 1807 P ra irie Mer Rouge 1,338|- Ubiquitous Hughes, Benjamin (John) 1811 Prairie Mer Rouge bOQ Pennsylvania, Virginia Henderson, James L* 1809 Prairie Mer Rouge 1*00 Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina Hook, George 1812 Prairie Mer Rouge £00 Pennsylvania, Maryland, New Hampshire Kay, Robert 180? Prairie Mer Rouge 1*00 Virginia, North Carolina Linderman, Conrad 1811 P ra irie Mer Rouge 1*00 Not A vailable Lewis, Judge Thomas C. 1810-1812 Prairies Jefferson & Mer Rouge, Bayou Bonne Idee 1,1*23 Ubiquitous Lamy, L. and M. LeV illan 1809 P ra irie Mer Rouge 1*00 Not Avail able M ille r, John 1811 Prairie Mer Rouge L00 Ubiquitous Morhouse, Charles F. 1805-1813 P ra irie Mer Rouge 1,500 Connecticut, New York Middleton, Hatton 1801* P ra irie Mer Rouge 1,^00 South Carolina, Pennsylvania Merriwether, Eliza, Mildred 1805-1806 P ra irie Mer Rouge & 750 Not A vailable Reuben, John M., Nicholas Bayou G allion TABLE I—Continued Purchaser Year Sold Location Acres Zone of Concentration of Name Scott, Gabriel 1809 Prairie Mer Rouge 150 Ubiquitous Stewart, George 1809-1810 Bayou Gallion 1,000 Ubiquitous Van Allen, William 1810 Prairie Mer Rouge loo New York (Only) Ward, Isaac 1808-1810 Prairie Jefferson 875 North Carolina, Massachusetts Welch, Thcmas 1812 Prairie Mer Rouge & i,o lo New York, Pennsylvania Bayou Gallion Wence, John 1811 Gallion & Jefferson 6,081 Nob Available Townships Wiley, Robert 1811 Prairie Mer Rouge 33 New Hampshire, Pennsylvania Yarborough, Swanton 1811 Prairie Mer Rouge 30 North Carolina Sources: Calhoun and M itchell, 1937:119-153 J Rossiter, 1909:227-270. vn. vn. Though settlement seemed rather permanent in Prairie Mer Rouge, a characteristic could already be seen in Prairie Jefferson settlement that was to hinder development of the rest of the Basin until after the Civil War. That is, the Basin (as did Louisiana in general) served as a kind of rest stop for migrants either on their way to Texas, or speculating on the future value of the land (Craven, 1939s361i) • In addition, many migrants, particularly those from Upland South areas, sought the sandy and clayey soils to which they were accustaned (Owsley, 19149 : 60), This characteristic would tend to encourage than to by-pass the Basin. One early inhabitant spoke of Prairie Jefferson as '‘close to Mexico, for which we all sigh" (Green, I960j62). Land in these northern prairie areas was divided into rectangular lots, employing a kind of metes-and-bounds system (Fig. 20). The domi nance of rectangular lots in early settlement indicates the influence of a culture other than Upland South, or an Upland South culture affected by seme other, perhaps French or Spanish. Units of measurement included arpents, poles (rods), chains, and paces. Width frequently reached 30 chains in Prairie Jefferson (Short, l85>2:6lij). Forty arpens (arpents) was considered a normal depth on each side of a bayou. Lot orientation sometimes focused on streams and sometimes not. Lot descriptions often referred to certain trees, stakes, and other surface features as comer markers. However, the chaotic appearance so often found with the m etes- and-bounds system is not seen here, perhaps due to the prevalence of rectangular dimensions. 2 This description likely refers to soils with a thin sandy loam top- soil and a clayey subsoil. The writer has noted soils of this type on field trips and from soil maps for the Ouachita Hills just west of the Ouachita River. k o u u ^ RECTA SUBV6T rl»n* RO»d Ro»d nd»*» •S«c ° Souna*»V k XJ iMY*”ROuSf w«*ia»«a» -N / I £ / / 5 U*o' •0rt«W«* y went of H i^ S> 20 lvf»' p ig Depar Lou i9 iatia 1—u se ?ariS^lJ The surveyed lots are found at e3e vations of 80 to 90 feet, only 10 to 15 feet above the surrounding areas (U. S. Department of the Interior, Bastrop, Collinston, and Hurricane Quadrangles, Topographic Maps), but, apparently, enough to make the settlers believe themselves safe from floods. The northern section of the Basin also appealed to Aaron Burr. He planned for each of his followers to receive 100 acres in the de Bastrop Grant (Abernethy, 1951): 115). He was apprehended before he reached the area with his small band, but this episode does further illustrate that much of northeast Louisiana lay open for settlement during the first decade of the nineteenth century. Had he been successful, this moderate- size farm establishment might have changed the settlement pattern of the area considerably. Settlement began on Boeuf Prairie almost as early as that on Prairie Mer Rouge. A few Anglo-Saxon families arrived there before 1800, but major stimulations to settlement resulted fron assumption of control of Louisiana by the United States and the conclusion of the War of 1812. Here, too, most of the migrants came from states to the east, with some from Tennessee, Virginia, and Kentucky (u. S. Bureau of the Census, 1850). About one-third of the total families possessed slaves (U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1810, 1820, and 1830) and seme had sufficient funds to purchase more land than they homesteaded. Family traditions hold that these early settlers constructed large homes of logs with elaborate dining and guest rooms (Noble, 1970; Sartor, 1970), but no idea exists as to the layout of these structures. As soon as materials and workmen were available, large frame structures were erected by the more prosperous families (Fig. 21). 59 Fig. 21. C. A. Lewis Heine. Built by the Lewis family and supposedly dating to about 1830, this is the only example of its type remaining in the Basin today. Note the similarity to the Creole style in the roof, the space under the first floor, and the depth of the structure. Although an imposing landscape feature, it now functions as a bam. The cedar tree in the front yard is ubiquitous in the Basin, as the chinaberry tree is elsewhere. In this farmstead, perhaps the oldest in the Basin, we see features of both the Upland and Lowland South, as well as Creole (Caribbean). English names held dominance, although there were seme Scotch-Irish names, such as M ullins, McDonald, McIntosh, and McClendon (Stokes, 1832-39). Where family genealogies indicate counties or communities of origin in Georgia, Alabama, or North Carolina, location is on the pied mont or coastal plain^, indicating a mixed Upland South and Lowland South heritage. The extensive canebrake area handicapped early settlement (Fig. 16). Except for southern and northern Richland Parish, the indicated canebrake area has only recently been cultivated and much of it remains in second- growth timber. The brake was described as a "shimmering spine" and a "green wall" by early residents (Louisiana State Department of Public Works, Planning Division, 1958:9). They, as well as surveyors in the I8lj0»s and l850*s, regarded it as impenetrable, though some considered canebrakes good for winter grazing. Owsley maintains both the planters and plain farmers avoided them because of malaria and the expense of clearing the land (Owsley, 19li9:52). These impediments generally re stricted settlement to the east and west edges of the Basin during much of the first half of the nineteenth century. In addition, they served as a selective agent, discouraging Upland South settlement, due to the preference of that group for dry elevated forest area. Those migrants, apparently from Upland South areas, who came into the Basin later, chose such sections in West Carroll and Franklin parishes, even though cane brake areas s till remained available (U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1880). Sane upland (perhaps not Upland South) dwellers attempted settlement on ■a -'Towns include Pine H ills, Mobile, and Ashville in Alabama and Marietta in Georgia. Counties include Calhoun in Alabama and Clark, Henry, and Coweta in Georgia (Noble, Thcmason, and Sartor Family Records). 6 1 the natural levees in the south of the Basin before 1810, but floods in 1813 and again in I8 l5 drove them permanently away (Chawner, 1936:10). Events took place in the 1820's and 1830's to influence settlement in the Basin. These included more accurate reporting, the discovery of rich land in the middle part of the Basin, and increased awareness of the fertile ridges between the Boeuf River and Macon Ridge (Martin, 1827:2^). Knowledge had been gained about the v eg etativ e cover, such as those tr a c ts having a pine cover (Dunbar and Hunter, 1832:733)• Later Upland South settlement often focused on the pine forest areas. The opening up of public lands for sale served as a further stimulus. Confirmation—or lack of it—for the various grants had delayed public sale until 1820 (Rohrbough, 1968:1)0). However, this postponement resulted in the increase in cost of land to two dollars per acre (whereas just a a few years before, the same land might have cost only five cents per acre) (Stoddard, 1812:266), plus office and surveying fees. This increase made the land too expensive for many prospective Upland South purchasers, possibly excepting the wealthier Upland South elite, persons who ape the Lowland traits, anyway. Nonetheless, others were able to acquire land. Girard (Fig. 18), the oldest community in Richland Parish, was established in 1821, although the oldest death appearing on a grave marker shows 1814.7* The agents of Stephen Girard, a philanthropist and financier of Philadelphia who had came into possession of a large section of the de Bastrop Grant, sold large acreages of land frcm this holding in the vicinity of Girard for speculation or commercial farming (Bryy I8li8:69). Note that Girard's site was in canebrake area. However, the canebrake in the center of what is now Richland Parish served as less of a deterrent to settlement than elsewhere. 62 Even on Macon Ridge, however, two scourges afflicted settlers through out the nineteenth century: plagues of gnats and diseases. A possibility exists, however, that disease in the alluvial lands was overstressed, as evidence indicates more deaths frcm feverish diseases in the uplands (McGuire, 1818-1852). Despite such a reality, there was a custom from pre-Civil-War times to the 1920's of sending children to the Ruston area during the summer (McGuire, Sept., 1831?; Richland Beacon-News, Aug. 8, 1891; Noble, 1970). Increasing settlement led to the formation of new parishes after 1830. The first was Carroll, in 1832, including the areas of present East and West Carroll parishes. While the western boundary extended to Boeuf River, the core of the new parish nestled along the Mississippi River. Ease in demarcation can be held accountable for extension of the parish to the Boeuf River. Very little settlement had occurred in that part of Boeuf Basin even as late as the surveys made in the 18£0's (Plattbook, West Carroll Parish), but Lake Providence had easier access to the area than Monroe. Surveyors considered the land second- and third-rate with an overflow problem (Dearing, 1837). This rating would tend to hinder settlement. A closer connection to settlement in the Basin is seen in the forma tion of Caldwell Parish in 1838. The Boeuf River marked the greater part of the eastern boundary. Beginning in the 1830's, French settlers migrated into this eastern section, resulting in the founding of two communities, Landerneau and Hebert. The latter remains a community today. Hebert has been identified as an Acadian name (pintado Papers). However, most of the French settlers came from the Ouachita River settlements, the Etier and Landerneau families having lived along the river as early as l8l!? (Ouachita Parish Conveyance Records, Declaration of Marks and Brands, 1813-1828). While this early settlement on the Boeuf was predaainantly French in culture, as evidenced by French vendors and purchasers (Caldwell Parish Conveyance Records, Book F:287 and Book A:128, $79), no evidence of this culture is to be seen today, except in names. Even Hebert is commonly pronounced He’ bert, instead of A* bair. The French families owned land for about six miles along the Boeuf, but no evidence of the arpent system is found. Housing which dates from that time bears a simi larity to the typical plantation house of the Basin, but is not identical (Fig. 22-23). Most of the descendants have become Protestant. There is no indication of a French accent in speech. Here is found the first example of a characteristic which recurs mary times and in a number of ways in the settlement succession of the Basin* regardless of differing backgrounds, the settlers have tended toward a common mode of living, or, at least, to common goals. (This also tends to make culture affiliation more difficult to ascertain than in some other sections.) The example of the French settlement is the most extreme. Here, both language and religion were affected, traits usually held tenaciously. In general, migrants accepted crop patterns, economic practices, and house types (For example, the peasant farm held less im portance here than other areas where Upland South groups settled .) common to the Basin, usually in less than a generation. Perhaps Basin soils, topography, and greater ease of communication influenced the newcomers in 1 these choices. An event of significance in settlement in the Basin was the Panic of 1837. Little settlement had yet taken place, and the panic did not affect the area as greatly as it did elsewhere. However, by the spring of 1837, the panic had caused "every species of property" to fall in value 61* Fig. 22. Girod House. Facing the Boeuf River across a modern high way, this house dates to about 181*0. Although constructed for a French family in a French community (R. M. McClanahan Family Records), the structure bears little resemblance to common French styles. Instead, the plan shows a greater affinity to the common plantation type for the Basin, with its wide front and ell to the rear. However, the rather large half story differentiates it fran the plantation type (Figs. £1*-S>8), which rarely had a finished second story, as well. The house serves no purpose at present. n O mu Addition mu E^Chimnay 0 GIROD HOUSE □ -f777i- J L - I I I I Fig. 23 66 (McGuire, 1818-1852). m states farther east, high taxes, supposedly- generated by the panic and state debts, resulted in migration to the west (Dick, 191+8:59). Land purchases increased greatly just after the panic, in the a rea to become Richland P arish (Fig. 2li). Commonly, individuals purchased entire sections. A dozen buyers secured many sections apiece (Abstracts of Land Sold to March 31, 1869, Richland Parish). Land values increased to $30.00 per acre in the Basin, compared to $5.00 in the uplands to the west (Dorr, 1938:1199). This would not have been settlement made by those lacking capital. However, no actual settlement was made on many of these purchases. Aerial photo graphs as late as 19lj0, for example, show much of north-central Richland Parish still in forest cover (index Photographs for Richland Parish, 19l|l). This also holds true for south-central and southwest 'Richland Parish and north-central Franklin Parish. Sporadic forerunners of a trend, which became strong half a century later, appeared in the 1810‘s and 1850 *s—a movement of in d iv id u a ls f i r s t ♦ from other states to the hill parishes of north-central Louisiana, then to the alluvial lands (Green, 1960:33; U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1850). Throughout the Basin, migration intensified during the late l8li0's and the 1850»s. The finishing of surveying, the constructing of roads, and the beginning of the Vicksburg-Shreveport Railroad greatly stimulated this migration. Patterns of settlement developed differently frcrn area to area in the Basin during this heavy migration. Boeuf Prairie in Franklin Parish received little new settlement, though the pattern of small purchases there continued. The Bayou Macon area was the center of concentrated settlement in Franklin Parish (French, 1972:97), but most of the Bayou Macon area is outside the Basin. 67 * RICHLAND PARISH LAND PURCHASES H 1830-1839 g§ 1840-1849 EU 1850-1859 |j]3 1860-1869 Q 1870 AND AFTER Fig. 2It Source: Abstracts of Lands Sold to March 13. 1869 in Richland, Louisiana. 68 SmaH fanners were also prominent in the settlement of the western part of Carroll Parish. Though the eastern part of Carroll Parish con tained great cotton plantations, the majority of the voters of that parish resid ed west of Bayou Macon (Oden, 1967:131). The presence of the Upland South can be detected in the establishment of the communities of Beulah, Macedonia, and Round H ill, ju s t b efo re the C iv il War (McKoin, n .d .) . In their otherwise unusual names, we see a characteristic identified with the Upland South. In addition, it can be suspected that they were dis persed communities, as neither tradition nor evidence on the landscape indicates any greater size for them than that at the present. In contrast, expansion of settlement in the prairie areas of Morehouse Parish continued to be in the form of plantations, with land prices in creasing from ,$3.00 to $5.00 per acre in 1850 to $1}0.00 to $75.00 in i860 (Dunn, 1885:8). Settlement in present-day Richland Parish, concentrated along the Boeuf River, varied from holdings of I4O to over 200 acres (Abstract of Lands Sold to March 31* 1869, Richland Parish). In some cases, impressive homes were built (Fig. 25-27). While agricultural villages were found in the Virginia, Carolina, and Georgia settlements (Trewartha, 1962:532), these did not appear in the Basin during this era (with the possible exception of Prairie Mer Rouge), even though many of the settlers came fran those states. By the end of the Antebellum era, the Basin was receiving increased settlement, and fam iliarity with its characteristics had grown. However, many s till believed the area to embrace mostly bad lands, such as gum flats, cypress brakes, canebrakes, and willow swamps (Biographical and Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, 1892). In addition, sane observers referred to it as a "terra incognita" (Bry, I 8I48). 69 F ig . 2$. Hatch Home. Dating to 1858 and one of the earliest planta tion homes in Richland Parish. Slaves, first apprenticed to craftsmen in Virginia, constructed the house and made most of the materials used from local resources, including bricks. Originally, a porch extended around the front of the house, both upstairs and downstairs. The photo shows the heme from the opposite side (east) of the Boeuf River. F ig . 26. Thomason Home. A unique s ty le in th e B asin, th is s tru c tu re resembles the Carolina '‘I ” house inside and out and dates to before the C iv il War. F ig. 27. Thomason Hone. This sid e view rev eals a clo se a f f in ity to the Carolina "I" House and underscores the South Carolina origin of some of the Basin settlers, though it stands as the only one of its type observed. Its culture was already distinguished fran that of the h ill country of northern Louisiana. Terms, such as "hop" for a dance a ffa ir and "bran dance" (because bran was used to keep down the dust—later corrupted to barn dance), also appear to be unique to this part of the state at the time (Anderson, 1960:18). Most northern Louisiana upland parishes were predominantly white (Howard, 1957:66), whereas the black element had the majority in seme Basin parishes. Diet also indicates a mixing of cultures at this time. Mutton appears to have been as popular as beef and pork (Williamson, 1939:67, 309). Mutton held a favored position among lowland peoples of the Mississippi and Georgia coasts (Hilliard, 1972:li5-ii6). Neither was there dominance of the Lowland South. Perhaps these differences can be attributed partly to settlers from a great variety of places (many had come to Franklin Parish from the various states of the northeast United States, as well as from other Southern s ta te s ). By i860, a number of communities existed in the Basin, but only Winnsboro appeared on general maps of the time (Fig. 28). Even Winnsboro is missing in seme of than. While surveyors usually only showed fie ld s on section lin e s , the absence of fields on section lines elsewhere in the Basin suggests con centrations of settlement in only certain parts of the Basin (Fig. 29). Often, the fields show location near a stream. These fields tended to lay lengthwise along the streams, rather than extending inland from them in the arpent survey system pattern (Fig. 30) ; this indicates Anglo-Saxon settlement. A few of the original fields remain in cultivation, but as parts of large farms (Fig. 31-32). The size of the field indicates a small farm operation, unless many are clustered together. Fig* 28. Basin Communities in i860. Already, community locations were based on a variety of factors: a major route (Dunn, Little Creek, Girard); access to water (Redmouth, Alto, Salmagundi, Girard, Ion Landing, Lake Lafourche, Point Jefferson, Jones Ferry)} elevated land (Lower Settlement, Upper Settlement, Boeuf Prairie, Winnsboro, Hurricane, Oak Ridge, Gun. Ridge, Mer Rouge, Bonita, Lind Grove)} isolated Upland South (Eden, Baskinton, Round Hill, Beulah), Between these points stretched miles of forest, canebrake, or general swampland. Sources: Plattbooks, Caldwell, Franklin, Morehouse, Ouachita, Richland, and West Carroll parishes} Hardee, ca. 1895. ARK. LA. • Lind Grove ^Plantersvllle ^ •B o n ita « . Oak Grove g (Pinhook) Round Hill Point Pleasant, B"S,^ P *Mer Rouge r- Oak R idge Gum Ridge* • Jones Ferry ■ '{(Point J e ffe rs o n • '•Monticello Monroe 32 •Little Creek„ - ■ "'Delhi / Dunn B • ^(Deerfield) a H u rric a n e ^ •W innsboro M .U p p s r i j r - C olum bia1 • Edeng Settlement BASIN -N- COMMUNITIES IN 1860 Harrisonburg 20 ■ ltd F ig . 28 3 2 *3 0 ' 32 30 C FIELD LOCATION AT TIME OF ORIGINAL SURVEY MILES 92° 30* Fig. 29 Sources: Plattbooks, Caldwell, Franklin, Morehouse, Ouachita, 'Richland, and West Carroll parishes. 75 n o D q CC o (9 j U J Z UJ H 2 = 5 F ig . 30 Sources: Franklin Parish Police Jury, 181 j3-1962; Richland Parish Police Jury, 1870-1960; Field Trips. 