Kurdistan Workers' Party): Exploring Domestic, Regional, and Global Dynamics Akin Guneri Old Dominion University

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Kurdistan Workers' Party): Exploring Domestic, Regional, and Global Dynamics Akin Guneri Old Dominion University Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Graduate Program in International Studies Dissertations Summer 2013 The rT ansformation of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party): Exploring Domestic, Regional, and Global Dynamics Akin Guneri Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons Recommended Citation Guneri, Akin. "The rT ansformation of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party): Exploring Domestic, Regional, and Global Dynamics" (2013). Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), dissertation, International Studies, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/30pw-hz87 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds/52 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Program in International Studies at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE PKK (KURDISTAN WORKERS’ PARTY): EXPLORING DOMESTIC, REGIONAL, AND GLOBAL DYNAMICS by Akin Guneri B.A. July 1996, Ankara Police Academy, Turkey M.P A. May 2007, Virginia Commonwealth University A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY August 2013 Approved by: Steve Ygtiv (Director) Austin Jersild ( (ember) Robyn Diehl (Member) ABSTRACT THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE PKK (KURDISTAN WORKERS’ PARTY): EXPLORING DOMESTIC, REGIONAL, AND GLOBAL DYNAMICS Akin Guneri Old Dominion University, 2013 Director: Dr. Steve Yetiv The main purpose of this study is to explore the underlying factors behind the political and ideological transformation of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) since its foundation. Through the detailed analysis of the role of Turkey’s internal versus external factors on the evolution of the PKK over time, this work finds that changing political developments in the Middle East were more influential than Turkey’s shifting domestic political environment. Hypothesis testing revealed that the 1991 Gulf War, 2003 Iraq War, changing political dynamics of the Middle East following Syria’s Arab Spring, and policy changes worldwide implemented after the 9/11 terrorist attacks played determining role in the PKK’s shifting profile over time. Turkey’s political sphere regarding the Kurdish issue; however, fell short in providing overarching explanation over the terrorist organization’s changing ultimate goal. Findings showed that the terrorist organization’s ultimate goal and its concomitant strategies led the Turkish government to adjust its counterterrorism policies rather than vice versa, which indicates the importance of the external factors and the PKK’s capability to keep up with the changing regional and international realities. Data were collected through the study of Ocalan’s prison writings, his defense texts, organization’s official documents, reports and final declaration of PKK congresses and conferences, statements of PKK cadres, and the pro-PKK media outlets. The findings indicate that the intertwined projects of democratic republic, democratic confederalism, and democratic autonomy in the last decade as well as the goal of a separate Kurdish state before 1999 resulted from the detailed analysis of changing regional and international conjuncture by the leadership of terrorist organization, especially jailed Ocalan. © 2013, by Akin Guneri, All Rights Reserved. To my parents and family. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe very special thanks to many people who mentor, support, guide, and help me in this journey. Many thanks to Dr. Steve Yetiv for his patience, advice, and guidance at every step from the beginning to the end. You are wonderful, Dr. Yetiv. Special thanks also go to Dr. Austin Jersild and Dr. Robyn Diehl for their constructive comments and guidance. I would like to thank my dear professors Dr. David Earnest, Dr. Kurt Taylor Gaubatz, Dr. Simon Serfaty, and Margo Stambleck for their support during my studies at GPIS and my dear friends Ersin Elibol, Ismail Akar, Mustafa Karapinar, Beyza Unal, Lauren McKee, Umit Akciger, and Ismail Hakki Kilic for their help and support. I also owe very special thanks to Dr. Regina Karp and Dr. Steve Yetiv, again, for make this project possible. Words cannot explain how I am grateful to my wife, Yasemin, and my son, Tarik, and, of course, my parents Turkan and Nihat Guneri, my brother, Tunc, and sister, Ozlem. It would have been impossible without your support. Thank you so much. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF FIGURES................................................................................................................... x Chapter 1 : INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................................1 PURPOSE OF THE RESEARCH............................................................................... 3 LITERATURE REVIEW.............................................................................................4 THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO NATIONALISM..........................................8 EVOLUTION OF KURDISH NATIONALISM AND THE PKK ........................ 12 A HISTORY OF THE KURDS..................................................................................16 METHODOLOGY..................................................................................................... 