76 Fig. 31. Old Field. Such name given by local inhabitants, rec tangular in shape. At one time, the clearing made up an entire farm. To the left (north) is an old river road and beyond, the river. The abandoned and unused house is all that remains of the farmstead. Its plan is one roan deep and two wide; chimney remains at the opposite side, i.e ., a double-pen house. Again, cedar trees grow in the front yard. Fig. 32. River Road. The present river road, adjacent to the field in Fig. 31, has been transferred to the left (south) at this point, but vegetation has not yet obscured the former track. 77 In attempting to assess culture affiliation for the Basin in i860, census statistics indicate the presence of both the Upland South and the Lowland South, but the dominance of neithe r culture can be affirm ed. Agricultural evidence has been explored previously (Tables 2 and 3). Politically, as in the rest of north Louisiana (Shugg, 1939:158), the Basin manifested sympathy for the Union. Only on the eve of Secession did that movement find acceptance (Spyker, 1856-1860*388). Even Franklin Parish, where 70 per-cent of the free fam ilies owned land (most Basin parishes hovered around 50 per-cent), voted for secession. In addition, in i860, most of the Basin parishes voted Democrat, as did the h i l l parishes. However, Morehouse voted Whig, lik e ly the Lewland South influence. In church statistics, Carroll shows contrasts. Presbyterian churches appeared for the first time in any Basin parish (Table 5 ). Settlers had TABLE £ HELIGIOUS BODIES IN BOEUF BASIN i860 Parish 3aptist Methodist Presbyterian Episcopalian Caldwell 8 3 Carroll 2 6 5 1 Franklin a.T 1 Morehouse k 7 1 Ouachita 2 6 Source: U. S. 3ureau of the Census, Social Statistics, i860. organized Episcopal (usually associated with Lowland South settlement) churches in both Carroll and Morehouse parishes. However, Ouachita, 78 Franklin, and Caldwell had no Episcopal or Presbyterian churches. Here again, a ten tative conclusion would support a Lowland South heritage for Morehouse Parish and, lik e ly , an Upland South flavoring for the r e st of the Basin. An investigation of the birthplaces of a sampling of the residents of the Basin (Table 6 ) shed a little more light upon possible culture affiliation. Only those residents whose rural real estate was valued at $ 2, 000.00 or more were chosen, in order to gauge that part of the popu lation that was more stable and more likely to remain. It would seem that Caldwell Parish tended to be a part of the Upland South. The high percentage of Louisiana natives, perhaps, related to earlier settlement in Caldwell or to movement from other parts of the state. For Carroll Parish, Ward h was in what i s now East Carroll Parish and the others were in the present west Carroll Parish. As might be expected, Ward 1) has a relatively high percentage of its landowners from V irginia. However, th is group has representation in other wards as w ell. We also see evidence of migration frcm northacn states and some immi gration from foreign nations. In addition, comparatively few Ward 1* settlers were born in Louisiana. For Franklin Parish, Louisiana settlers are important in the southern and western edges, indicating possible easier access to those areas frcm other sections of Louisiana by following the various streams north frcm the Red and M ississip pi rivers. Warsaw and Winnsboro have impressive con centrations of Mississippi settlers. Other areas of origin of interest are northern states, including Maryland. Morehouse Parish also shows a trace of northern settlem ent, and Ward % has a significant percentage of Virginia settlers. Ward10 has the only recorded Florida settlers in the Basin. TABLE 6 BIRTHPLACE DATA FOR INHABITED SECTIONS OF BOEUF BASIN FOR RESIDENTS WITH RURAL REAL ESTATE VALUED AT $2,000.00 OR MORE, 1850 - PERCENTAGE Caldwell Carroll Franklin Morehouse Ouachita State of Boeuf Red- Winns Origin w.a w.5 W.6 W.7 Prairie Oakley Warsaw mouth boro w .5 w.6 W.10 Louisiana tk 8 10 16 6 16 30 11 18 5 20 10 5 50 Mississippi 28 22 26 21 lk 26 2k 23 3? 12 20 16 9 North Carolina 10 10 12 10 21 9 5 12 22 16 3 South Carolina 11 6 10 8 13 13 11 9 16 7 13 21 9 Tennessee 16 6 9 16 9 7 9 8 5 7 9 7 13 24 Kentucky 8 k 3 8 7 3 7 2 2 5 6 Georgia 5 6 6 6 7 21 3 5 2 8 6 Alabama a 2 10 5 3 3 11 9 3 9 7 11 a Arkansas 2 Texas k 3 Florida 2 Maryland 6 11 k 2 7 Ohio 1 3 2 VO Table 6—Continued Caldwell C a rro ll Franklin Morehouse Ouachita S tate of Boeuf Red- STinns- O rigin W.li w.5 w.6 W.7 Prairie Oakley Warsaw mouth boro W.5 w.6 w.io Pennsylvania l 2 6 New York h 2 2 I llin o is b 2 2 P russia 3 2 Canada 2 2 Demark 2 Irela n d 3 2 2 2 V irginia 16 6 5 6 3 $ 3 7 5 17 3 6 Other 2 1 6 It 2 Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedules, i860. CDo 81 Ouachita Parish stands almost as high as Caldwell for native Louisianians, perhaps again a reflection of earlier settlement than for the Basin in general. Also, the percentage of settlers from Virginia is almost as high as those from many other states. The birthplaces of children serve as indicators of the points of residence prior to migration to Louisiana (Table 7)» While Mississippi TABLE 7 STATE OF BIRTH OF CHILDREN UNDER 18 YEARS OF AGE, l8£0 - PERCENTAGE Birthplace Caldwell Carroll Franklin Morehouse Ouachita Louisiana 61 55 73 111 63 Mississippi 25 20 18 20 10 Alabama 7 11 h 22 11 Georgia 1 2 1 8 10 Arkansas 1 2 1 1 2 Tennessee 1 2 2 2 1 1 South Carolina 1 2 1 2 i 1 North Carolina ? 1 2 2 1 Kentucky 2 2 1 V irginia 1 Indiana 1 Maryland 1 Others 2 2i 1 2 | 2 Source; U. S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedules, 1850. held high standing by this tabulation, Alabama also rose in importance. Census records reveal two patterns of migration: (1) a primary movement 82 from Georgia to Alabama or Mississippi to Louisiana, (2) a secondary movement frcm Tennessee to Arkansas (ap p aren tly , l i t t l e time was spent here) to Louisiana. Conclusion All of these factors have entered into the presentation of cultures seen in Figure 33. In i860, the Upland South areally dominated the Boeuf Basin. Where mentioned, conveyance and private records indicate prior residence in M ississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Worth Carolina, and South Carolina in the hill and piedmont sections. However, few sections can be positively regarded as purely Upland South. Housing which remains frcm this era also shows a mixed heritage. The dog-trot of the Upland South appears even in the French-influenced section of northeast Caldwell Parish. In contrast, the Hatch home in central Richland Parish indicates either northern or Lowland South affinities. The small-farmer, Upland South presence had not yet become as important in the Basin as in the hill parishes, thus weakening the Upland South influence somewhat. The various cultural, demographic, and agricultural characteristics suggest a blending of cultures, blurring the frequently attempted image of the Basin as mainly an area of Upland South culture. 83 SETTLEMENT’ TYPES IN 1860 D Lowland South Influanca Dominant Upland South 0 Franch Inlluanca M*JOf F ig. 33 Sources: U. S. Bureau of the Census, i860; Plattbooks, Caldwell, Franklin, Morehouse, Ouachita, Richland, and West Carroll parishes. eh CHAPTER 3 WAR, RECONSTRUCTION, AND EXPANDED SETTLEMENT (1860-1890) Landscape and Vegetation During the Civil War years, a large part of the Basin remained in virgin vegetative cover, including extensive swamps and canebrakes which, we are told, provided refuge for draft dodgers and deserters and, later, for criminals. Perhaps for these reasons, the Basin was largely ignored by touring observers, seme of whcm crossed the Basin by train, but made little note of its features. One traveller described only the marriage of an Irishman to a local country girl and closed, "Nothing further of interest transpired during my wandering through Richland and Franklin.” (Lockett, 1870:3;?), although he did refer to R ayville, D elhi, and Winns- boro as the only "villages of note" (Lockett, 1870:87).. Much of the Basin, even land adjacent to Winnsboro, which had been established well before 1850, was s till thickly wooded as late as the l870's (Lockett, I870j87). Lockett included Richland and Franklin with the bluffland parishes and spoke especially well of the eastern "hilly section", referring to the rolling topography as ridges and slashes.-*- He classed most of the Basin as wooded swamp, with little value, except for cypress lumbering. Forest still covered an estimated 85 per-cent of the -*Xow intervening slices of land, with a swamp forest cover and flooded during part of the year. northern Basin in the 1880's (Dunn, 188^:38). Lockett reported the roads along the streams as good, but regarded those between as almost impassable. Lockett recognized the superiority of lands close to the streams, stressing that they were moderately sandy and easy to work. He made a significant observation, which at the time was largely ignored—"Franklin contains a good deal of veiy fa ir land not under cu ltivation and is a good locality for iranigrants with limited means to find homes in. " (Lockett, 1870:87). He rated the eastern hilly section as excellent for the traditional crops, including tobacco. However, the few inhabitants whom he described were not bound by such limited means. Hilgard's map of 1880 was the most detailed work on the Basin pro duced at that time (Fig. 3h gives a simplified reproduction). Hilgard divided alluvial bottom soils into three main types. Hammock soil was found on the natural levees and featured higher sand content with attendant ease of cultivation. Buckshot, or cane, land occupied the lowest elevations, had more lime, yielded better (although not so well under freedmen's labor), but presented difficulties in cultivation. Gum land covered intermediate elevations and had intermediate qualities. This last was the most favored (Hilgard, 188U). Modern soil maps for the Basin parishes show a striking similarity to the pattern on Hilgard's map, although there is more complexity indicated for Morehouse, southern West Carroll, and northern Hichland parishes (u. S. D. A., General Soil Maps: Franklin, Morehouse, Catahoula, Caldwell, Ouachita, Richland, and West Carroll parishes). The fact that Hilgard's work was in a census publication would serve to familiarize many prospective settlers with the Basin's features. Mil* l I I * 3 * 3 0 'W i’ i i H i i- cv PHYSICAL ja AGRICULTURAL AREAS OF BASIN IN 1880 | | River Alluvium Bluff or Cane Hllla Slil Long Leaf Pine Hllla Yellow Loam-Oak Uplands 93 30" F ig. 3h Sources Hilgard, l881i. Floods recurred in the Basin during the l8 8 0 's , These, plus preva lence of mosquitoes in the stagnant waters, likely discouraged Upland South, particularly, and some Lowland South migrants, as well. In assessing the western portion of the Basin in 1886 as to the value of building a rail line frcm Arkansas to Alexandria, an outside observer rated the prairie areas as among the most fertile in North America (Tcmpkins, 1886j 32). The same observer classed most of Franklin Parish as good upland, with only a small portion alluvial. He also found a great similarity between West Carroll parish and the Bastrop H ills. The important function of the sloughs in draining the alluvial lands was commonly recognized. Premature suggestions for land usage included the intensive raising of livestock, and the planting of overflow lands to grass and pecan trees. However, it was felt that an enterprising migrant population would most likely accomplish these, rather than the natives (Dunn, 1885 :iil). The Basin still suffered, as sane other parts of the state, fran exaggerated reports on climate and pests.2 Outsiders particularly feared malaria north of the Red River and some considered northeast Louisiana as "one vast graveyard" (Dunn, 1885:32). Such descriptions would, i t seems, have continued to repel migrants who might have been able to acquire land in the area. Transportation Water The Boeuf River held great Importance in the economy of the Basin. 2 An article in the Chicago Tribune in the late 1880«s stated that if the open areas in Louisiana were~at" the latitude of Illinois and Indiana, there would be a rush exceeding the one in search of California's gold (Biographical and Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, 1892:13). Even so, the Boeuf s t i l l suffered, along with the Ouachita, frcm being unnavigable for part of the year above the Catahoula Shoals at Harrisonburg, rendering the Basin functionally remote until improvements in land or river transportation could be made. However, thirty-five landings existed between the mouth of the Boeuf and Point Jefferson, normally the limit of navigation (Fig. 9). Planters established most of the landings on the higher east side of the river (Fig. 35-36), where there lay more extensive tracts of land suitable for farming. Almost eveiy plantation on the river had its own landing, but not all held enough importance for the surrounding areas to gain perma nence and popularity for their names. Railroad While reliable river transportation was resuned almost immediately after the Civil War, the railroad was not rebuilt until 1867 and then only between Monroe and Delhi. It, therefore, served only as a feeder to river transportation. The railroads experienced no expansion in the Basin during the entire era, except for the reconstruction of the line between Vicksburg and Monroe. Thus, settlem ent promotions by railroads (B illin g to n , 1967:706) were of little importance in the Basin during this time. Road Roads were expanded considerably during this period (F ig. 37). However, only the Vicksburg-Monroe road served in all seasons. In 1870, Lockett reported the roads along the streams as good, but regarded those between as impassable (Lockett, 1870:87). In addition, no major routes of overland transportation to the West crossed the Basin (Billington, 1967:637). Thus, while the Basin’s roads might aid settlers in getting their products to market or to river and rail transportation, these roads Fig. 3f>. Dailey Landing. Part of a farm today and difficult of access, this high bluff on the Boeuf River was once an important landing with warehouse facilities. In addition, it is the site of Indian mounds and an mdian workshop. The river was particularly low when the photo was taken. Fig. 36. Point Jefferson Landing. The landing site lay on the left bank (west) in the foreground. Although all banks shown are high, the landing bank was 5 to 10 feet superior. The Boeuf enters from the upper right and flows toward the photographer, its diminished volune results from diversion of the bulk of the water into Bayou Lafourche, in the upper left. ARK. LA. y" B astrop. ■ / r6— v . JfVinnaboro Columbia. 33* BASIN ROADS -N- IN 1890 Harrisonburg Poaalbla Route 20 MtlfS F ig. 37 Sources: Hardee, 1871; N icholas, 1885; Richland Parish Police Juiy, Book B, Januaiy, 1882-1898. 91 offered little inducement to migrants who might have sought access to the Basin, The road pattern does, however, indicate expansion of settlement into previously unsettled sections, and shows that the prairies and major stream levees no longer dominated the settlement pattern. Agriculture and Other Economic Activities Agriculture A number of changes occurred in Basin agriculture during this period. Seme resulted from the Civil War, others frcm attempts to adjust to the local conditions. A few were temporary in duration; others were permanent. Many planters who had fled to Texas during the war never returned, and their lands ultimately were sold for taxes (Richland Beacon-News, Sept, 7, 1872, Nov, 3, 1877). The traditional planter element was, thus, weakened. The cutting of and lack of maintenance on the levees during the war period presented a great physical impediment to commercial farming. Flooding became more frequent for years (Paxton, 1888:388; Biographical and Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, 1892:128)0 Truck farming was taken up by farmers in central Richland Parish, as well as in West Carroll Parish (Richland Beacon-News, June 2, 1888), Apparently, those in Richland Parish experienced little success, as no further mention is made of the activity. Settlers continued to employ the forested areas of the Basin for hog and beef-cattle raising (Hilgard, 1881:78). With the departure of Negroes, some planters hoped to fin d a source of labor in the h ill parishes to the west (Bonner, 1866), but the migration of these h i l l people would occur, in sig n ifica n t numbers, mapy 92 years in the future. Shugg maintains they were repelled by malaria and other diseases, being "indifferent if not hostile" to lowland social and physical conditions (Shugg, 1939:255). Hilgard's highly-regarded report on cotton production (Hilgard, 188U) listed some of the striking characteristics of the Boeuf Basin, but did not develop these. He believed it merged so soon into the bayous branching out from the Mississippi River that its individuality was quickly lost (Hilgard, l88ii:ll). He did note that the labor of Franklin Parish consisted of about equal numbers of whites and blacks, a unique circumstance for the state, except in the hill parishes, and that the share system was only slightly developed in Franklin Parish (Hilgard, 188L:83) (perhaps he was speaking of area involved, as Table 8 shows a high percentage of farmers to be sharecroppers). Again, he perceived that farmers favored and used cottonseed planters in Morehouse Parish, but not in Franklin Parish, due to the relatively rough ground (Hilgard, 18814:79). These contrasting conditions may exhibit the tendency of wealthier planters, here presumed to be Lowland South settlers, to use new methods prior to their adaptation by poorer or remoter farmers, here presuned to be Upland South farmers (Newton, 1973-B:l5). In comparing farm sizes from parish to parish in 1880 (Table 8), Morehouse and Ouachita parishes stand apart from the rest of the Basin in average size of farm (in both improved and total acreage) and for per centage of large farms. Richland Parish shows some characteristics of both groups, perhaps reflecting the efforts of local leaders to attract small farmers. Apparently, sharecroppers had not yet become Important in Morehouse and Ouachita parishes (only areas within the Basin were con sidered in Table 8), but sharecroppers were unusual in West Carroll Parish as w e ll. TABLE 8 SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS IN 1880 Average Average Percentage Percentage Percentage Percentage Percentage Percentage Percentage T otal Improved Farms Farms Farnfi Farms Farms Faims Farmers Acreage Acreage 1-50 51-100 101-200 201-500 501-1,000 1,000+ Share- P arish Per Farm Per Farm Acres Acres Acres Acres Acres Acres cropping Caldwell 108 68 h6 15 21 3 8 2 19 F ranklin 85 39 53 20 18 3 2 * 20 Morehouse 266 llh h 16 26 30 15 15 5 Ouachita 28U 151 10 10 15 38 19 6 1 Richland 139 h6 32 20 29 5 7 3 13 West Carroll 83 30 U9 19 23 2 2 # 6 » - Less than 1 per-cent. Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Agricultural Census, 1880 Selected agricultural characteristics for the Basin parishes in 1890 and a sampling of other lowland and upland parishes about the state offer additional clues to culture affiliation for the Basin (Table 9). In fam size categories, the Basin parishes usually held a position intermediate to the lowland and h ill parishes, but resembling the lowlands in the 20 to £0-acre class and the hills in the others. The above-£00-acre figures were inconclusive. Thus, though the physical landscape resembled that of the lowland parishes and the background of many of the settlers was Upland South, fam patterns duplicated those of neither culture area. Although strong Upland South areas had higher values for implem ents in the past, by 1890 high implement value seaned more characteristic of Lowland South sections. East Carroll Parish seems to deviate from other lowland parishes and Richland Parish is an exception for the Basin. For Richland Parish, there were growing indications of a stronger Lowland South presence than in the past. The importance of sheep also seems to set h ill parishes apart from the lowland parishes. This could indicate healthier conditions in the hills or subsistence farming there. That would not explain Franklin's and Morehouse's high standing, which may further indicate their Upland South domination. Morehouse lies partly in the hill area. Lowland parish famers apparently had a marked preference for mules over horses. The characteristic of Lowland South planters' choosing the mule earlier than Upland South famers has been noted by other observers (Newton, 1973-B:l5), and may simply relate to earlier adaptation of innovations. Lowland parishes emphasized cotton much more than hill parishes. This indicates a commercial specialization as opposed to the grain-cotton-livestock operations of Upland South areas. Note how Morehouse and Ouachita parishes resemble lowland parishes; TABLE 9 SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS IN 1890 Characteristic B ienv ille Caldwell Concordia E. Carroll Franklin Madison Morehouse Improved Acres - Percentage 28 22 1*6 L2 1*2 36 39 Value Faim Implements - $ 5k,030 1*0,770 161,120 61*, 010 32,71*0 100,960 101*, 720 Sheep 2,21*3 2,195 166 259 1,207 1*15 1,722 Horses 2,186 91*0 1,281 726 1,61*6 710 2,239 Mules 1,31*6 1*87 3,033 2,121 595 2, 51*2 2,1*80 Cotton (Bales) 8,891 5,81*1 38,738 23,803 7,750 27,581 28,051* % Farms 1-20 Acres 9 1* 38 1*7 28 51* 15 % Farms 20-50 Acres 27 8 1*6 31* 30 31* 36 % Farms 50-100 Acres 16 16 3 5 lit 3 11* % Farms 100-500 Acres 1*U 66 6 6 22 3 27 % Farms Over 500 Acres 1* 6 7 8 6 6 8 Average Size Farm (Acres) H*o 206 121 11*7 133 11*9 160 % Tenant-Farmed 31.87 19.10 89.80 88.1*3 63.01 90.29 55.21* VO vn TABLE 9—Continued Characteristic Ouachita Richland S t. Helena Tensas W. Carroll Winn Improved Acres - Percentage 12 35 2h li7 19 h i Value Farm Implanents - $ 113,370 116,981 22,790 153,210 i»3,310 17, 1(00 Sheep 2,2$9 1,707 2,1403 W18 533 1,379 Horses 1,936 1,507 1,522 831 1,032 1,51»0 Mules 2,100 1,090 503 3,950 1(78 1(52 Cotton (Bales) 21,395 13,1(12 8,122 10,963 5,630 5,235 % Faims 1-20 Acres 20 9 13 33 15 H4 % Farms 20-$0 Acres 38 32 28 52 21 12 % Farms $0-100 Acres 15 19 15 h 11 12 % Farms 100-500 Acres 23 33 38 5 lil 58 % Farms Over $00 Acres k 7 7 6 12 k Average Size Farm (Acres) 111 151 163 121: 108 161 % Tenant-Farmed 5U.88 U9.17 U8.57 89.79 61.08 16.38 Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Agricultural Census, 1890, vo O v 97 Franklin, West Carroll, and Caldwell, the h ill parishes, while Richland holds an intermediate position. Lumbering Individuals constructed sawmills in various parts of the Basin during this time, but these served a local market. Large-scale limbering and m illin g , and the migration accompanying i t , awaited the next era. Small- scale limbering became important at a number of points about the Basin. Winnsboro saw th is coincidental w ith the arrival of a number of migrants from the Midwest, although not a ll of these were drawn by lumbering a c tiv itie s (Franklin Sun, 1956:A-3, 8). The beginning of limbering activities may have exerted influence upon the expansion of the rail network, although it is also possible that lumbering expanded with the rail network, and because of it (Tcmpkins, 1886:37)* However, i t would appear that lumbering did a ttra c t r a il lines, or, at least, brought expansion more readily than would otherwise have been the case, with attendant effects on settlement patterns. S ettlem ent The early l860»s found the Boeuf River Basin on the threshold of intensive settlement. Sparseness of habitation had prompted touring observers to neglect the Basinj now, interest in the great forests of the bottanlands was awakening. Fine soils adjacent to the Boeuf, especially in its lower course, also aroused greater interest. Seme of this land sold for as much as $30.00 per acre (Dorr, 1938:1196). The prairies of Morehouse Parish commanded a similar price. Individuals had already secured, though not always settled, much of the fertile area along the Boeuf River and Bayou Lafourche, thus making it unavailable to many pros pective migrants. Seme had become quite successful in commercial agri- 98 culture, incurring and disposing of debts in excess of $10,000,00 (Polk, Feb. 16, 1868). Strongholds of small farmers also existed; to their presence can be credited the lower slave population of the Basin parishes, accounting far only $0 per-cent of the total, while the slave percentage in Madison and Tensas parishes reached 90 per-cent. In addition, over half of the voters in Carroll Parish lived west of Bayou Macon, even though much more land was under cultivation east of it. Coneteries sprinkled across the Basin, dating to i860 and before, contain few headstones showing burials before 1880, perhaps owing to the ravages of time. But though settlement existed well before 1880, little space remains in these old cemeteries where there could have been burials not marked by headstones. Settlement was, indeed, restricted in the Basin prior to the Civil War, to blocm in most areas after 1880—even though much of the land had been claimed (Fig. 21;). Cemeteries dating to no earlier than 1880 are more widely spread, such as along the middle Bayou Bonne Idee and th e McGinty a re a. Few names other than those of English (as opposed to Scot, Scotch-Irish, Welsh, Irish) extraction can be found. McGinty presents an exception; Scotch-Irish names, such as McGinty, McDowell, and Sawyer, predominate, but scanty evidence in the way of structure types and farmstead patterns exists for an Upland South c u ltu re . On the eve of Secession, the Basin had held a mixed or intermediate position on the subject, as it had, and would, in so many others. The Ouachita River parishes favored remaining with the Union, while the M ississippi River parishes desired separation (Williamson, 1939*1)1)2). The Easin parishes sent many delegates, committed to a "co-operative 99 secession", to the Secession Convention (Caskey, 1938*28). The voters of Franklin Parish, in particular, desired that their delegates work for the continuation of the Union (McClure, 1926*622). Such a stand reflects the dominance of the Upland South in that parish, if we acknowledge that most counties that resisted Secession lay in the Upland South. The remoteness of the Basin and its lack of settlement attracted many refugees frcm the river parishes. They believed that not only their families, but also their slaves, would be secure from Federal forces. For most of these refugees, settlement was temporary. They hoped to return to their original homes or go on to Texas. A few made permanent settle ments, acquiring hundreds of acres and continuing a plantation economy. This type of settlement occurred most commonly in Franklin Parish on Macon Ridge and in the prairie area (Anderson, 195>S>:296). The Basin suffered from the same general conditions as the rest of the South in the post-war period* shortage of money, and ruined economy, farm lands, and equipment. The troubled times are reflected in the decrease in all Basin parishes, except Ouachita, in population between i860 and 1870. Despite this general loss in population, Richland Parish was formed in 1868, though th is may have been more a response to the aspirations of a local politician (John Ray) than to need for a new governmental u n it. However, i t was boasted in Richland parish that every train brought in new se ttle r s (Richland Beacon-News, Nov. 3, 1877). Some, but not mapy, observers saw value in recruiting immigrants from Europe to populate the state (Shugg, 1939*2£>8j Richland Beacon-News, March 6, 1880), but few Europeans could be encouraged to settle. Dis couragements included a different climate, distance to the Basin, cheap free-Negro labor, and so much of the better land with ease of access in the hands of private owners. Speculation can be suggested as a hindrance in seme in sta n c e s. Most of th e names of purchasers of tr a c ts of two to ten sections never appear as overseers of road repairs (a common duty of landowners) (Richland Parish Police Juiy, l870jBook A,52). In addition, none of these names appears on land ownership maps of the present (Rich land Parish Land Ownership Map, 1970). Various plans had been advanced after the war to make snail plots (1|0 acres or more) more readily access ible to Negroes and poor whites, but these plans enjqyed little success. A zone of settlement did flourish during this tine along the east bank of the Boeuf River in Richland and Franklin parishes. These migrants had moved frcm Alabama, many frcm Wilcox County; frcm M ississippi, pri marily from the southwest part of the state; and frcm the Cumberland area of the southern Appalachians. Many of those frcm Alabama and M ississippi were continuing a gradual westward movement which had begun along the Atlantic Coast, extending through generations in some cases (Noble, 1970). A number had first located in Concordia, Catahoula, and Avoyelles parishes, but had been discouraged by flooding there (Noble, 1970). These early settlers were not fleeing conditions in their former areas, though, perhaps, seme had been handicapped by declining soil fer tility in Mississippi. Their primary desires seem to have lain in plentiful arable land and accessible water conmunication. In some cases, Negro servants were apprenticed to craftsmen in Virginia for the purpose of learning to construct impressive homes, using mostly local materials, including local clays for bricks (Fig. 38-39). Early names in Richland were Hatch, Noble, McIntosh, Scott, Johnson, Holly, Warner, Parfield, Wright, Mulhearn, Collins, Tweedle, Strong, Spries, Rouse, Bruce, and Powe (Richland Parish Police Juiy, Book Aj 52). 101 Fig. 38. Purvis Heme. Dating to 187£-1880, this house stands about 50 yards frcm the bluff on the east side of the Boeuf River. Note the wide entrance, which opens on a wider hallway, containing a stairway to the half story. The half stoiy was not always used in this type of house. Fig. 39. Purvis Home. This style featured an extension on the back containing a dining rocm, and, sometimes, a kitchen. This well-maintained home has been expanded farther toward the rear in recent years. The names indicate a variety of backgrounds and serve to underscore the complexity in cultures. A number of ccnmunities sprang up during this tdme (Fig. bO). These communities bore the names of families, exotic parts of the world, or areas from which the migrants had originally come. For example, no fort ever e x iste d a t F o rt N ecessity, f a th e r, i t stemmed from the name of a village in Virginia that had been the home of one of the settlers. These communities usually consisted of a plantation bighouse, tenant houses, and other plantation structures, and a landing, rather than a cluster of independent homes. Otherwise, comm unity location follows the pattern set prior to the Civil War, except that settlement advanced into sections previously considered flood-prone. Macon Ridge, the natural levees of the Boeuf River, and the prairies still attracted community development. In addition, the roads and railroad crossing the Basin through Rayville and through Winnsboro were stimulating community development. Sections in West Carroll Parish and northern Franklin, previously considered too swampy, now saw community establishment. In the 1870's and l880»s, Monroe served as the primary service center, especially for people in the center and south of the Basin. The road to Colunbia was frequently flooded (Lockett, 1870:86, 13b), and Winnsboro and R ayville had neither adequate facilities nor location on a heavily-used river. Outside the northern prairie areas, two farm patterns dominated (Fig* 30 and bl). Both types were situated close to the Boeuf. The rec tangular field pattern (Fig. 30) was described in Chapter 2. The other (the result of accretion topography found in conjunction with meandering streams in alluvial floodplains) featured a narrow, well-drained, culti vated strip sided on a brushy area or canebrake, followed by a slough 103 ARK. J o n e s Lind Grove*'* Iller W V ^ B G allion I •OakGrove • RoundHill Point Pleasant B a stro p ■ *Mer R ouge ( / ■ eVista Ridge * eCollinston B B Floyd 7 eCasonville B L om arbore Oak Ridge B Jl'Gum Ridge * • Jones Landing B >, m \ iLake . l * / *Polnt Jetteraon S ^.-fcMonticeflo ^ < Lafourch^ J f «( / ■ a M onroe AT Bogue *32 30* ayville ♦♦MTllhave/ nLandln9 C hitto Girard Bee Bayou Rhymes ------*Mixon 0 m agundi Little Creek •PullawaV j r £ *('V *• •Corytonj s • j ^W arsaw Redmouth / Baskinton* I ~ anderneau »’ - B a - k i n B Quitman*.' • Ba*Kin1 B eCrockett Pt. Quitman* HurricaneVjnWme B B •W innsboro Columbia* • Ede^ •Como Fort Necessity £ •Prairie Boeuf #Oakley »E x te n s ion Holly Grove BASIN COMMUNITIES IN 1890 Harrisonburg 92 3 d F ig . h0 Sources: Hardee, 1871; U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1890, Fig. lil. Ribbon Fields Pattern, Essentially a reconstruction of a typical settlement pattern in the nineteenth century, but an actual area near the present-day Buckner, Today, most of the slough area has been drained and is under cultivation; therefore, the ribbon pattern no longer e x is ts . Sources* U. S. Department of the interior, ’‘Mangham" Quadrangle; Aerial Photographs CTN-3B-7 and 8 (19ltl); Noble, 1970, RIBBON FIELDS PATTERN [^Cultivated Land E3 Slough Area ft PH Farmataad sera* i 3 m * 2 & II m MILES *1*S7 106 (Fig. 1(1). This pattern continued until well into the twentieth century, when mechanized equipment was employed to promote drainage. Newspapers established in Winnsboro and Rayville by the 1870's began to promote settlement. The Franklin Sun stressed proximity to the Boeuf, as well as much of the available land above flood level. (Franklin Sun, Centennial Edition, Sec. B-2). The Richland Beacon-News extolled the soil, climate, and natural vegetation of Richland Parish (Richland Beacon-News, Feb. 22, 1873). it is significant that settlement promotions aimed for great numbers of small faimers, rather than a few great planters. Local observers urged landowners to depart from the plantation system, sell their lands piecemeal and make money from reasonable interest, in order to make it easier for small farmers to settle (Richland Beacon-News, Sept. 5, 1880). The failure of these promotions is demonstrated by the example of three carloads of migrants from Indiana arriving at Delhi, only to be dis couraged by the local landowners* setting what the Hoosiers considered exorbitant prices. Those who remained in the Basin moved to West Carroll parish (Richland Beacon-News, Nov. 3, 1877)• The lands to the east of the Boeuf River and their potential for development intrigued the Rayville editor. He regarded the people of the Basin as plain and rural in their traditions. By 1880, with hopes of encouraging Americans to migrate and of the Negro's becoming a successful small faimer abandoned, the editor concluded that sending an agent to northern and western Europe was the John A. Hemler wrote, "I have thought that our parish was favored by nature more highly than any other and well deserves its nane. All we need now is an influx of enterprising, industrious, honest farmers to clear up those beautiful and maganficent ridges, and put thaa in a state of cultivation," He also suggested the formation of a society "for the purpose of inducing honest, industrious immigrants to settle among us". This was accomplished by 1877 and was called the Rayville Chapter of the Louisiana Immigration Society (Richland Beacon-News, Feb. 25, 1873). 107 only alternative (Richland Beacon-News, March 6, 1880). It appears that this suggestion was not pursued. In 1877, the striking difference between Carroll Parish east and west of the Bayou Macon was recognized in the division of the parish into two new units, although West Carroll had only 2,000 population to about 11,000 for East Carroll (Kyser,1938). Estimates placed 90 per-cent of West Carroll's area in virgin forest at the time (Louisiana State Department of Public Wories, 19!?0illi). No railroads and only poor roads existed. In addition, the Boeuf and Bayou Macon were not always navigable. Therefore, migrants experienced more difficulty in reaching this new parish than the others of the Basin. However, the inhabitants evinced joy at the sepa ration of the western section, because the two held little in common. In addition, they felt their section had played a tributary part in the economic and political life (Richland Beacon-News, April lit, 1877)• Midwestern settlers entered the Basin during the l870»s, some from Missouri and a few from Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, and Pennsylvania. They had little impact, because Alabama and Mississippi still dominated as sources of the migrants, each accounting for one-fourth to pne-third of the total. Virginia, Georgia, and South Carolina followed, for the Basin in general, with Tennessee and Arkansas of some importance in West Carroll Parish. Families came individually or in groups as did the Scotch-Irish s e ttle r s who came from Georgia and s e ttle d a t Mixon Community (Fig. 1*0) (Girod, Aug 16, 1956:D-1*). Names included Mixon, Dunham, Courtney, McEacharn, and Fife. German and Irish immigrants totaled over 20 persons in some wards, but were entirely absent frcm Caldwell Parish (Table 10). In 1880 the Lowland South culture s till influenced Morehouse and Ouachita parishes, as s e ttle r s from possible Lowland South areas occurred TABLE 10 BIRTHPLACE DATA FOR INHABITED SECTIONS OF BOEUF BASIN 1880 State or Country Caldwell Franklin Morehouse Ouachita Richland W. Carroll Total of Birth * * ## * * #* * ** * 1 CO CM /\ o CO Louisiana 197 229 2087 532 716 151 313 1*3 11*03 279 712 171* £ Mississippi 16 71 385 £80 156 21*8 59 52 31*7 303 153 257 1116 i 5 n Alabama 15 39 83 ll*2 126 165 52 51 208 185 61* 129 51*8 711 Arkansas 1 18 11 1*2 15 21 l 26 11* 66 30 171* 71 Connecticut 1 h 1 2 1 1 8 Georgia 7 20 36 11*0 1)5 129 38 63 60 11*6 31* 86 220 581* Kentucky 2 13 11 1(8 9 31* 2 7 11 1)8 1* 25 39 175 Indiana & Illin ois 3 3 16 k 1 16 11 8 21* 28 58 Maryland 1* 17 1*8 3 U* 1 6 1* 21 2 3 72 96 Missouri 1 1 11 1 6 7 3 3 1* 2 1* 8 11 32 39 North Carolina 3 6 12 105 25 131 8 1*0 30 165 15 82 93 529 Ohio 2 5 7 13 2 1 1 12 19 2 1* 22 1*1* Pennsylvania 2 9 3 22 5 15 5 12 5 19 2 I* 22 81 South Carolina 2 23 18 228 36 11*6 9 56 28 156 11* 98 137 707 TABLE 10—Continued State or Country Caldwell Franklin Morehouse Ouachita Richland W. Carroll Total of Birth * a* * * #* * ■it -H# * * Tennessee 3 26 13 72 30 73 13 27 31 102 Uli 91 13U 391 Texas 12 2 9 8 7 16 h 8 2 52 16 V irginia 1 9 23 101 19 99 6 28 32 101 9 50 90 388 Spain 2 < 9 h 2 2 13 France 11 6 ; 11 2 2 8 8 32 England U 20 6 13 h 7 9 Hi 6 Hi 29 68 Germany 19 38 2 8 5 11 11 20 1 13 38 90 Ireland 1 23 62 3 12 7 28 10 36 5 26 81} 165 Scotland h 10 1 b 1 3 2 11 5 8 33 Scandinavia 7 18 11 Hi l 2 19 3U Others h 20 U3 9 25 8 11 29 Ii2 20 U6 86 171 * - Birthplace of residents in 1880, all ages. - Birthplace of parents of adults. Note: Figures in this table include wards in Boeuf Basin area only. Therefore, figures for Caldwell, Morehouse and Ouachita parishes cannot be considered the complete figures for the parish. Source: TJ. S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedules, 1880. 110 in greater relative numbers (Table 10). The Upland South appeared strongest in the remaining parishes. Lawlessness troubled sane sections of the Basin in the early 1880*s. Such conditions seem to re la te to sections where sm all farm ers made up a large part of the population, as in the Boeuf Prairie area. Boeuf Prairie also held praninence for the strength of the Ku Klux Klan (Bonner, Aug. l£, l:65)• Although small farmers expressed some dissatisfaction with con ditions, state elections at this time indicate a more conservative tone^ in the Basin parishes than in the hill and Florida parishes (Howard, 195>7:7h), indicating more prosperity and stability in the Basin. The villages and towns bore a resemblance to the traditional Upland South type (Price, 1968). Stores, lawyers' offices, and banks clustered about the courthouse square (Williamson, 1939 j 290). Although no "First Monday"^ tradition exists, "court week" was characteristic. A period of great activity and mary visitors (Williamson, 1939:290; Anderson, I960: 18), court week was usually the first week of the month and may represent a modification of the "First Monday" of Upland South areas. While the principal business was concerned with legal matters, the visitation in the towns by nunbers of people also led to much commercial transaction populism or radical programs held little favor. 'T irst Monday remains a characteristic of some Upland South towns. Goods are traded and general business affairs are intensively conducted. (L. S. U. Seminar in Settlement Geography, Spring, 1969). Fig. 1*2. Ku Klux Klan Sign. The painted letters on this barn the outskirts of Crowville indicate the strength of, and support for this organization in a mixed large and small-farm area. 112 and entertainment. Court week has disappeared, in conformity to a general lack of traditional activities in the Basin. Plantation life dominated the countryside. The commissary, or plan tation general store, sometimes became the nucleus of a future village. Almost always, the plantation had a name, and maps might show the planta tions as villages. Typical plantations of the Basin (Fig. h3-U5) resembled those of the river-type found elsewhere in Louisiana, but structures on the Basin plantation more often paralleled the river, rather than extended back from it. Structures included stables, hay barns, hen house, a dairy, springhouse (actually a wellhouse or cistern house), smokehouse, and the outside kitchen. A few plantations had gins (Williamson, 1939:292; Noble, 1970; Personal Field Trips). Common social events included fancy dress balls, hay-wagon riding, watermelon-cutting, bee-tree-cutting, fox-hunting, and sugarcane-peelings (Williamson, 1939:308). However, horse racing and tournaments, so popu lar in the Mississippi River parishes, were uncommon in the Basin. Fox hunting and fancy dress balls would seem to be recreational activities of a Lowland South culture, but may have been those of an Upland South elite copying Lcwland South neighbors in the river parishes. In 1890, settlement c ontinued in the patterns of i860 in regard to culture affiliation, but with a few modifications. For example, Caldwell Parish had only Baptist churches in the i860 census, but for 1890, almost half 6f the churches were Methodist (Table 11). For Franklin, only Methodist churches were listed in i860; in 1890, about one-sixth of the churches were Baptist and Presbyterian residents had organized a congre gation. Morehouse Parish Remained strong in Methodist churches, but one Presbyterian and three Episcopal congregations were recorded. The picture t—1 t—1 H H U) OlN OMMISSARY IOAO IANOINO PASTURE FI E L D S 300 FIELDS 200 FEET 100 BASIN PATTERN PLANTATION Fig. 13 l l l i F ig . lh» Charlieville Canmissary. Dating to the 1870*s, this structure now serves as a barn. Remaining commissaries in the Basin con form to no particular style. Fig. ljf>. Charlieville Commissary, This photo shows the proximity to the river of the typical plantation headquarters. Here, for a short distance, a modem highway occupies the old river road. TABLE 11 RELIGIOUS BODIES IN BOEUF BASIN 1890 P arish B a p tist M ethodist Presbyterian Episcopalian Caldwell 16 12 mm mm F ran k lin 6 28 1 - Morehouse 3 12 1 3 Ouachita 5 20 1 2 Richland 19 19 5 1 West Carroll 2 5 - - Sources U. S. Bureau of the Census, Report on Statistics of Churches, 1890. appeared much th e same in Ouachita P a rish as i t did in Morehouse P arish . Few churches had yet been organized in West Carroll Parish, but the Methodists enjoyed a lead over the Baptists. Only in Richland Parish were the Baptists and Methodists about evenly balanced. Apparently, the Presbyterian church enjoyed its greatest popularity in that parish, as well, and the same parish also featured an Episcopal church. This indi cates a meshing of the Upland South elite with the Lowland South. The Upland South elite were associated with the Presbyterian church until about 1850 (L. S. U. Seminar in Settlement Geography, 1969). The high standing of the Baptist and Methodist churches fits in well with an Upland South background. The Episcopalian presence underscores the Lowland South influence, perhaps a growing one. In 1890, areas of strong Lowland South influence had larger popu lations than those of strong Upland South affinities (Table 12). Popu lation figures identify West Carroll and Franklin parishes as strongholds 116 TABLE 12 POPULATION BY WAHDS IN 1890 Ward Caldwell Franklin Morehouse Ouachita Richland West Carroll 1 1,136* 729* 1,577* 2,780* 2,235* 835* 2 61*9 980* 1,01*1 1,276* 2,099* 1,056* 3 381; 923* 325 6,21*1* 1,617* 721* i* 1,123 993* 1,881* 1,837* 1,921** 538* 5 75 £ 893* 3,732* 1,855 91*8* 598* 6 237 31*5* 3,085* 1,237 81*9* 7 506 1,01*6* 831 1,230 550* 8 126* 352* 2,013* 805 9 it 76 639* 301 721* 10 122 1,997* Total 5,811* 6,900 16,786 17,985 10,230 3,71*8 * - Basin wards. Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedules, 1890. of the Upland South and indicate that much of the Basin yet lay open for settlement. For Caldwell Parish, Ward 1 is partly on the east bank of the Ouachita River and, therefore, outside the Basin. Ward 8 held limited settlement owing to the swampiness of the land between the Boeuf River, Bayou Lafourche, and the Ouachita River. Swamps likewise limited settle ment, prior to improved drainage, in Wards 5, 6, and 7 in Richland Parish. Ward it in Ouachita Parish had added over 1,000 persons between 1870 and 1890. 117 Conclusion The 1860-1890 era of the settlement of the Boeuf Basin saw an expansion into new areas, an increase in migrants, the forerunners of commercial lumbering, and some new foims of agriculture. In 1890, although the Lowland South dominated settlement patterns nowhere in the Basin (Fig. 1*6), this culture group did appear to influ ence Morehouse Parish and sizeable parts of Ouachita and Richland parishes. Census reports, other public records, travelers* accounts, and family records indicate a mixing of cultures in Caldwell Parish and on Boeuf Prairie. Otherwise, the Upland South stood areally dominant. However, comparison with other Upland South sections shows no mere duplication in the Basin, but a similarity. It can be suspected that floodplain topog raphy and alluvial soils played a part here. In addition, the traditional Upland South culture is strongest in remote areas (Newton, 1973-B:6). Water transportation and improved rail and road transportation during this era gave the Basin a relative ease of access to markets, contact with new developments, and a sources of migrants. Further, the lateness of settlement in the Basin made it unlikely that the more old-fashioned element of any culture would be found there. Under conditions of free migration, we frequently find that migrants are more progressive (less traditional) for the same reason that they migrate: they are more aggressive, more alert to opportunity. 118 32*30' c SETTLEMENT / TYPES IN 1890 HU Low land S o u th Influonco ||} Dominant Upland South 0 Franch Influanca F ig. ii6 Sources: U. S. Bureau of the Census, l880j 1890; Richland Parish Police Jury, 1876-1890; Franklin Parish Police Jury, 1876-1890. 119 CHAPTER it RAIL EXPANSION, LIMBERING, AND INTENSIVE SETTLEMENT (1890-1930) Landscape and Vegetation At the turn of the century, much land in the Basin lacked settlers, IWo-day cattle drives from southern Richland Parish to Monroe, with a stop at Rhymes (Fig, itO), were made possible by the aparseness of settlement (Franks, 1956*5} Sartor, 1970), Three-fourths of West Carroll Parish was forest-covered as late as 1900 (Oden, 1967*101:). Canebrakes remained in central Franklin Parish as late as 1892 (McDuff, 1956*1:), and wild dogs and hogs lived close to Rayville in 1900 (Taylor, 1932*12). A concert tour in 1892 listed only one stop (Mer Rouge) in the Basin (Surghnor, 1882-1899:10), Farmers might not see their livestock for six months at a time, because of the combination of extensive woods covering most of the area and stock management customs (Noble, l89li*April 11). Extensive swamps remained; the section between Rayville and Monroe impassable much of the time (Williamson, 1939*192). Another indication of little settlement, as yet, is the importance of hunting of bears and feral hogs. Bear and feral hog hunting was primarily a characteristic of the river parishes, but one which extended into the Basin, attracting even such personages as Theodore Roosevelt (Davis, 1965*329} LeBon, 1970*62). However, large-scale sporting activities came to an end in this period, with the destruction, by a vast fire, of most of the remaining canebrakes in the eastern part of the Basin in 1916 (Blanchard, 1956* Sec. C-6). 120 This fire, coupled with improved drainage, made cultivation of the burned canebrakes easier; thus, much more land was available for farming on a small or large scale* The devastating flood of 1927 did not have the deterrent effect upon Upland South entiy that such an event appears to have had before 1900. However, distrust of the lowland swamp probably accounted for concen tration of Upland South settlement upon the higher elevations found in the Basin (Fig. 1*7), even though earlier groups had demonstrated that settlement was possible in low areas. Transportation In this era, the railroad served the first notice of impending great change. The Illinois Central had crossed the Basin, in its route frau Vicksburg to Monroe and beyond decades before, but 1890 marked the beginn ing of a great expansion of rail lines, and that particularly affected Basin settlement patterns. The present rail pattern was almost completely constructed by 1910 (Fig. U8). Hail construction followed direct routes across the Basin, except where large swamps interferred (Figs. 8 and 1*8). The Basin also had a web of temporary logging lines. In a few instances, these logging lines were later occupied by parish roads, and, in that respect, influenced settlement patterns. The undeveloped state of the Basin is revealed in the few permanent lines at the height of rail con struction and use about 1920. The rail lines, for a time, threatened to focus the area, culturally and commercially, on Natchez and New Orleans, instead of Monroe (Zimmer, 1963s86). Connections with the river at Natchez and ultimate access to the more p re stig io u s and d iv e rs ifie d New Orleans m arket made commerce in 121 !},xv 'Si JV-* j >t v i F ig. Ij7. Upland South S ite . In the distance on one o f the higher points of Macon Ridge is seen a former site of an Upland South homestead. Elevation, plus the presence of pine trees, frequently attracted Upland South settlers. .iV .■. •. □ V 5 32 30 32 30 Manama •H M ai< RAIL LINES < N lil IN 1930 QM iiin Una [ID Logging Line Area / 92*30 F ig. ii8 Sources: Cram, 1911; Topographic Maps, 1930-1939. 123 that direction attractive. Sheer distance, plus the increased growth and m ultiplicity of services at Monroe and closeness of other similar areas to New Orleans, saved the Basin as a market area for Monroe. Attempts to lure migrants enjoyed greater success than in the past, partly because of r a il expansion and improvement in the road system. Police juries gave much of their attention to such improvements during these years, often receiving state aid (Richland Parish Police Jury, 1898-1909} Book C). The present pattern of roads was virtually complete by 1930. Actually, more public roads existed in 1930 than at the present (Richland Parish Police Jury, 1890-1930). Not to be overlooked were the decrease in availability of land elsewhere in the nation and increased familiarity with the Basin and the ways to utilize its characteristics. As elsewhere in the state, farms were still oriented along streams, although river roads had become as important as the rivers thanselves and railroads were steadily attracting settlement to their routes. Agriculture and Other Economic Activities Agriculture By 1900, sane striking changes occurred in the Basin along with the increased migration (Table 13). In general, there was an increase in improved acreage. Decreases in Concordia, Franklin, Madison, and West Carroll may have resulted from error or differing interpretations of nimproved land”. The lowland parishes received the greatest numbers of new farmers. West Carroll parish's slight increase may reflect the railroad's not being finished at this time and the sizeable area of forest-covered land. In addition, absentee landlords held about three- fourths of west Carroll's farmland at this time (Louisiana state Depart- TABLE 13 COMPARISON CF SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS 1890 AND 1900 Percentage Percentage Farms Under Percentage No. o f Farms Average Size Tenant-Farmed Improved Acres 100 Acres White Fanners P arish lB90 1900 1890 1900 1890 1900 1890 1900 1896 i 960 1966 B ien v ille 1752 2392 110 126 31.87 1»1.91 68,919 109,729 52 55 59.6 Caldwell 513 1070 206 127 19.10 I 42.I4O 23,156 12,169 27 56 57.2 Concordia 1387 1631 121 9h 89.80 93.10 77,161 65,998 87 92 li*.lt East Carroll 795 1917 3li7 56 88.143 95.50 19,266 61,835 86 95 7.3 F ranklin 976 1U55 133 106 63.01 66.70 51i, 8I4I4 13,950 72 82 1*8. 1* Madison 1389 2189 l l 9 153 90.29 96.50 71,372 71,097 92 96 5.3 Morehouse 1182 2395 160 72 55.21; 79.20 72,880 86,929 65 86 22.3 Ouachita 11*51* 1720 111 106 514.88 56.50 68,7814 78,150 73 73 13.7 Richland 777 1936 151 58 149.17 81.90 140,671 19,506 61 92 27.1 S t. Helena 929 1271; 163 103 I48.87 59.00 36,658 38,583 57 71 1*9.3 Tensas 1538 2391 12i* 76 89.79 91.90 89,765 89,961* 89 92 6.5 West Carroll 537 733 208 67 61.08 73.30 33,815 21,688 1*6 83 1*1.9 Winn 1099 1587 161 155 16.38 26.10 1*5,763 51*,327 38 35 85.8 Sources U. S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Agriculture, 1890 and 1900 125 ment of Public Works, 1950*35). Absentee ownership could have precluded small-farmer entry. While tenant farming increased aver much of the South during these years, percentages were most impressive in the lowland parishes. Tenant percentages, as well as percentage of Negro-operated farms, supplement the other figures in associating Franklin and West Carroll parishes with the h ill parishes and Morehouse and Richland with the lowland parishes in 1900. About half of Caldwell and Ouachita parishes consisted of upland area, making classification in this instance d i f f ic u lt . Although tenancy tended to decrease in some areas by 1920, this form of tenure increased in the Basin (Table lb). This trend in the Basin reflects the habit of whites from the hills frequently becoming laborers on plantations, establishing themselves on new ground only after adjusting to lowland conditions (Vandiver, 191*8:286). The number of farms increased in the Basin parishes by greater numbers than in other sections, especially outside of Morehouse Parish (Table ll*). The Basin parishes considered dominant in Uplaid South characteristics resembled the h ill parishes in the ratio of white to black farmers. All the sample parishes decreased in average farm size between 1890 and 1930 (Tables 13 and 15). The Basin parishes with most of their area in the Basin tended to conform more closely to the lowland parishes in this respect than to the hill parishes, probably a result of tenant farming. In higher ratio of white farmers to black farmers, the Basin parishes strong in Upland South characteristics continued to resemble the hill parishes. The Basin parishes lying completely within the Basin also enjoyed greater expansion of total land in farms, while sane other parishes, both h ill and lowland, showed decreases in total acreage. Again, methods of census-taking may have differed. TABLE Ik COMPARISON OF SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS 1910 AND 1920 Percentage Percentage Farms Under Percentage No. of Farms Average Size Tenant-Farmed Improved Acres 100 Acres White Farmers Parish m o 1 ■ ' "TOO TOO...... TOO TOO------1920 TOO-""" 1920 TOO TOO ■■"1920’ - B ien ville 2973 2987 99.2 91.7 10 10 122,661 132,660 60 69 08 Caldwell 906 l l l l 129.7 81.L 27 11 37,078 33,032 06 73 67 Concordia 1308 2028 121.9 79.1 87 91 61,136 00,790 89 9k 3JU East Carroll 1801 2286 71.7 16.9 90 92 71,961 71,029 91 96 6 Franklin 1881 3000 66.0 10.8 61 78 01,008 108,000 88 90 19 Uadison 1783 2071 79.7 72.8 96 9k 60,701 87,222 9h 90 12 Morehouse 3009 3239 72.3 03.7 80 82 93,922 91,619 89 92 22 Ouachita 21U7 2666 98.0 09.8 07 63 92,021 79,381 76 80 10 Richland 2103 3383 60.9 19.6 60 7k 68,633 89,307 89 92 37 S t. Helena 1239 1102 81.1 79.8 06 01 39,298 01,729 7k 77 19 Tensas 2897 2089 62.8 77.1 90 92 93,610 82,826 9k 91 8 West Carroll 979 1176 60.1 13.9 63 60 28,602 30,318 86 91 69 Winn 1692 1639 106.8 97.6 21 21 02,868 01,319 60 68 81 Source* U. S. Bureau of the Census, Agricultural Census, 1910 and 1920. TABLE 15 SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS 1930 Characteristic Bienville Caldwell Concordia E. Carroll Franklin Madison Morehouse Percentage White Fanners 52 71* 16 23 61 27 23 Average Size Farm (Acres) 62.2 60.3 71.5 32.8 31.7 1*5.6 38.7 Percentage of Tenancy 61 53 90 91* 81* 59 86 Farms Under 10 Acres - % 1 3 8 11* 3 8 5 Farms 10-19 Acres - % 9 21 58 51 36 65 29 Farms 20-1*9 Acres - % 52 1*1 26 32 51 18 52 Farms 50-99 Acres - % 21 18 3 1 7 1* 10 1 Farms 100-171* Acres - % 12 12 1 2 2 2 2 Farms 175 Acres & Over - % 5 5 1* 1 3 2 Farm Implements (Dollar) 1*33,087 161,991* 21*7,028 1*12,838 730,528 507,81*5 1*55,957 Horses 1, 061* 691 1,517 1, 081* 3,619 955 1,932 Mules 1*,679 1,586 1,71*6 l*,i*76 7,270 3,1*90 5,079 Vegetables Marketed (Dollar) 7,21*9 3,683 1,091 1,157 3,798 927 5,1*1*2 Corn (Bushels) 31*1*, 291* 123,301* 92,536 232,522 663,1*89 258,678 1*03,796 Cotton (Bales) 27,738 7,115 9,569 30,639 1*7,623 20, 1*80 29,739 TABLE 15*—Continued Characteristic Ouachita Hichland St. Helena Tensas W. Carroll Winn Percentage White Farmers 51 ii2 h i 21 79 80 Average Size Farm (Acres) 55.6 32.8 55.0 56.1 33.1 68 .li Percentage of Tenancy 65 87 57 9li 76 37 Farms Under 10 Acres - % 7 1 11 17 6 3 Farms 10-19 Acres - % 27 32 18 51 33 12 Farms 20—1*9 Acres - % 111 5U 39 25 L8 iiO Farms 50-99 Acres - % 13 7 19 3 10 25 Farms 100-17U Acres - % 7 2 9 1 2 16 Farms 175 Acres & Over - % 5 1 h 3 1 li Farm Implements (Dollar) iiia,5i7 722,615 I89,ii97 2j2i2,532i 367,180 228,88£ Horses 1,219 2,216 1,218 1,503 1,316 1,009 Mules 3, 0ii0 6 , 0iili 1,030 3,517 3,383 1,778 Vegetables Marketed (Dollar) 111, 232 3,996 88,390 307 loo 20,705 Corn (Bushels) 229,812 365,181 180,600 I88,9ii9 219,2li8 139,091; Cotton (Bales) 19,107 10,675 1,533 22,L07 21,llj2 7,110 Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Agricultural Census, Vol. II, Part 2, 1930. t—1 ro cx> 129 Tenancy increased greatly in Richland and Franklin parishes between 1890 and 1930 and probably underscores the migration of large numbers of small farmers from the h ill parishes and other h ill areas of the South. These two Basin parishes now exceeded the sample h ill parishes in this resp e c t. However, all the Basin parishes continued to have more farms in the 20 to 1*9 acre than the 10 to 19 acre category, making them more like the hill parishes than the lowland parishes. In categories of farm size, the Basin parishes showed more sim ilarity to the lowland parishes than to the hill parishes. However, in the 20-50 acre class, the Basin parishes had switched to h ill parish characteristics between the 1920 and 1930 censuses. Even so, the Basin parishes still tended to hold an intermediate position in the statistics. Comparison of farns above 17k acres produced incon clusive results. Richland and Franklin parishes still stood out for the high total value of farm implements, a characteristic they held rather consistently, and which, in the past, tied them closely to the hill parishes, although this characteristic holds less apparent validity in 1930. Vegetable production became important for the first time (Table 15). Even so, none of the Basin parishes reached the levels of St. Helena, Winn, or even B ie n v ille in vegetable production. Corn production was impressive in the Basin parishes, but newspaper accounts indicate depen dence on outside sources for this item. Mules had gained definite dominance over horses by 1930 in all parishes except one. Such a shift could be attributed to either culture 130 m o dification or one of economics."^" Farmers in the Basin depended on outside sources for mules, mostly Fort Worth and Memphis (Sartor, 1970; Noble, 1970; Richland Beacon-News, Feb. 9, 1901). Census figu res for asses indicate that mule breeding never held much importance in the Basin i t s e l f . i ; Umbering and Minerals The lumbering industry expanded rapidly throughout the liasin,. after 1900. Most of the mills and attendant towns originated between 1903 and 19lii (Fig. 1j9). Some mills emphasized general saw milling, but in northern Richland parish and in West Carroll Parish, stave making pre dominated. However, a firm in Girard produced cypress shingles for market in several states (Richland Beacon-News, Centennial Edition). However, discovery that much of the timber was unsuitable, even for local con struction, dampened the boon (Noble, 189U: May 2l|). Evidence of culture type exists only in sane areas. In Caldwell and Morehouse parishes, the labor force was made up of "rough” men without families (Cottingham, 1938:53). Most other logging and mill labor forces planned only temporary occupance and left little evidence of their presence. However, in Richland Parish and Franklin Parish, some communi ties, such as Holly Ridge and Jigger (Fig. JU9) became permanent settle-, ments based on the limbering activities. One house type (Fig. 50-51) is locally considered a lumber firm’s "canpany" house. This is not a typical Upland South type, but predominantly Upland South peoples built than and continued to live in them, making it so. •^t has been the experience of the writer that Upland South fanna’s regard the ownership of a horse as p restig io u s. However, a mule requires less food aid this may have overruled pride. 131 ARK. •Forest V*Pioneer• t J * •Collinston f eDarnell ■|PPS > ,.s 31*30 ' /C rew Lake Girard Ridge ■ * r •Dehlco 7 j oBaskin ^W innsboro Chase •Gilbert •Jigger 33* •W isner SAWMILL COMMUNITIES MILES, F ig. h9 Sources: Louisiana Department o f Public Works, 1958:10; 1952:11; 19l<5:13j 1952:10; 1950:10; Noble, 1970; ifcmvoi, 1971,; Sartor, 1970. 132 F ig . $ 0. Lumber Company House. A well-maintained example of this type of house with modifications of a screened-in porch and garage. 14 ' 12 16' 12 16 20 22 ' 14 LUMBER COMPANY HOUSE Porch F ig . 51 13li Although sawmilling and logging brought a number of woricers and some families into the area, significant cultural influences on the landscape awaited the clearing and sale of the land, mostly to small farmers. Logging was of short duration; an area might be exhausted in as little as two years, though same lasted for about 20 (Richland Beacon-News, Centennial Edition). By 1925, much of the forested area had been exhausted of its useful timber, and many communities in West Carroll and Franklin parishes lost their saw and stave m ills. Same survived; many declined considerably. Most of the population turned to small-scale fanning or migrated. Trapping ronained important in West Carroll Parish, even to this late date, with some trappers living in the western swamps all winter (McKoin, n . d .:9 ). Oil and gas booms also affected settlement patterns in the Basin in this period, but only briefly. Alto, in particular, experienced growth in population in connection with a gas works (Sartor, 1970), although neither a trace of the works, nor the homes of the workers exists either on the landscape today or on aerial photographs of 19^0. No other significant mark on the cultural landscape, aside fran scattered wells or storage facilities, can be traced to mineral production. Settlem ent Expansion of lumbering activities and rail lines made the years 1890-1915 the greatest town-building era, though many of these communities may have been mainly plantation headquarters. Housing, sources of migrants, and occupation point toward these communities, in many cases, as centers of Upland South culture. Small fanners furnished a source of 135 population for sane of these communities, suggesting the beginning of a movement of the Upland South into urban environments. Obituary notices of the time and interviews indicate that in the center and south of the Basin, most of the migrants came from the h ill parishes of north Louisiana and central and south Mississippi. For West Carroll Parish, origins lay in Arkansas and M ississippi. Hail expansion brought a considerable increase in population and productivity after 1890 in all sections of the Basin. In addition, delay in draining swamp areas until about 1890 made much fertile land suddenly available (Biographical aid Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, 1892*15). Confidence in the future was notable, especially in the northern part of the Basin after 1890, in contrast to before (Lind Grove Circuit Minutes, 1889*93). The majority of marked graves in cemeteries in the Basin usually date from around 1890. While the number of burials certainly increased, the poverty of the reconstruction era and the older custom of marking graves with perishable materials contributed to this apparent increase after 1890 (Jeane, 1968). However, this does serve to emphasize a striking increase in migration and population. Sxtant housing of the period reflects the influence of the Upland South through the presence of the dog-trot, but modifications made then and since tend to obscure this relationship (Fig. 52-59). At the turn of the century, cultural organizations began to appear, as they had just before the Civil War, but seemingly only in the sections of Lowland South influence. These might be given impressive names, such as '•Lyceum11 and, in reality, functioned in keeping with the word's meaning. Organization leaders secured lecturers, classical and popular musicians, dancers, and magicians (Simmer, 1963*7i»). 1 3 6 Fig. E>2. Landemeau House. Though basically a typical plantation house for the area, this heme has some modifications. Two rooms jut from the front of the structure, serving as bedrooms. A porch extends between them. Fig. 53. Noble House. Located in Charlieville, this house has had a number of additions, including a striking front porch and a number of roans at the back. Nonetheless, the basic plan conforms to the typical Basin plantation style. Another typical feature for Basin plantation homes is the presence of pecan and walnut trees. As in the case of the Landerneau heme, this structure faces the Boeuf "River across the river road. Fig* !?U. Plantation House. A side view of this type. In this instance, maintenance lags, but the style has not been modified, which makes it a particularly good example of an Upland South type. Fig; 55. Plantation House. A view of the previous house, with the river road and the Boeuf River. Note the very low bank here in the vicinity of Hebert. This is the west side of the river. 138 Fig. 56. Plantation House. On Macon Ridge in eastern Franklin Parish, this heme shows unique modifications (for the Basin), with its impressive porch, hip roof, and attached gazebo (originally an obser vation rocm, later used for rocm with much ventilation, such as a breezeway). Fig. 57. Plantation House. This particular example in central Richland Parish faces toward the Boeuf Hiver. It has been abandoned and is slowly decaying. Plantation houses in the river parishes possess more grandeur than these examples. However, these are the type associated with Basin plantations; hence, the teim. 139 M m iiiiiiiaiiiiiii u iiiiiiiiibiiiiiiii M Saui iiimiimiiiiiiii iiimiimiiiiiiii Saui Fig. 58 l l o TO •ABN L STOBAOI SHKO ■ □PRIVY PLANTATION FARMSTEAD Cardan Fruit Traa E3 Fanca F ig. 59 l k l During this era, the agricultural villages of the Basin gained house styles which make these communities stand out in the area in this respect (Fig. 60-67). Seme of these village dwellers organized their house plots (reaching to 10 acres on occasion) so that all fruits, vegetables, grains, and animal products needed could be produced (Zimmer, 1963s13)* The years from 1890 to 1915 can be characterized as years of renewed effort to attract principally small farmers. Brochures were published and distributed by various organizations extolling the Basin for small- 2 farmer settlement. These organizations claimed that hundreds of small farms, of liO and 80 acres, already existed, on which prosperous and con tented owners lived and worked (Richland Beacon-News, Centennial Edition). Census figures bear out this claim, but the likelihood exists that tenant farmers, instead of owners, worked many of these size units. Pranoters desired migrants from the North, but aside from a few frcm Missouri, obituaries and interviews indicate that most came fron states to the east and from the h ill parishes of LaSalle and Winn, Those who came from the h ill parishes were often migrating from the Winnfield area (Richardson, 1970). Those from Mississippi also frequently came frca h ill country. The goal of most of these migrants was the prairie area of 2 In 1910, the Richland Parish Immigration League published a brochure entitled "Richland Parish: Hone of Long Staple Cotton—Small farms, Rich Land, Prosperous People", it states, "Inviting attention to Richland Parish, it may not be amiss to . . . set forth, without exagge ration, the many advantages which the climate, geographical position, health and productiveness of the soil offer to the prospective immigrant. Nor do we think we can say tc*' much about a countxy offering to the poor, but industrious and frugal studer, a home for the price of a yearly rental value; in a climate acknitting of outside labor every day of the year; health second to no part of the South, East and West; cotton direct to Liverpool at rates of freight as low as fran any of the cities within 50 miles; and a soil as profuse in its yield as is to be found to a greater degree nowhere." (Richland Beacon-News, Centennial Edition). Ill 2 Fig. 60. Collinston House. Dates to about 1900. In a conmunity noted for different house types, this one is rare in the Basin for its square shape, pyramidal roof, and central chimney. Originally, the house featured a porch on all four sides (Howell, 1972). Fig. 61. Collinston House. Built in 1890 for settlers from West Feliciana Parish (Reily) by a northern contractor (Kirk) (Harper, 1972), which probably explains the northern appearance of this and other structures in Collinston. This rambling many-roomed house greatly resembles the type known as the "com belt" type (Finley and Scott, 19l|0* lil6). The front is to the right, and the basic plan seems to be a two- sto iy "T" house. 3li3 Fig* 62. Collinston House. Dates to 1908 (Harper, 1972). Although the house in the distance may conform to no easily identifiable type, the Dutch-Colonial in the foreground underlines the Northern contractor’s influence in the community. Built for Vaughan family. Fig. 63. Oak Ridge House. A central-passage house dating to about 1900 (Files, 1972). This house stands out from its neighbors with its distinctive chimney, pyramidal roof, and different porch treatment. IM Fig. 6iu Oak Ridge House. This central-passage house is the oldest in Oak Ridge, dating to around 1890. The two wings are almost separate from the rest of the house. The house emphasizes the many modifications of the central-passage house in this small community. Fig. 65. Alto House. Another agricultural village featuring unusual house types. A river boat captain originally built this structure. Although basically a central-passage house, his experiences may account for its different styling. This house is the oldest in Alto and may date to before the Civil War.. 1U5 Fig. 66. Alto House. Dating to at least I 87O and perhaps to before the Civil War, this unoccupied house features an unusual roof line and enclosed chimneys. Its ground level construction is also unusual. The o rig in of the b u ild e r i s unknown. F ig. 67 . Alto House. This house resembles closely the popular Northern-style, two-story pyramidal house. A recent survey by the writer in three industrial communities in Ohio and Pennsylvania revealed that this style house accounted for over £0 per-cent of the houses in blocks built between 1920 and 1930. However, this structure, built about 1900 by a Geiman immigrant, originally featured perches entirely around the house, upstairs and down, and may then have been closer to the Lowland South styles. 1146 Franklin Parish (Fig. 13) or the relatively well-drained western section of West Carroll Parish. Land for these arrivals averaged $10.00 per acre in Franklin Parish, w ith p arcels ccramonly ranging from ItO to 120 acres (Franklin P a rish , Conveyance Records). The house type shown in Figures 50 and 5 l s t i l l enjoyed popularity among the settlers in this group. Usually, this house had two square roans at the time of construction, and included an open passage (wigging, 1970). With the end of World War I came a second wave of migrants. A size able influx from M ississippi, to both Franklin and West Carroll parishes, occurred at this time. For Franklin Parish, the origin of the settlers was principally Neshoba County, and location in Franklin Parish was mostly in the center or south-center (McDuff, 1956: Sec. A-l:2). Although those from Mississippi intended this as permanent settlement, many were burled in t heir original communities in M ississippi, a practice which survives today, although weaker (Hynum, 1971). In addition, migration continued from the hill parishes of north-central Louisiana, again, mostly to Franklin Parish, with the west**central section favored, although seme chose West Carroll Parish. Thus, while many hill parishes were losing in population, the Basin was gaining (U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1925: liO). Success in attracting Upland South settlers caused some clashing of cultural characteristics. Police juries frequently received complaints on stock running at-large and passed laws against such practices, involving fin es of $50.00 on occasion (Richland Parish Police Jury, 1918-1926: Book 2, 10li). The sensitiveness of this issue led the police Jury in Franklin parish to allow wards to decide this question. Acceptance of stock 1U7 fencing seemed greatest in eastern Franklin Parish (Franklin Parish Police Juzy, 1926-1928:177, 217). In Richland Parish, a range rider was finally- appointed to enforce the stock law (Richland Parish Police Jury, 1926- 1932: Book 3, 170). Obviously, the question had not been resolved to everyone’s satisfaction by the end of the era. The frequency of stills in West Carroll Parish in the 1920’s, Sunday as a day of labor on more occasions than in the Lowland South, and unusual community names, such as Red Wing, H ill, and Round Hill (The Upland South seems to have sought hills wherever possible, whether floods were common in the area or not.) (Fig. 68-69) serve as other examples of the increasing Upland South presence. Small fanners employed rail fences extending to 10 feet in height. Frequently, they planted fruit trees along these fences, even outside the farmstead areas (Wiggins, 1970). In the years frcm 1920 to 1930, community growth came to a virtual standstill with the exhaustion of useful timber and the absence of activities to replace the mills. A habit of referring to a general area (as opposed to a distinct cluster of houses) as ’’town” sprang up in the areas influenced by the Lowland South. This reminds one of the dispersed villages of the Upland South (Newton, 1972:5)* An example is the use of the term for the area around and between Chari ieville and Buckner (Fig. 70) (Noble, 1923:July 13). Many conn unity and civic organizations appeared during the late 1920’s (Franklin Sun, Centennial Edition), in the Upland South areas. A publication of one of these referred in its subtitle to Richland Parish as the "Garden Spot of North Louisiana Where Crop Failures are Unknown". Advertisements stressed opportunities for home seekers, such as alluvial delta soil, equable climate, and the gas fields, and extolled the Fig* 68, Basin Communities in 1930* Sources: Hardee, ca. 1895; National Geographic Society, 1930; Noble, Charles M, IH , 1893-1899; Noble, Mrs. C. M. Sr., 1919-1923; F o rtie r, 19lH:230, 330 (1 ), 17, £69 (2 ); Chamber of Commerce Rayville, Louisiana, 1929; Saxon, 19hlih76) 1*82; Noble, 1970 Duncan, 1970; Sartor, 1970; Louisiana State Department of Public Uorks, 1952, 1950. llj? ARK. •Mc Gi^ ; La^ !;M a c e d o T if/ LlndGrove#^ • J' • " " I f ' Holly f . # . •Bonita Ridge/ Janesville Plantersville. j r 0 •G allio n •tCampbell _✓ Oak Grove Round Hill ■ t B astrop f/ R edw ing •F o rest Pt. Pleasant* ^ M e r R ouge j A °P io n e e r D/0 .C le o ra ♦ .Collinston 0 0 Darnell1 ♦ .Keller’s ■ * •■.Floyd ■’ffl .Windsor Oak g (Doss) Ridge : ? & Gum / ■ •E p p s - 9 \ Ridge • 1 .Stevenson's _ . * 1 / N Gin ■ -r 9 \ ^*>J-ahe Lafourche • 'i / V . ( (v?n" ri> S c*J— o* Clear'"--' • Jozies burg a • 32 30 -♦* Stort^^vme Holly ■ ,■ P Mill haven B ayou * D u n n S ^ * " " e lso n ’s Lucknow Bend -/ e jNew Light ^ Rh»in®« Dehlcoburg Mixtft ■ .vaiio e 2 > .Archibald •Bakers' ^.Landerneau^ Holland .Baskin J Longview New Light/ •Ba»"ln • f ' J •C rdw ville Sligo* *fou®h,olljene ree,Bushe8 _____ ebert /Quitman r s ■ I (}w innsb^o •Liddieville ■ / •Brownell 9 _ ■ *Como > E den * / ort N ecesslt^„bert •J ig g e r ■ Prairie Boeuf Snakiev (Calhoun) M.oakiey Extension f •Wjsner Metropolis / | BASIN •HollyrA ' Grove i < J r i COMMUNITIES & IN 1930 mV F ig . 60 150 Fig* 69* Settlem ent Types in 1930* Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Agricultural Census, 1930$ Religious Bodies, 1926$ Richland Beacon-News, Obituaries, 1922-1930$ Noble, 1970$ S a rto r, 1970$ Hynum, 1971; Richardson, 1970$ B urkett, 1971* r&— ■3203 0 ' 32 30 u & SETTLEMENT3 / TYPES IN 1930 111 Lowland South Influence ff|| Dominant Upland South ^ French Influence MILES F ig . 69 l£2 advantages for dairy and truck faming in the parish and the virtues of cut-over land (likely a difficult item to promote) (Richland Beacon-News, Centennial Edition). By the end of the era, Baptist and Methodist denominations had en- larged their manberships in the Basin (Table 16). Only in 1926 did the Presbyterians attain numerical sign ifican ce in Morehouse and Franklin parishes, and, in Morehouse, they were s till fewer than the Episcopalians, who showed increasing strength in both Ouachita and Richland, but remained absent fran Caldwell and West Carroll parishes, thus emphasizing the Lowland South nature of the former two and the Upland South nature of the latter two. Politically, the Basin had rather consistently held positions between those of the h ill and lowland parishes. By 1930, the Macon Ridge parishes and areas in the southwest and northwest of Richland Parish voted as did h i l l parishes (Howard, 19!?7;130), probably a reflection of increasing settlement in the Basin from the h ills. While Populism held some influ ence in the Basin, the area was never a stronghold for the movement. The inhabitants supported Huey and Earl Long because the Longs spoke for the small farmers and workers, rather than Populist philosophy itself (Howard, 1957;129). It is likely that the Populist movement waned before its probable adherents (those fran the north-central hill parishes) reached the Basin in great enough numbers to reverse the local pattern. Greater population growth, both in percentages and actual numbers, occurred in the Basin during the 1890-1930 era, particularly in those section s more c lo sely a ffilia te d w ith the Upland South (Table 17 ). Tn Ward 8 of Caldwell Parish, Anglo-Saxon migrants diluted and erased the antecedent French heritage. Franklin Parish enjoyed a rather even rate of growth, with a large increase in ward 7 partially a result of TABLE 16 RELIGIOUS BODIES IN BCEUF BASIN 1906, 1916, 1926 Baptist Methodist Presbyterian Episcopalian 1906 1916 1926 1906 1916 1926 1906 19l6 1926 1906 191 6 1926 P arish (No. of Members) (No. of Members) (No. of Members) (No. of Members) Caldwell 1751 19l*it 101*8 298 719 625 Franklin 2 5 ll 3288 3382 599 621* 937 31 1*0 88 — — — Morehouse ho5l 3862 97U 909 1161 1519 —— 38 108 133 190 Ouachita I860 551*1 3177 1307 1089 3180 173 302 53b 158 2lil h50 Richland 21*75 1*5 67 2193 107 395 891 87 75 163 18 13 57 West Carroll 977 1316 17l*9 370 128 816 — 1*8 Sources: U. S. Bureau of the Census, U. S. Religious Bodies, 1906:Part I; 1916, Part 11:270} 1926, Vol. 1:620-622. TABLE 17 POPULATION BY WARDS IN 1930 Ward Caldw ell Franklin Morehouse Ouachita Richland West Carroll 1 1,215* l*,l68* 666 3,869 5,1*03* 2,189* 2 1,000 3,989* 780 2,253* 7,91*3* 2,379* 3 1,129 3,ll*9* 1,265 15,250* 2,791* 3,021* 1* l*,5l7 2,971* 6,599 1,71*2* 3,283* li,l61** 5 669 2,321* 3,088* 11,560 1*,1*1*7* 2,11*2* 6 173 3,183* l*,0l*8* 2,231** 1,1*1*8* 7 315 6,583* 971 1,711 1,059* 8 1,808* 2,238* 1,109 9 37l* 2,358* 1*69 1,019 10 1*51 3,565* 13,610 Total 10,1*30 30,530 23,689 51*, 017 26,371* 13,895 * - Basin Wards Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedules, 1930. Winnsboro»s location in that ward. For the Basin wards, Morehouse Parish had a smaller rate of growth with Ward 5 (Oak Ridge) actually experiencing a decrease. One Ouachita ward (ii) also showed a slight decrease, while another experienced a great increase, ward 1* extends into Lafourche swamp. One can suspect that urban places had attracted some settlers, and that others had located on lands subject to overflow and had subsequently moved on. Like Franklin and West Carroll parishes, Richland Parish also witnessed a sizeable and general increase in population. In West Carroll, the great growth of Ward 1* can be attributed to the presence of the parish seat, Oak Grove. Conclusion Upland South groups dominated settlement more during the 1890-1930 155 era than during any prior period. Settlers planned permanent habitation? few moved on or back to the hills. Previous attempts at settlement had frequently culminated in withdrawal to hill areas. However, sane new settlers were unsuccessful, resulting in mary sales of land for taxes, almost always of the farms of less than 100 acres (Richland Beacon-News, 1922-1930). The situation in the Basin was much more conducive to Upland South penetration in these years. Physical limitations had weakened. The Basin's leaders actively sought small-famer settlement and most of these small farmers were from the Upland South. The newcomers established them selves over a wide area (Fig. 69). In addition, lumbering activities lent economic strength to many of these settlers, until they could clear their land or establish themselves in other ways. These opportunities would be especially valuable to small farmers with small financial reso u rces. By 1930, it had not yet been determined whether the Basin's con ditions would point the new arrivals to a different set of cultural concepts, in regard to the land and its use. It remained for a Depression, changing demands of agricultural activities, and growing urbanism of the next era to decide this. Finally, various factors studied reveal a complex situation in the Basin in 1930 as far as cultural affiliation is concerned. All in all, the Basin tended toward the Upland South, but the old Lowland South influence remained (Fig. 70). However, blending of cultures, together with landscape handicaps and benefits, was molding a new culture. l $ 6 ARK. Gum Ridge Ridge 32 30* 33”30 Buckner Chariieville c Ft. Necessity LOWLAND SOUTH DISPERSED COMMUNITIES IN 1930 92**0* F ig . 70 Sources: Noble, 1970; F lu itt, 1971; Duncan, 1972; Parks, 1971; Sartor, 1970; F ield T rips; Richland Parish Police Jury. 157 CHAPTER 5 WITHDRAWAL AND MODIFICATION (1930-Present) Landscape and Vegetation Through the mid-1950,s, aerial photographs indicate much land remained in forest (often a cut-over forest) in West Carroll Parish, north-central Franklin Parish, north-central and south-central Richland Parish, and eastern Ouachita Parish. In West Carroll Parish, land was increasingly being converted to 1*0 and 80-acre fanns, but, in the other areas, apparently, swampiness limited settlement to favorable slices of land, as around New Light in Ouachita and Charlieville in Richland (Aerial photographs, CTN-IB-8, 9, and 10; CTF-5 b-71j-77; CQK-5a - 38-1*1 and 66-68; CTN-3B-2l*-28) • Large areas of vacant land led even to bounties on wolves (Franklin P arish P o lice Ju iy , 1939-191*2*221; Richland P arish P olice ju ry , Book 3:1*25). Extensive forest areas remained on the west side of the Boeuf River, but, outside the game preserves, large fanning operations have increase- ingly cleared these sections. Drainage projects, new agricultural implements, and the ease of adapting beef cattle operations, and rice and soybean cultivation have made these forest areas worth the expense of c le arin g . Although frequent floods in the Basin had discouraged Upland South settlement in the 1800»s, many fanners experienced spring flooding of their hanesteads by backwaters in the thirties (prior to improved 158 drainage f a c i l i t i e s ) , without being prompted to migrate (Wiggins, 1970), Settlers now judged that the advantages of the lowlands for agriculture made living there worth the risks. Serious floods have posed no problems since the 1930’s. Transportation This era has witnessed little change in the rail network of the Boeuf Basin. There has been neither expansion nor abandonment of lines, except for sidings here and there. The last passenger service ceased in 1970. However, this is more a feature of the nation as a whole than the Basin. The road pattern has, likewise, seen little alteration in its basic pattern. There has been all-weather surfacing and a few routes have become daninant over all others (Fig. 71). These roads have afforded Basin residents easy access to points in all directions, a development which has had a marked effect on the cultural characteristics of the area. Water transportation remains unimportant, although planned and com pleted improvements on the Boeuf and Ouachita rivers may have seme effects in the future. Agriculture and Other Econcmic Activities Agriculture The average farm size began to increase again, with an initial marked shift away frcm farms of less than 10 acres and 10 to 29 acres and toward fa m s of 50 to lijO acres (Table 18). A su rp risin g number of fanns from 1 to 10 acres renained in 195k in all sample parishes, but the Basin parishes resembled hill parishes in this regard (Table 19). Fams ranging ARK. -3p - ✓ s* r-J ■33 30# » BOEUF BASIN HIGHWAYS Q U.S. Highways F-l Louisiana Highways Q Interstate Highways 92 30* F ig . 71 Sources Louisiana Department of Public Works, 1966 SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS 19ii0 % % % % % No. No. Farms of Tenancy (Bales) Average Size Percentage Percentage (D ollars) Horses White Operators Acres - Farm (Acres) Farms 50-99 Acres - Farms Under 10 Farms 10-29 Acres - Farms 30-1^9 Cotton Acres - Acres - Farms 100-139 Vegetables Mules n CD CD i h O M B ien v ille H VO CD XT' vn n n n ino O INO INO INO INO n o Caldwell m VO VO E - v nv n v n n ino INO INO H O N v n ino O O n M ON n o On INO OnOn INO ino Concordia f NO CD Vn CD NO n n O H O j INO INO —3 ON INO INO c d INO MINO H Vo CD CD INO CD o CD INO O o vo n v o r o CD INO MINO NO NO r o H H H INO • • • • H r o r o CD VoCD INO NO - 3INO - 3 M O INO o V n —3 NO CD NO - 3 V nNO tr-N O © O H M On M v n - 3 -3 -3 No xr- VO INO VO O INO H* v o H O HVo CD O - 3 v n INO CD v n No No No c - m n o v n XT' M M NO - 3 VO On CD East C a rro ll V NO H - 3 INO <•<•«<« <•<#<•» c d INO ino ino C- n o F ranklin Vo v n H CD n n ino INO o o v n O o INO cd C-S n o Madison n o n n ino O n O n o VJTO I-* I-* Morehouse tNO r INO - O ON INO n n INO NO rINO o NA CD CD v n CD NO O HINO HO INO c - -NO o N n CD v n * ON O • • • O CD CD NO OO CDXT' INO NO NO C " Cr-NJT INO fINO NO ON INO H C * O M M INO Vo O NO NO CD NO - 3 o o r o H On No On CD O O v o v n. H - 3 - 3 - 3 H» INO INO H»CD INO INO v n —3 —3 —3 tr- Ovvnvn VjO VO VjO O V n t r - C - H * NO n o n o H v n H H M UHHO NO NO t-fc-N O Ouachita NO H H CD a o o Richland r o NO ON j • • o o OONTl St. Helena n o CO NO h-« vn h-« r o © . . n n n O O H NO j I I INO On n o Cr* OO ON INO OO ON INO H H t * O • Tensas U- O I INO n n O ino r o INO INO INO INO NO • 'JOHV West C arro ll Cr-O O v m n INO OINO n—0 No -0 O CD-0 PO NO Vn NO —0 No INO N n On tr * CD O n c - r o V*) (-1 IN) INO INO INO M • H W M H tM r NJT.H NO On O M CD M CD H NO O -0 ON H c d tr--3 -o O On H H INO HH INO O C D - 3 INO iN o o o H o r r o O E On r r o O U ) NO V H C " I N 0 H O O INO - 3 M NJT.NO NJT.NO V nV O ISO n<0 —3 VjO NO —3 n<0 VjO O £ r- Vo - 0 NO O no H No NO Vn H O -3 ON - 3 CTN O CD n o INO Winn fr-V o Nocr- INO ...... Sources U. S. Bureau of the Census, A gricultural Census, 19l0jVol. 1, part 5:126-210 091 TABLE 19 SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS 1951 Characteristic Bienville Caldwell Concordia East Carroll Fra nk lin Madison Morehouse No, Farms 1,673 1,089 1,189 1,715 1,171 1,1*18 2,160 Average Size Farm (Acres) 103.3 7 lu6 188.0 108.2 79.0 177.8 81.1* Percentage White Operators 61* 76 39 1*0 63 1*2 37 Percentage of Tenancy l l . 6 20.0 51.8 59.8 1*7.6 61.3 57.5 Farms Under 10 Acres - % 10 16 31 19 7 19 19 Fazms 10-29 Acres - % 15 22 36 35 35 35 1*5 Farms 30-19 Acres - % 21 21 9 16 22 15 13 Farms 50-99 Acres - % 22 22 9 15 18 13 11 Farms 100-139 Acres - % 12 8 1* 1 6 5 3 Farms lLO-179 Acres - % 8 1* 2 2 3 2 2 Farms Over 500 Acres - % 2 1 5 1* 2 5 1* Vegetables (Dollars) 27,731* 198 1,080 11,985 l*,3l*2 2,799 5,969 C a ttle 19,600 17,500 111,600 20,900 57,800 11,000 20,800 Swine - ;,37l* 9,137 7,763 5,530 7,971 6,1*81 8,701 Horses 725 766 1,189 1*1*3 2,012 696 1,359 Mules 1,089 120 U52 838 1,706 751* 2,382 Corn (Bushels) 8U,5ii3 63,111 lU i,120 196,031 21*1,665 21*1,983 256,375 Cotton (Bales) 3,300 6,926 11,583 3 0 ,97h 35,930 23,859 28,788 TABLE 19—Continued Characteristic Ouachita Richland St. Helena Tensas West Carroll Winn No. Farms 1,500 3 ,lk k 1,53k l,3 k l 2,255 1,13k Average Size Farm (Acres) 116.7 85. k 63.2 186.7 81.6 62.2 Percentage White Operators 76 59 5k 33 8k 83 Percentage of Tenancy 27.7 58.3 25. k 67.1 3k. 0 9.1 Farms Under 10 Acres - % 17 7 12 27 6 13 Farms 10-29 Acres - % 26 37 36 32 20 2k Farms 30-k9 Acres - % 19 22 16 10 28 2k Farms 50-99 Acres - % 17 18 18 lk 28 22 Farms 100-139 Acres - % 7 5 7 3 9 7 Farms lkO-179 Acres - % k 3 k 2 k 5 Farms Over 500 Acres - % k 2 2 7 1 l Vegetables (Dollars) 51,839 6,070 70,782 2,905 114,899 10,005 C a ttle 11,700 36,800 26,800 32,500 12,600 12,300 Swine 5,k6k 8,555 1,853 6,5k3 8,256 7,387 Horses 771 l,k l8 933 9k6 737 538 Mules 650 l,8k7 820 593 1,07k 131 Corn (Bushels) 172,8k0 230,028 177,562 201,068 261,788 26,933 Cotton (Bales) 13,170 31,920 1,686 25,557 17,787 5k5 Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Agricultural Census, 195k: Vol. 1, part 2k:62-112 and 119~lk8. 163 fran 50 to 99 acres increased In percentage in all Basin and lowland parishes, but remained about the same in the hill parishes. Farms of 100 to 139 acres had become more important than before in all the sample parishes, except for St. Helena and Winn. The change was especially great in the lowland parishes. By the mid 1950's, all Basin parishes decreased in number of farms (Table 19). The degree of drop tended to conform more to that for low land parishes than for hill parishes (note Caldwell and St. Helena). In increase in average farm size, a closer relationship again appears to low land parishes, with Winn and St. Helena showing a decrease, instead of an in cre ase. Agricultural characteristics for 1965 (Table 20) suggest a continu ation of developments leading to patterns giving the Basin a cultural landscape of its own. In average farm size, the Basin tends toward hill parish statistics. However, the small percentage of farms of 1 to 9 acres for the Basin, especially those parishes nearly completely in the Basin, contrast strongly with the figures for the hill parishes. Except for Morehouse Pariah and, to a lesser extent, Ouachita and Richland parishes, the Basin shows similarity to the hill parishes in the per centage of farms of 500 and more acres. Basin farmers paid more attention to vegetable production by 195JU# but, except for West Carroll Parish, vegetables seen to have been less important than in the hill parishes. Ouachita Parish's high standing probably relates to the presence of the market in Monroe. In West Carroll parish, farmers have made use of their gardening skills in the production of tomatoes and sweet potatoes. Here stands a large-scale example (in terms of size of area) of Upland South commercialization of a TABLE 20 SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS 196b CO g O 9 o\ On (0 O n % % % % 0 4 * % 8 , cd rr\ 1 lr \ 6 ■LTV • CD CO m ro CO Q) o 0 g 5s cdt 0s cd 0 cd Average Average Size Farm (Acres) Acres Acres - Faims Faims 1-9 Acres Acres - Farms 10-1 Farms Farms 20-29 (Bales) Acres Acres - Farms Farms 100-199 of of Tenancy Acres Acres - Acres Acres - Farms Farms 200-199 Percentage Cotton [ii «a! Beef C a ttle 1 B ien v ille 888 13ii.5 55 20 8 7 6 3 1 0 9.8 1,015 7,800 Caldw ell 626 117.3 I4 0 15 11 H i 7 6 6 1 6.1 10,952 9,000 Concordia 5U9 509.6 15 22 9 11 lii 10 13 6 lit.9 11,339 37,600 East Carroll 550 333.2 8 12 9 13 17 12 17 12 23.6 ii7,7ii2 18,000 F ranklin 2,09li II46.O 11 17 16 19 18 11 6 2 30.5 65,500 15,000 Madison 520 1*63.8 6 13 11 l i i 16 15 lii 11 22.7 32,201 26,000 Morehouse 1,003 202.8 19 19 12 13 10 9 10 8 22.8 1*8,838 21,300 Ouachita 785 31.3 38 18 10 8 7 6 9 i i 13.5 20,215 11,300 ftichland 20 16 16 10 8 27.2 56,015 29,550 1,117 67.3 12 15 1 3 S t. Helena 981 31.7 1*8 30 10 7 1 i 0 0 10.1 583 9,700 Tensas 191 514.8 13 18 9 15 12 12 12 9 33.2 27,252 25,200 West C arro ll 1,296 83.1* 9 13 13 18 22 H i 9 1 16.6 30,719 26,000 Winn 80li 8.0 71* 15 5 2 2 1 1 0 8.5 288 3,200 Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Agricultural Census, 19614: 308- 313, 337, 3146- 353 , 388- 1417. l6f> culture trait—their identification with kitchen gardens—here extended to truck fanning. Local observers recently determined that 1,300 farm gardens and 600 town gardens existed. Assorted vegetables are produced in the suraner (West Carroll Parish stands second in the state in toma toes), but during winter, emphasis shifts to greens (mustard, turnip, and collard) and onions (Cooperative Extension Service, 1967*26). These winter crops have long been associated with the Upland South. However, even here, large-scale methods threaten to force most of the Upland South farmers out (Peterson, 1971)* Agricultural experiment stations in the Basin date to the immediate post-war years. These bent the Basin even further toward agricultural concepts alien to the traditional small-farmer element; they served to emphasize commercialization and specialization, characteristics detri mental to the continuation of traditional small-farming patterns, especially with its subsistence agriculture and its associated household a rts. In this present period—even in Franklin Parish—cattle began to outnumber hogs (Table 19 ), reflecting, perhaps, market conditions and improvement in c a ttle breeds. These reasons could have enabled Upland South farmers to re-emphasize cattle as they had in upland areas. The factor of prestige also enters, for in the Basin, perhaps as elsewhere, the raising of cattle yields more status than the raising of swine (Johnston, 1970). Statistics for 1961* far beef cattle place the Basin parishes close to the lowland parishes. The mid-19I>C 3 also saw general exodus of farmers from the sample parishes. Police Jury Minutes for the late 19l*0's contain many petitions for roads in the rural areas, but, by 1951*, petitions for removal of roads 166 from public status grew more frequent than those for making them public. The Negro withdrawal is more emphatic, particularly in the lowland parishes. The statistics for the Basin parishes resemble those of lowland parishes in this category. Thus, agricultural characteristics indicate that although many resi dents possessed an Upland South heritage, the Basin showed less affili ation with that heritage than might be expected. For example, new Upland South settlement during this era bore the least relationship, thus far, to elevated sites. Instead, land of above-average fertility or access to market and supply centers attracted attention. Yet, generally, the Basin did not reach the qualifications of the Lowland South, either. It would seem that, more than during any other era, the Basin was assuming its own c h a ra c te r. Limbering The large and spectacular sawmills disappeared during these years, although barges s till transported logs down the Boeuf River as late as 1932 (Hammond, 19ii5:269). A Fischer body plant had been established in the 1930's in Wisner, employing 600 men, mostly local residents who were recent migrants. As the auto industry's demand for wood declined and resources dwindled, this activity faded away. Indications are that most of the labor force left the area, and owners re-seeded the cut-over land, instead of selling it in farm parcels (Tindell, 1956:5). Otherwise, forests were cleared primarily for conversion to farm land, rather than production of lumber or other wood products. Mineral Exploitation Exploitation and exploration for natural gas and oil continued during the Depression. However, either lack of success or of construction of attendant facilities (refineries) reduced the Impact of these activities on the cultural landscape more than had been the case earlier in communi ties, such as Alto. As with the body plant, employment opportunities often drew Upland South migrants to the villages and towns of the Basin, more than to agricultural activities. Two carbon-black plants were in operation in the Nelson's Bend area (Fig. 72). Although the plants have been dismantled, the houses which remain indicate Upland South affinity. Manufacturing Although the Basin parishes stand below the state average in manu facturing activities, there has been seme expansion of these activities. 3 Here, too, the labor force consists mostly of Upland South. However, frequently, the nature of the work (food processing, clothing manufacture) is light and can be performed by women. Wages earned supplement, or may be the main source of the Upland South family's income, depending on the man's ability to farm successfully or on his locating adequate employment for himself. How long these activities can hold these Upland South people in the area is in question. The clothing firms suffer from foreign competition. The resource-exploiting activities face eventual exhaustion and the processing becomes increasingly automated. Moreover, the Basin parishes rank in the fifth of six state-wide categories in terms of industrial investment over the past 10 years. Caldwell, Richland, and West Carroll received no industrial investment in 1970 (Monroe Morning World, May 31, 1971j6-A). Therefore, industry is un lik ely to retain much o f the Upland South labor which i s experiencing employment d if f ic u lt ie s . 3Based on interviews with residents of the Basin and company officials and residences of workers. 1 6 8 Fig. 72. Basin Canmunities in 1972. Source: Louisiana Department of Public Works, 1966} Louisiana Department of Highways, "Morehouse Parish, Louisiana", "Caldwell Parish, Louisiana", "Franklin Parish, Louisiana", "Ouachita Parish, Louisiana", "Richland parish, Louisiana", "West Carroll Parish, Louisiana"; Field Trips* ARK. • ■ M a t n M U M W i a d £ jo n e a .Macedonia ^bou rn® Holly. Concord ^ i Ridge • Bonita Janeaville* (Fialp-Unlon) * Oak Grove •Foreat Mar Rouge ■ ^^ioneer r / ^ •Collinston Oak Ridge* .Stevenaon'a • •Eppa Gin A t j 'J j> \ ■ / J? *'**?ake* /" f aTr.rdV ,a rO ^ R a v&¥Vg''; v ille Molly 2id°\ J s j< y Bayou nniuiaDftl \ucknoiji hymea Dehlco,^ Alto •Archibald r •Bakara •FourFor ka Charll.ville^,,nBhBnr New Light*' y *Cro«Kyilla t (^Wlnneboro • Liddlevllle • Chase « *Como * ■ Fort Neceeaity . 0 „b(lr, Jigger Metropolis HollyGrove*^^ BASIN COMMUNITIES IN 1972 MIIIS F ig. 72 170 Recreational activities have increased in the past 10 years in the Basin. These include hunting and fishing camps, not only for existing w ildlife, but for Imported species, such as boar (Noonan, 1963:7), and the utilization of the Boeuf and other streams. Recreation developments have been of financial benefit mainly to the lowland landowners, either because of ownership of large tracts which can be turned into sporting camps or because of location along the streams, both of which were a trait of the Lowland South groups when they settled in the area. Settlem ent West Carroll Parish received many migrants in the 1930»s from various sources. A group of Slovakians settled near Janesville (Fig. 72). This group brought a different culture and the Catholic denomination. Tradi tional small-faiming methods and interests were employed such that this party further stimulated commercial truck farming (Peterson, 1971)* Unlike Upland South groups, Slovakians soon abandoned agriculture and turned, instead, to skilled occupations and operation of heavy equip ment. Catholic mission churches established for this group were aban doned, with Oak Grove retaining West Carroll’s sole Catholic church. Acceptance of Basin ways is evidenced by the absence of unusual structures in the landscape. The community of Fiske Union (Fig. 72) gives a further demonstration of the influence of the Basin on differing culture groups. A Spanish group migrated here, from southern Texas. They refer to themselves as French, though local observers consider them primarily Spanish, with some Negro blood (Peterson, 1971)* Again, the cultural landscape generally resembles that of any Upland South area elsewhere in the Basin. House 171 types, fanning methods, and manner of speech do not set this group apart from their neighbors. Names receive a Anglicized pronunciation even from members of this group (Hodriguez, 1971; Sanchas, 1971; Sanches, 1971)* Availability and comparative low cost of land continued to draw settlers frcm Arkansas to west Carroll Parish in the 1930»s. These blended into the general Upland South landscape. Few moved to other parts of the Basin. The Arkansas migrants took up conaercial fanning and expanded their holdings as years passed, to a greater uegree than those frcm Mississippi and the h ill parishes (Peterson, 1971). For 19l)0, many wards in the Basin show little population growth, with some actually having decreases (Tables 17 and 21). However, some TABLE 21 POPULATION BY WARDS IN 191)0 Ward Caldwell Franklin Morehouse Ouachita Richland West Carroll 1 1,101)* 3,61)1* 1,376 3,358 5,505* 2,135* 2 1,083 i),i) 22* 1,016 2,015* 10,677* 3,1)17* 3 1,251 3,61)8* 912 15,657* 2,855* li,756* 1) 5,700 3,029* 8,336 1,516* 3,1)08* 5,730* 5 772 2,372* 3,968* H i,1)33 3,762* 2,911)* 6 232 3,035* 1,577* 2,163 1,399* 7 1)87 7,585* 963 1,711 1, 223* 8 606 * 1,837* 2, 272* 1,195 9 333 2,813* 1)99 795 10 1)78 3,652* 16,325 Total 12,01)6 32,382 27,571 59,168 28,829 19,252 * ». Basin Wards Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedules, 191)0. wards in Franklin, particularly those noted for Upland South character istics, and the West Carroll wards did continue to have increases. Also, 1 7 2 Ward 2 (north of Rayville) in Richland Parish enjoyed an increase linked to the completion of lumbering activities and resultant sale of land* Increase in population in wards 5 and 6 in Morehouse Parish took place maifcly along Bayou Bonne Idee (Morehouse Parish, Conveyance Records) and, again, relates to cessation of lumbering activities. Migrating Upland South groups at this time generally did not bring their house types with them. Instead, they constructed bungalows of four or five rooms (Fig. 73-7U). Porches generally occupied half of the front. Both Negroes and whites occupied, and s till occupy, these bungalows, although none is being built at present; many now exist in a state of decay. Many of these Upland South groups settled away from the main high ways (Fig. 69 and 71). In some cases, this pattern of location reflects a preference for landscapes not attractive to through-highway construction. In addition, earlier settlement had focused on routes which eventually attained major status and, hence, raised land prices beyond the reach of these new migrants from the hills. Newcomers, as well as earlier small fanners, continued to suffer from foreclosures on lands (Luno, 1956:1; Richland Beacon-News, 1932- 19ii0), reducing their imprint on housing, crop choices, and field patterns on the landscape that a permanent, prosperous Upland South might have succeeded in creating during the Depression years. By 19li0, many were still unable to pay their taxes so that, instead of foreclosing, authorities delayed collections (Richland Parish Police Jury, June it, 19liO:7 3). During the 1930*s, a slight change in religious dominance occurred in the Basin (Table 22). Methodists achieved a slight lead over Baptists in numbers in Morehouse, Ouachita, and Ri chi aid parishes and moved closer 173 Fig. 73. Basin Bungalow. This type dates to the thirties. The Upland South inhabitants of the Basin frequently chose this type during these years. Now, a number of these structures are in a state of aban donment, due to migration or favoring of other types, such as ranch style and mobile homes. Commonly, the plan included five rooms and a porch, as is the case here. Fib. 71;. Basin Bungalow. A cluster of bungalows in deteriorating condition. Usually, the long side of the house was perpendicular to the road, but, here, two have the long side„ parallel to the road. 17U TABLE 22 RELIGIOUS AFFILIATIONS IN BOEUF BASIN 1936 Parish Baptist Methodist Presbyterian Episcopalian Caldwell 1,182 558 — — Franklin 1,757 831 103 M orehouse 1,203 1,381 — 173 Ouachita i|,itlO 1,030 503 ii33 Richland 511 69 I4 93 West Carroll 1,1:75 706 — — Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, Special Reports-—Religious Bodies, 19U: 763-761. to the Baptist totals in the other parishes. Presbyterians increased in numbers, but lagged far behind the Baptists and Methodists. A study made of 70 counties in the southern Appalachians in this same decade found the Baptists in a dominant position, with the Methodists in second place, comfortably ahead of the Presbyterians (Hooker, 1933:160). Thus, the Basin continued to resemble upland areas in religious affiliations, but with definite modifications* A possible continuing clash between Upland South and Lowland South residents, as well as between the demands of traditional and modern tech nology, is seen in both Richland and Franklin parishes where stock-at- large laws were proposed, passed, and sometimes, later rescinded or modi fied. Frequently, the matter was handled ward by ward, with wards on Macon Ridge most hesitant in legislating against stock-at-large, a policy so favored by the Upland South (Richland Parish Police Jury, Book it: 126, 175 189; Book ii-A:105; Franklin Parish Police Jury, 1913-1933:367, 373). World War It caused migration to and from the Basin. Mary Negroes, and some whites, left for industrial work in the cities of the South and North. For example, Grayson Plantation, near Fort N ecessity, had i t s peak labor force of 75 Negro fam ilies in 19itl (F lu itt, 1971). Departure of Negroes created opportunities for more white Upland South migrants, but usually under tenancy conditions. Mechanization of plantations was increasing in intensity, and departing Negroes would have been replaced by equipment, had it been available (Prunty, 1950:307). As i t was, Upland South whites, in many cases, provided the needed labor. In contrast to this migration of whites into the Basin, fomer white settlers, who were leaving the Basin for industrial employment stimulated by the war effort, instigated the weakening of the small fann presence, with its peasant, or near-peasant characteristics. Migration related less to tenancy in West Carroll Parish than else where in the Basin. The lumber companies were s t i l l se llin g IiO-acre plots, although the price had increased to as much as $60.00 to $70.00 per acre (West C arroll Parish, Conveyance Records). Lack o f success of sane previous migrants resulted in a poor reputation for the Basin sections of the parish. Those living on the eastern side referred to the area as "The Swamp" (Chapman, 1971). Goodwill, the only truly rural community (hamlet) in West Carroll Parish presently possessing service functions, dates from World War II. The remaining communities are minor towns based on rail or main routes, or settlements fulfilling no service function, other than an occasional church, for the surrounding areas. 176 In the Basin sections of Morehouse Parish, too, hamlets declined in size and importance. For both parishes, none was incorporated and most were ass wing the characteristics of the Upland South dispersed hamlets. However, the agricultural villages of Collinston and Oak Ridge, in that part of Morehouse Pariah clearly pertaining to the Lowland South, main tained their sizes and functions. In addition to house styles distinctive to the Basin, church buildings in agricultural villages were noteworthy for a good state of maintenance (Fig. 75-76). The towns and villages of of Franklin Parish had fared better, with only a very few losing service functions and virtually all retaining one, if not two or three, retail outlets. The villages and towns in Richland Parish suffered decline in some cases, but others held their own. P arish se a t p a tte rn s showed de-emphasis of th e courthouse square beginning in the late fifties. Although both Franklin and Richland parishes built new courthouses, the square in Rayville does not stand in the center of town. For Franklin Parish, the courthouse neither stands in the center of town, nor has it a square about it. Thus, the roads of these parishes lead to the business sections, rather than the courthouse square, as has been noted for many Upland South parishes and counties (Newton, 1973-A:13j Price, 1968:29, 33, 38). The 1950 ' s saw most parishes in the Basin undertaking assessments of their separate characters, frequently under stimulation by" the state government. These assessments often included recognition of Upland South traits or problems, without knowledge of these as culture traits and their significance. This situation, in itself, made planned solutions less likely of success. Economic conditions, nearness to a medium-sized and growing city (Monroe), plus the ease of transforming agricultural practices to more Fig. 75. Oak Ridge Church. Not so unusual a style as Fig. 76, but much more impressive than most churches in the Basin of similar size, perhaps demonstrating the wealth of this agricultural village. Fig. 76. Collins ton Church. A secondary building of a Methodist congregation. Its square shape and roof line are most unusual for the Basin. modem methods, were combined to detach those inhabitants who were Upland South in origin from that culture’s traditional characteristics to another, and to evoke little passive or active resistance on their part to this change. Traditional Upland South traits became less and less evident. It seems that two factors brought this about. One was the migration of sane inhabitants, due to a presumed lack of opportunity, inability to participate in the opportunities available (likely because of their poverty), or the failure of these traditional traits to equip the departing people for those opportunities. The second was that success now depended upon rapid adaptation to new market factors and agricultural methods, as well as the finances to do these things, or the w illingness to take risks which might mean loss of everything. Upland South groups have modified their culture traits after a few years' occupance, or in the next generation. Typical house types (i.e., dog-trot, double pen, and even the bungalow houses) and occupational patterns have been discarded. The departure of the young has further weakened the maintenance of traditional Upland South features in the Basin. For upland areas, the rural scene stays much the same, or reverts to forest, despite out-migration. For the Basin, large farmers buy retired farmers' holdings, tear down old houses, and revise field patterns almost completely. Using Kniffen's work on house types in Louisiana as a guide (Kniffen, 1962), it can be noted that the house types traditionally associated with the Upland South are concentrated near the Streams (Table 23 and Fig. 77- 82). In the Basin, however, these structures are usually either aban doned or occupied by Negroes. Abandonment has resulted fran departure of Negro labor, increased mechanization, and the difficulty of modernizing 179 Fig. 77. Folk Housing. This 100-year-old home, still occupied in the Nelson's Bend area, appears to have been a single-pen home originally. Fig. 78. Folk Housing. This long-abandoned and slowly deteriorating structure appears to also have been a single pen originally. Note the wooden shingles (or shakes, although this is an unccnmon term in north Louisiana [Folk, l?6l]), a rare feature among surviving folk housing in th e Basin. 180 Fig. 79. Folk Housing. An Upland South homestead not far frcm Liddieville. The bungalow, taH nut trees, and low unpainted outbuildings to the left are typical of this type of farmstead. Fig. 80. Folk Housing. Mary double-pen houses still exist in the Basin, usually occupied by Negroes or abandoned. This example shows a combination of features, such as the chinaberry tree in the back, the evergreen tree in the front, and encroaching cultivation. 181 Fig. 81. Folk Housing. A white-occupied dog-trot house which has been very well maintained and has had a section added. This is one of the few examples in the Basin of an owner's modifying this type fdr modern liv in g . Fig. 82. Folk Housing. A dog-trot, with fancy porch posts and railings, asbestos shingle siding and white-painted front. 182 TABLE 23 FOLK STRUCTURE TYPES ALONG THE BOEUF RIVER , Type of Structure Number Percentage of Total Single Pen 22 b Double Pen U2 6 Saddlebag 23 3 Dog-Trot 7 1 Bluffland House 6 1 Carolina "I" House 1 Shotgun 111 6 Single Crib 36 $ Double Crib 6 1 Transverse Crib b7 6 Total 231 31 Total Structures in Study Area: 72$ these structures for plumbing, electricity, or storage and living space. The absence of Upland South occupants stresses their emphasis in settle ment away from that stream. This holds true for much of the Basin. Practically no bungalows are found along the Boeuf River. In contrast, the sections identified with Upland South occupance, particularly West Carroll Parish, show the presence of bungalow structures in overwhleming percentages. The bungalow stands as the most dependable and obvious symbol of Upland South presence in the Basin. I t accounts for at least half of all house types, not just folk types, in the rural areas. In one four-m ile stretch in West Carroll Parish, the bungalow totaled lb structures, only one of which was inhabited by a Negro family. The bungalow i s almost always oriented toward a road, rather than a stream. Inhabitants usually no longer build these bungalows, as continued modi fication of culture traits finds them choosing brick ranch-style hemes or 183 mobile units. Based on interviews and observations, the choice of the bungalow (and later the ranch style) relates to ease of adaptation to modern living (i.e., plumbing, electricity) and to closely related current fashion. Students have claimed that structures w ill reflect climate, as well as the skill of the builders and the materials available (Trigger, 1968s 56). For the Basin, it must be added that an admired style and ease of construction influences a group’s preference. If a concern, such as a lumber company, makes it easy to construct a certain style of house, settlers may almost universally adopt that style at a given time. This appears to have happened with the type shown in Figures 50 and 5l. The rural house is held especially to show relation to the environment (Brunhes, 1920:75). Traditional housing in the Basin reveals no such close association, either in orientation of direction or in special fe a tu re s . Table 23 also reveals the sparseness of Upland South outbuilding types. However, these structures have proven their adaptability to present-day needs. The observer may see abandoned and decaying shotgun, single-pen, and double-pen structures, or even bungalows, but he w ill see few abandoned transverse-crib barns (Fig. 83-88). Baptist and Pentecostal churches stand as the next most reliable and visible indicator of Upland South presence. Baptists hold the majority in Franklin and West Carroll parishes, in particular, but also in the other parishes as well (Table 2I4). The Presbyterian church shows a ten dency to be strong in those parishes where the Episcopalian also las strength. Likely the Presbyterian church represents the Upland South elite (large farmers, leading businessmen), with the Episcopal church s till tending to evidence the presence of the Lowland South. 181* Fig. 83. Outbuilding. This double-pen shares the fate of many other folk houses in the Basin. It now functions as a hay barn, rts con venient location, close to the field or to the pasture, has saved it frcm destruction. F ig. 81u Outbuilding. The Upland South areas s till contain a number of these single-crib structures, many of log construction. Owners perform l i t t l e maintenance upon than, but an abandoned sin gle crib is d if fic u lt to fin d . 18$ F ig. 8$, Outbuilding. A few farms have this type of barn, which has not been reported in other parts of the state. While the original design was probably for a sp e c ific purpose, there seems to be no sp ecial use made of these structures today. Fig. 86. Outbuilding. Various fonns of the transverse-crib barn are employed by Basin faimers, although neither Lowland South nor Upland South inhabitants are building this type at present. 18 6 K\ -v ***#$£ Fig. 87. Outbuilding. A transverse-crib bam more nearly fitting the typical design. F ig. 88. Outbuilding. This transverse-crib barn seems to accent the loft at the expense of the first floor. Note the shed built into the main roofed area. This structure was torn down shortly after the photo was taken. A much smaller structure has replaced it. TABLE 2h RELIGIOUS AFFILIATIONS IN BOEUF BASIN 1957 Parish Baptist Methodist Presbyterian Episcopalian Caldwell 3,OU2 713 — — F ranklin 9, 111* 1,251 101 — Morehouse 5,367 2,209 226 221 Ouachita 19,958 6,539 1,173 761 Richland 6,629 l,27ii 205 96 West Carroll 6,718 990 —— Source: National Council of Churches of Christ in the U. S. A., 1957: Table 100. Land-ownership maps reveal rather accurately the presence of the Upland South. The much smaller plots appear in areas which have other traits of the culture. However, the ItO-acre farm is rare, unless the small farmer owns a series of them. Rather, lots of 80 to 120 acres can be associated with the Upland South in the Basin. Gardens (with the exception of West Carroll Parish) and cemetery characteristics, so helpful in other parts of the state, and the South in general, in identifying the presence of the Upland South, offer little aid in the case of the Boeuf Basin. Cemeteries may have traditional settings, such as elevated sites, but with the exceptions of occasional enclosures of walls or iron fences (Fig. 89), ccromon ornamentations are missing (Jeane, 1969: Kniffen, 1967:1(26). The use of dialects or descriptive phrases can be an aid in determin ing culture affiliation. In interviews and in reviewing diaries and old Fig. 89. Sacred Square. One of the few examples of Upland South burial characteristics in the Basin (Jeane, 1969). The "squares" con tained four to a dozen graves, enclosed by an iron fence or low wall. family letters, the writer occasionally noticed mannerisms that seemed unlike those commonly used by residents of the hill areas. Fortunately, Lucille Folk studied these matters in her doctoral dissertation (Folk, 1961), and the aid of her work was enlisted in canpiling Table 25. This table makes note of these instances where Basin mannerisms differed from those of the upland parishes. In most instances, interviews substantiated the examples shown. In many cases, Basin usage was similar to that of the hill parishes, but there were enough differences to again indicate that the Basin does have a character somewhat unlike that of the Upland South. Folk made no effort to link the use of mannerisms to culture affiliation as such; rather, she spoke of sections of the nation. But an effort to link cultures to speech usages seems worthwhile. The concentration of use of a texm in the Basin in comparison with the hills varied from U per cent to 26 per-cent. Rarely was there a complete areal segregation in usage. Table 25 does indicate a marked influence of the Lowland South and even the North. Other notes of interest were that Richland Parish was consistently more like the river parishes and that Folk noted a simi larity between the general speech habits of the Basin and those of Winn P a rish . Orthodox Upland South Investigation reveals a kind of two-dimensional appearance to the Upland South in the Boeuf Basin. The first approaches the traditional cultural landscape of the Upland South, with wooden or asbestos-shingle bungalows, plots of IjO to 120 acres (usually smaller than 100 acres), field layout and preparation (Fig. 90), and a strong feeling for the land beyond its being a capital asset and almost as if it were a personable thing, and, often, elevated location (Fig. 91). On rare occasions, there may be the TABLE 25 COMPARISON CF SELECTED SPEECH AND PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS rH rHO 0) G,s* cfl CO Cti •O fc •h m •P cfl m U g a! •H V •H «H cfl o o Characteristic O ss 13 S K f t Hill Parishes "Kerry" for "cany" * * "Fairing off" for clearing weather * * «■ * * * "Drouth" far period of dry weather * * ■w- ■* * "Dry spell" for period of dry weather "Fortnight" for 2-week period "Creek" and "branch" used # "Highwater" "Backwater" * Farm house referred to as "the house" or "big house" (former considered a Northern term) "Shingles" fa r wooden roo fing and siding "Shakes" and "boards" "Parlor for roam where guests entertained * * * "Eaves" for roof drains * * * "Gutters" for roof drains "Blinds" fo r window coverings * * * "Shades" fo r window coverings « "Slop bucket" * * * TABLE 25—Continued to M 9< - ® c> "t3 « a) *h f - h h H as £ ri O to K S n as o o b -h S r t Xi ,? ° ^ ^ Characteristic o S © K s JE W P-> Ss t- 3 £C " Garbage can11 ■M- 4k « "Wash rag” 4k 4 k 4k 4 k * '•Wash c lo th 1* *'Aftemoon"for hours 12 Noon to 5 P. M* 4 k 4k 4 k 4k 4 k ••Evening'1 for hours 12 Noon to 5 P« M• * 4 k « "Cow pen" 4k "Pig Pen11 4k 4 k * "Tool shed11 4 k 4k 4k 4k 4k 4k "Woodshed11 4Hk "Whetstone" for knife-sharpening rock 4k 4k 4k 4 k 4 k 4 k "Whetrock" 4k "Grindstone" (Folk says "stone" more common in Northern U.S.) * 4k 4k * 4 k 4k "Grindrock" * "Saw horse" (Folk says "saw horse" common in northeastern U.S.) 4k4k 4k4k 4k4k ** 4k4k "Souse" * 4 k 4k 4k 4k * "Hogshead cheese" Grandmother, Granddaddy and Dad 4 k 4k 4k 4k 4 k * Term for part-time preacher not derisive 4 k 4 k 4k 4k 4 k 4 k "No account" for person considered lazy 4 k 4k 4k 4 k 4k 4k "Wop" for Italian 4k 4k 4 k 4k 4k 4 k H VOH TABLE 25—Continued m _ 3o f t a ^ -8m O h C L aS M-i H^HrjCrart'Ofc-Hco pj-Pcnjeo® dcTJ d © H O *H «« u w .5 *H Ph S ^ JS X! r-j -rl U 0} Xt m H2 d3 ? h d 2 o * 43w m np-rl }> j- -P k -H3 Hh *0 k O *3 *H ffi *H -H d 0 0 * 1 - 1 Characteristic o ^ a ° * 3= ^ a "Dago” fo r I ta lia n **** "Haunches’1 for squatting * * * * * * "School mam" * * * * * * "Teacher" "I want off" ****** ■"I Want to get off" * * "Chopping" for cutting weeds from cotton * * * * "Hoeing" * "Lord" "God" * "Dog trot" for house with pen or central passage * * Conmon usage ** Overwhelmingly common usage Note: Mississippi River Parishes means the parishes in northern Louisiana along the Mississippi River. Source: Polk, 1961; Personal Field Work VO ro Fig. 90o West Carroll Parish Field. A newly-cleared field in the parish. Mary stunps remain; the lingering of Upland South habits in this strongly (for the Basin) Upland South area. Fig. 91. Macon Eidge Site. One of a number of farmsteads on 80 to 120-acre farm s. The c re s t of Macon Ridge appears in the background. Many of these settlers located on or close to this ridge. Perhaps it reminded them of their former h ill setting. One resident declared, "That lowland over there just seems so low and like a swamp, but here in the hills, you just feel kind of . . . free". 1 9h typical cluttered yards, housing may be considered sub-standard by neighbors (little plumbing, wringer washing machines) (Johnston, 1971)* Upland South family heads of this group do not share this opinion, even though they may have the latest word in automobiles, guns, fishing equip ment, or even farm machinery. Most Upland South householders in this group consider themselves as citizens of some dispersed community (Fig. 92-93). However, this first Upland South group in the Basin has almost com pletely lost its interest in kitchen gardens. Cleanly swept lawns and burial plots have, likewise, lost their appeal to this relatively ortho dox group, though the former was commonly a Saturday chore for the young only a generation ago (Beebe, 1972). Even this conservative group looks upon agriculture as a commercial venture, with emphasis on corn, cotton, soybeans, and cattle. However, seme have been forced to make other forms of livelihood the main source of inccme. Those active in agriculture are usually second generation. The original settlers are mostly retired, or have leased their land to other fanners. This group finds life relatively difficult. They must compete with other farmers who have much more capital, or who have less hesitancy in the face of risk and indebtedness. This group possesses neither the equipment nor the landholdings of their competitors (Fig. 90). This can be alleviated by leasing, but here, again, lack of capital or lack of enthusiasm for obligating agreements hinder extensive leasing. Attendance and attitude toward school has typically been poor in the Upland South (Miller, 1968:65). The problem is not serious in the Upland South areas in the Basin, but administrators and teachers regard ARK. .McGinty Concord ^ J Janesville) (Fiske. Union) Beulah j * z v Goodwill i j 'j o ' Start •New Light ft c UPLAND SOUTH DISPERSED COMMUNITIES IN 1972 F ig. 92 Source: Field Trips Fig. 93. Jigger. An Upland South dispersed community, a back view of a number of modest homes appears here. Note the garden in the fore ground, a disappearing phenomenon even in predominantly Upland South areas in the Basin. such sections as the west of West Carroll Parish and the west of Franklin Parish as those areas with poorer attendance records than in other sections (Fridays 1971$ Edward Johnston, 1971). The problem seems to be growing. Perhaps the disappearance of centers of culture, along with the decline of many of the conmunities can be held responsible for this civic decline (Friday, 1971). School officials encountered resistance to con solidation in the Upland South areas, with the burning of sane of the new schools. In common with some other Upland South peoples (M iller, 1968:65), this group does not always revere preachers, and suspects law yers. This suspicion of lawyers stans from their having lost, through legal action, lands that they considered theirs. Increasing modification of Upland South traits includes fading-out of hog raising, due to lack of prestige associated with that activity. The characteristics of lawlessness, poverty, and disease, also noted by M iller for other such areas, appear less marked in the Basin anong this orthodox group of the Upland South, Manner of speech may also be used to differentiate this fi ret group from the second. Members will likely substitute the "d" sound for the "st* in such words as "hasn't", "isn't", and "wasn't’*. Less frequently, the "th" w ill be dropped in such a word as "there"• "Culvert" becomes "culbert". "I expect" (sometimes ’1 'spect") seems preferred to "I think" or "I believe". "Finger" and "sing" almost become "fanger" and "sang". »L" disappears from "help". "Italian" changes to "Eye-talian". "Truck" becomes "truhck". Differences in speech are not so much a choice of different words for the same article or use, but changes in sound, in general, both groups place accents on the same syllable. Of course, some of these habits are common to other areas and culture groups, but recog nition of them aided in identifying areas of dominance by the orthodox 198 Upland South group. Finally, a trait of these Upland South areas in the orthodox group is the presence of few Negroes (Table 26). West Carroll parish, more Upland South than the rest of the Basin, has the greatest margin of whites over Negroes and most of the latter live on the east side of the parish, out of the Basin (U. S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedule, 1970). TABLE 26 1970 POPULATION Parish Whites Negroes Parish Whites Negroes B ien ville 8,1x88 7,532 Ouachita 83,1)89 31,765 Caldwell , 6,863 2,1*53 ■Richland 12,865 8,872 Concordia 13,807 8,728 S t. Helena It,300 5,636 E. Carroll 5,258 7,568 Tensas 3,932 5,773 Franklin 15,350 8,581 W. Carroll 10,1*92 2,530 Madison 5,895 9,151 Winn 11,386 b,97k Morehouse 18,666 13,780 Source* U. S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedules, 1970:9-11*. Modified Upland South The second group of present-day Upland South people in the Boeuf Basin exhibit traits similar, on the surface, to their Lowland South neighbors, but subtlely similar to the orthodox Upland South group. These people usually live in modern brick ranch-style homes with all the modern conveniences, both for general family comfort and for easing 199 the load of the housewives. The men have the latest equipment and out buildings • They firmly believe that their success is due to hard work and keeping abreast of current developments in agriculture (Chapnan, 1971} Burkett, 1971). They commonly look down upon the orthodox group, because that group has refused to modernize or adjust to the tines. Simul taneously, they recognize that they are different fran the Lowland South element, and express a desire to remain separate fran it. They are proud of their success in a new situation and desire identification with this success, which has come in one, or not more than two, generations. One encounters difficulty in allocating sections of the Basin to this group. Except for those families who were early settlers on Boeuf Prairie and around present-day Charlieville, members of this modified group arrived in no distinct era. Rather, they migrated through the various eras, as did the members of the orthodox group. Thus, they usually remain intermixed with that group, often leasing and sometimes purchasing lands of inactive farmers. Units here may be as small as 200 acres, but frequently range fran 500 to 1,000 acres. In addition, this group has less correlation with elevated areas, as they have sought out land for its productivity and ease of conversion to mechanized farming. A further hindrance to recognition of this group’s cultural landscape lies in the location of its farmsteads in the interiors of sections, whereas the other Upland South group’s bungalows stand along the roads and hide the interior areas fran casual observation. A few of these inhabitants cling lovingly to garden-tending habits, but most of them prefer to purchase such articles at the stare. Mary of the men show possible reversion to the Upland South habit of holding an 200 additional job, seasonally or permanently (Newton, Semdnar, Louisiana State University, 1969). Sane are mail men. A few teach in the area schools. It seems unlikely that the additional income is necessary, but the opportunity exists, and these men seize the openings that others ignore (Chapman, 1971). Interviews, visits in the homes, and observation indicates these people have attained moderate wealth. They believe that they have %ade good" (Chapman, 1971)* The children almost automatically attend college, and many mothers enroll as their children reach teen-age. The adults actively interest themselves in politics. They resent and actively oppose privilege, whereas the first group usually only resents it. Ku Klux Klan activities fail to arouse much interest. Such a feeling has been noted elsewhere in the Upland South among larger farmers (Delambre, 1969siil). Concern may even be expressed for the position of the Negro. They desire larger land holdings and invest as much as possible in its acquisition, one farmer declaring, “Buy land till you bleed.'* (Johnston, 1971). This Upland South group reveres land for its practical benefits, recognizing in land a means for financial and social success. They welcome others to their group and exhibit a degree of respect for the small Upland South farmers, while expressing confidence in the doom of this group. This modified group emphasizes beef cattle, cotton, and soybeans, with lesser emphasis on barley. Few participate in dairying (there are only 11 dairymen in West Carroll Parish) (Cooperative Extension Service: h7) or hog raising, offering as reasons greater risk in profits and more problems in management (Johnston, 1971). In this respect, the Basin 201 parishes show a greater sim ilarity to lowland parishes than upland parishes. Less prestige in dairying, canpared to the raising of beef cattle, along with dairying’s labor investment demands may play a part in t h is . Lowland South The Lowland South inhabitants of the Boeuf Basin usually have neither the wealth nor fine hemes of their counterparts in the river parishes, and elsewhere However, farmsteads are impressive and elements of the plantation life remain (Fig. 9li-96; perhaps in Figure 96 we see the two principles of change of material, but retention of type, and wooden structures giving way to other materials, due to danger of fires). Representatives of this group can be found primarily in Morehouse, Ouachita, and Richland parishes; a few reside in Franklin Parish. Mary- live in communities at some distance from their landholdings. This characteristic kept such agricultural villages as Alto, Oak Ridge, and Mer Rouge fran the list of dispersed Upland South communities, In these Lowland South communities, a great variety of house types or modifi cations can be found (Fig. 60-67) f indicating diverse influences, including Upland South. These are the oldest families of the Basin and have always been involved in commercial agriculture. Each plantation, at one time, housed as many as 75 worker families. Few have more than eight at present (Fluitt, 1971; Sartor, 1970). Many plantation owners actively recruited Upland South labor in the thirties. Thus, the Lowland South element views ^It must be borne in mind that most Lowland South members are, or descend from, plantation owners, but that same plantations belong to the Upland South group. 202 Fig. 9l|. Modern plantation Horae. One of the finest examples of modern plantation homes, this house in central Richland Parish occupies the crest of a ridge overlooking the plantation fields and workers»s homes. This is one of the few plantation homes in the Basin not close to a major stream . Fig. 95. Workers*:: Heme. A modern home on the Noble plantation, indicating that even the workers can be expected to be abandoning their traditional folk types. 203 Fig. 96. Workers’ Heme. A very unusual structure in its use of cement block construction, but tending to adhere to the double-pen plan. Though this house was very recently occupied (by Negro workers), it new stands abandoned, as less and less labor is needed. 20b both Upland groups with a patronly air, although they recognize the modified Upland South group as one rapidly approaching their own level of financial means and sophistication. Some of the Lowland South inhabitants s till dwell in traditional Basin plantation houses, though they have refurbished and modernized than considerably. Many have considered remodelling much too expensive for the results gained, building, instead, completely new houses which have an air of wealth and modernity (Fig. 9b and 97-98). Here, we will find the "country club set", and the leaders of the Basin, whether in the economic or political life. However, the large fanner of the modified Upland South group also engages in these activities. With the exception of Mer Rouge and Oak Ridge, this group's settle ment is oriented toward the streams of the Basin, in particular the Boeuf River (Fig. 99), a reflection of their early arrival? stream bank (natural levee) locations afforded protection from flooding and ease of communication with markets. For a time, with water transportation ceasing to exist, a trend developed for planters to settle away from the streams. However, in recent years, a reversal of this trend has occurred, with the building of new homes along the streams, or the refurbishing of older plantation hones on the streams (Fig. 97-98). The Mer Rouge and Oak Ridge communities stand away from any of th e major streams, but Boeuf River and Bayou Bartholomew are not far away, it was on these former prairies that village living became more common than elsewhere in the Basin. Records hint that it vias disagreeable to live away from the village sites in earlier times, due to mosquitoes and likelihood of flooding (Anderson, 1955). Size of landholdings for this group, including leased lands, ranges frcm 1,000 to about 2,$00 acres ("Land Ownership Maps", Caldwell, 205 Fig. 97. Modern Plantation Heme. A frame ranch-style house and modern throughout, this house emphasizes the return to the banks of the Boeuf River. Fig. 98. Modern Plantation Home. This is the view seen from the patio of the house in Fig. 97* Here, high banks line both sides of the Boeuf and few trees obstruct the river. The mixing of Upland and Lowland South in this area (Charlieville) is evidenced by the transverse-crib bam across the river. 206 Franklin, Morehouse, Ouachita, Richland, and West Carroll parishes), A number of present Lowland South establishments include two or more of the older units (Sartor, 1970). Greater pennanence in the older units is found in the northern prairie areas. There, farm units have tended to remain intact and in the original families. Figure 99 presents the present-day settlement-type areas for the Boeuf Basin. Although the Lowland South s till influences much of the Morehouse Parish area, Upland South migrants have se ttle d more ex ten sively during the years since 1930 than during previous periods. Pockets of Lowland South settlement appear in Richland and Ouachita parishes and do manifest themselves on the landscape in the indicated sections. The Lowland South presence appears very weak in Franklin Parish, but is strong enough to warrant labelling one area as such. Most of the Basin adheres to the Uplaid South. However, now, as in the p ast, th is adherence is influenced by modifications in house styles, agricultural characteristics, and economic concepts. While these modifications can be observed separately in a variety of instances, perhaps they are best understood in the absence of a pronounced Upland South feature—the peasant farm. Instead of small farms located amidst forested areas, with their gardens and small flock s and herds (Newton, 1967s88j Arensberg, 1965s110), one sees medium to large farms in a nearly continuous procession. Gardens are generally absent, and, if animals are a part of the operation, usually there is a great emphasis on only one type. Instead of a non p rofit-orien ted economy (Newton, 1967:152), one find s emphasis on com mercial farming, with little interest in providing food crops, especially today, but also in the previous era. Perhaps this emphasises the belief that no trait of a culture persists unless there is some functional 207 •jrio' f e cv SETTLEMENT / TYPES IN 1972 HU Lowland South Influence {H Dominant Upland South | | Gama Praaerva and Swamp MILES ■jIMIHIUWIWHUW F ig . 99 Sources: Land Ownership Maps, West Carroll, Richland, Franklin parishes; Field Trips. 208 purpose for it (Vance, 1968:62). Certainly, Upland South settlers had experience in stock management and in commercial farming, but entering into these activities on the large scale which Basin conditions allowed caused great modifications of culture traits and the culture as a whole. Conclusion The years frcm 1930 to the present saw the last intensive migration of the Upland South. A combination of Depression, mechanization, and adaptation resulted either in the re-migration by these peoples (or their children) or a change in the cultural landscape of their selected areas, A conscious attempt by this people to abandon subsistence forms of livelihood, in favor of commercial forms can be discerned. While seme achieved success, this drastic change, coupled with the handicaps listed previously, was beyond the ability of many. Upland South groups have remained in the Basin, in seme cases, after the area had little to offer them, resulting from the automobile’s bringing other economic activities within reasonable reach. The close of the period finds the Basin becoming devoted to large- scale agriculture, in which the cultural landscape resanbles the Upland South less and less. The small (peasant) farmer was unable to maintain himself under Basin conditions. The small farmer, in himself, does not mark an area as Upland South, However, most anall farmers in the Basin have come from traditionally Upland South areas. Their inability to repeat their upland ways or to remain in the Basin has weakened the Upland South in the cultural landscape. The enduring feature is that the life style of the Basin, one which has consistently caused modification by migrating peoples, s till possesses its own identity, one with admixtures of both the Lowland and Upland South, but identical to neither. Perhaps this exemplifies peoples* taking on the habits of a superior culture (economically, socially, and sym bolically) and showing visible evidence of this assumption (Vidal de la Blache, 1926jl{66). 210 CHAPTER 6 C0NCLU5ICN Settlement of the Boeuf River Basin has involved efforts by Indian, French, Spanish, and Anglo-Saxon groups, each visualizing the advantages of the area in relation to its cultural heritage. Indian groups utilized the Basin in terms of their economy, apparently based on hunting, with agriculture as a secondary source of food. In addition, the Indian’s characteristic low level of technical development confined his settlement to comparatively limited sections. Thus, many Indian sites are found on active or derelict natural levees. The seasonally flooded intervening areas were exploited only in hunting and gathering. Only at Oak Ridge did Indians locate away from a general stream orientation, apparently owing to more emphasis on agriculture. By historic times, few Indians of any culture made the Basin a permanent home. Instead, it had evolved into a seasonal hunting ground. Evidence indicates that the earliest permanent European settlement emphasized agriculture; thus, Indian sites held little attraction. However, sane sites, especially mounds, were utilized for home sites as protection from flooding. Evidence also indicates that Europeans used Indian sites for river fords and landings. European settlers established Important cannunities at points other than those popular with Indian groups. Only the small agricultural villages of Oak Ridge and Alto have been located on former Indian sites. 211 The French influence in the Basin exerted almost negligible influence on settlement. No significant vestiges remain of French occupance in land survey patterns or structure types. Some place names, primarily the streams of the Basin, relate to a French heritage. The social environment and the passage of time have thoroughly Anglicized the small number of French settlers. The Spanish influence is limited to a few rectangular land grants in Richland, Franklin, and Morehouse parishes, and the Spanish grantees occupied few or none of these. Instead, they sold these tracts, prior to occupance, to Anglo-Saxon settlers. Again, no structure types show Spanish influence and no old Spanish families remain. Settlement patterns are almost exclusively Anglo-Saxon, although some Anglo-Saxon settlers arrived during the last years of the Spanish administration. Settlement prior to the Civil War consisted of both Upland and Lowland South migrants. Lowland South settlers appear to have influenced the cultural landscape in Morehouse Parish, eastern Ouachita Parish, portions of Hichland Parish, and perhaps Boeuf Prairie in Franklin Parish. Upland South settlers located in those sections, too, but their culture achieved distinct dominance in other areas of the Basin. During the Ante-bellum period, most settlers based their selection of sites on access to market via river transportation. In addition, they observed that interstream areas suffered from seasonal flooding, often for considerable periods. Both the Upland and Lowland South groups involved themselves in commercial agriculture. Areas under Lowland South influence tended to have larger farms and larger slaveholdings. However, even there, total production, production per acre, landholdings, and slaveholdings amounted to less than those found in the adjacent Mississippi River parishes# At the close of the 1803-1860 era, much of the Basin remained vacant. It is likely that potential Upland South migrants, in particular, were repelled by the seasonal flooding and reputed prevalence of disease in the Basin, having, as a group, less experience with lowland conditions than Lowland South migrants. While active war conditions affected the Basin only slightly, the area did undergo most of the detriments of Reconstruction. Contemporary observers believed settlement was hindered by this period of hardship, and, in retrospect, this appears to be a valid pronouncement. Civic leaders called for attraction of small farmers, particularly after 1870, both from the Northern United States and foreign nations. They realized some success in the former case, but little in the latter; most migrants came from Upland South sections of Louisiana or the South. The post-war period seems marked by improvements in land transportation and drainage, and acquaintance with Basin conditions by Upland South groups. The years 1890 through 1930 saw intensive settlement by small farmers, primarily from Upland South areas. Success in occupance was achieved through a combination of cultural and physical circumstances. The new migrants found soils of great fertility in the Basin. In addition, they recognized the advantages of commercial corp speciali zation, a cultural modification of significance* a change from basic subsistence agriculture, with part-time activities, such as hunting and seasonal employment. In addition, the Upland South aversion to lowland occupance was overcome. Improved drainage and flood protection, resulting from the repair and extension of the levee systems in adjacent areas, greatly aided the overthrow of this aversion. Culture change is 213 exemplified by members of this group's remaining in the Basin even after experiencing the great floods of 1916 and 1927. Migrants from the Upland South, although they found themselves in a lowland situation, did seek out those parts of the Basin which had some elevation, locating primarily in west Franklin Parish on the several prairies there, and in east Franklin Parish and West Carroll parish on Macon nidge. New communities sprang into existence in connection with Upland South occupance and lumbering, although most of these dwindled in importance, and some disappeared in the next era, or became dispersed communities. Some migrants Bettled in the towns of the Basin, drawn by employment in industrial activities. Most of these activities were temporary. Thus, so was settlement, although some remained, eventually commuting to Monroe or elsewhere in search of other industrial employment. The era of 1930 to the present saw continued migration, mostly Upland South, through the World War IT years. Even during these years of active migration, processes and events were modifying the characteristics of the Upland South newcomers. These events included the Depression, beginning in the previous era, but continuing into the early 1930's in the Basin. Another was the movement toward m echanization and la rg e r farm s, both re quiring large sums of money, which these people commonly lacked. The Upland South peasant faim disappeared and, with it, much of the tradi tional Upland South cultural landscape. We find, today, two groups of Upland South inhabitants. The first can be considered orthodox, in that they retain some characteristics common to the historic Upland South or similar to such characteristics. These characteristics include occupance of humbler residences than those of the other group, agricultural activities on a relatively small scale, 21U and ownership of liO to 100 acres, though more may be leased. This group is concentrated on the more elevated sections of the Basin. Often, the men, but more frequently, the women, w ill work seasonally at some other occupation, either in the Basin communities or outside the Basin. The future of this group in the ^asin is doubtful. The second (modified) group has taken up commercial farming on a large scale, employing the latest innovations in equipment and methods. Its members mey buy or lease land beyond the point of reasonable indebt edness. Generally, these people do not yet rank among the leading land holders in the Basin, but threaten to achieve such ranking because of their energy and aggressiveness. These inhabitants live in large, modem houses. While many still live in elevated areas, lowland occupance is in cre asin g ly conmon. Difference between the two groups bears less relation to financial resources than to living habits, attitude toward the land and its use, and ability to adjust to change. Lowland South settlement, which appears to include the Upland South elite among its members, shows a strong affinity to the Boeuf River natural levees in Richland and Franklin parishes, and with prairie areas in Morehouse Parish. These inhabitants may live in refurbished older homes or in veiy large new homes. Methods of agriculture may greatly resemble those of the modified group of Upland South, but landholdings are usually considerably larger. Both husband and wife normally have college educations, usually fron schools of a high reputation. A remarkable trait is common to all three groups. This is identi fication of the Boeuf Basin as a distinct area of northeast Louisiana. This trait stands as especially significant in light of the fact that citizens of adjacent areas do not have clear concepts of a separate area, 21$ considering it to be little different and simply a part of the adjacent Ouachita Valley or Mississippi River parishes. Perhaps the Basin inhabi tants can more easily identify their area because of physical limits such as streams like the Bayou Macon, or the swamps between Monroe and the Basin. Again, identification could be based upon acquaintances1 and associations* being predominantly within the Basin, settlement having been limited by occupied lands to the east and swamps to the west. Perhaps the unique character of the Basin is due to its being in the backwater of settlement until 1890. The wave of westward migration generally passed it by. If intensive settlement had occurred in the area 50 , or even 2$, years prior to 1890, a pattern of small farms might have become dominant. Coming when they did, small farmers found themselves disadvantaged by a conmercial era in agriculture for which they were ill equipped, i.e ., a small financial cushion or none at all. The late arrival of great numbers of small Upland South faimers, and their eventual failure, modification, or withdrawal has weakened the Upland South image in the cultural landscape. Ease of access to areas far and near, with varieties of influences, especially during this period of intensive settlement, also played an important part in the development of the Basin's culture. Perhaps we see here a good example of earth and man evolving together, due to reciprocal influences (Barnes, 1921*333)* However, outside and perhaps, nation-wide influences also played a part, such as changing agricultural conditions and the Depression of the 1930*8. The Basin inhabitants could have little control over these influences. All of these influences worked toward the elimination of a strong and traditional Upland South culture presence. Thus, the Boeuf Basin possesses characteristics that would seem to set it off frcm other areas of the state. Primarily Upland South in heritage, it is neither purely Upland South nor Lowland South, although vestiges of both cultures, plus hints of a Northern influence, can be found. Perhaps the Basin should be classed as Middle South. The term seems too simple, but note its physical position between the hills and a major river, and its consistently intermediate position in production, farm unit sizes, political views, and cultural landscape features. It appears to be a cultural backwater, where differing cultures meshed and, with modifications in each of the cultures, flourished. 217 REFERENCES CITED Public Documents Abstracts of Lands Sold to March 13, 1869 in Richland, Louisiana, Notes in Richland Parish Courthouse. American State Papers, Public Lands, Vol. II-V, June 12, 1809-February 55,' l8§9^ Caldwell Parish. Conveyance Records, Books A-F. Chawner, W. X). "Geology of Catahoula and Concordia Parishes," Department of Conservation, Louisiana Geological Survey, Geological Bulletin No. 9. 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VITA John Clarence Lewis was bom in Akron, Ohio, on August 18, 1930, After graduation from Akron South High School, in I 9I48, he enrolled in the University of Akron, Ohio, securing the Bachelor of Science degree in music education in 1952. After a period of military service and civil employment, he taught elementary school in Cuyahoga Falls, Ohio, from 1958-1966. In I960, he commenced graduate work at Kent State University in Kent, Ohio, receiving the Master of Arts degree in geography in 1965. Work toward the doctorate at Louisiana State University was begun in the summer of 1967. Mr. Lewis has taught at Northeast Louisiana University since 1966 and has also taught at the University of Akrcn and Kent State University, Peimanent address: 122 W estern Avenue West Monroe, Louisiana 71291 EXAMINATION AND TTECESIS REPORT Candidate: John Clarence Lewis Major Field: Geog' -phy Title of Thesis: THE SETTLEMENT SUCCESSION OF THE BOEUF RIVER. BASIN, LOUISIANA Approved: [ajor Professor and Chairman Dean of the 'aduate School EXAMINING COMMITTEE: v f t ______ Date of Examination: April 12, 1973