20 2: TURKEY'S INTERNAL DYNAMICS AND THE PKK'S TRANSFORMATION.............................................................................................................32 INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................... 32 THE ROLE OF TURKEY’S DEMOCRATIZATION EFFORTS.........................33 DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL AWARENESS............................................... 36 KURDISH UNREST, PRE-WWII............................................................................37 KURDISH UNREST, POST-WWII..........................................................................38 ELECTORAL POLITICS OF THE PKK................................................................. 40 DEVELOPMENTS IN TURKEY TOWARD DEMOCRATIZATION............... 42 STATE OF EMERGENCY (OHAL)........................................................................43 BAN ON KURDISH LANGUAGE..........................................................................45 BUREAUCRATIC AND JUDICIAL BARRIERS OVER KURDISH ISSUE....................................................................................................... 46 ANALYSIS..................................................................................................................46 CONCLUSION............................................................................................................57 3: POST-SEPTEMBER 11 POLICIES WORLDWIDE AND THE PKK’S TRANSFORMATION.............................................................................................................60 INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................... 60 GLOBAL UNDERSTANDING OF THE INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM... 61 WORLDWIDE COUNTER-TERRORISM POLICIES..........................................64 REVIVAL OF TURKEY’S IMPORTANCE...........................................................66 STATE SUPPORT OF THE PKK IN THE GLOBAL WAR ON TERRORISM ERA..................................................................................................... 67 THE PKK’S REACTION TO THE POST-SEPTEMBER 11 EVENTS................72 EU COUNTER-TERRORISM POLICIES AGAINST THE PKK AFTER 9/11.................................................................................................................81 Chapter Page ANALYSIS.................................................................................................................. 87 CONCLUSION............................................................................................................ 90 4: DEMOCRATIZATION OF IRAQ AND PKK’S TRANSFORMATION.....................94 INTRODUCTION.......................................................................................................94 DEMOCRATIZATION OF IRAQ............................................................................ 95 DREAM OF KURDISH INDEPENDENCE.......................................................... 103 EMERGENCE OF KURDISH REGIONAL GOVERNMENT IN NORTHERN IRAQ............................................................................................. 106 KURDISH CIVIL WAR........................................................................................... 107 IRAN-IRAQ WAR....................................................................................................107 GULF WAR OF 1991 ................................................................................................108 SECOND CIVIL WAR BETWEEN MAIN KURDISH PARTIES.....................109 KURDISH REGIONAL GOVERNMENT AFTER THE US INVASION OF IRAQ........................................................................................ 110 IMPORTANCE OF IRAQ’S INTEGRITY IN TURKEY’S FIGHT AGAINST THE PKK TERRORISM......................................................................114 ANALYSIS...............................................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Squaring the Circles in Syria's North East
    Squaring the Circles in Syria’s North East Middle East Report N°204 | 31 July 2019 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 149 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Search for Middle Ground ......................................................................................... 3 A. The U.S.: Caught between Turkey and the YPG ........................................................ 3 1. Turkey: The alienated ally .................................................................................... 4 2. “Safe zone” or dead end? The buffer debate ........................................................ 8 B. Moscow’s Missed Opportunity? ................................................................................. 11 C. The YPG and Damascus: Playing for Time ................................................................ 13 III. A War of Attrition with ISIS Remnants ........................................................................... 16 A. The SDF’s Approach to ISIS Detainees ..................................................................... 16 B. Deteriorating Relations between the SDF and Local Tribes ....................................
    [Show full text]
  • Schnellrecherche Der SFH-Länderanalyse Vom 7
    Schnellrecherche der SFH-Länderanalyse vom 7. Oktober zu Irak: Sicherheitslage im Distrikt Zakho Frage an die SFH-Länderanalyse: Wie ist die aktuelle Sicherheitslage im Distrikt Zakho? Die Informationen beruhen auf einer zeitlich begrenzten Recherche (Schnellrecher- che) in öffentlich zugänglichen Dokumenten, die uns derzeit zur Verfügung stehen. 1 Sicherheitslage im Distrikt Zakho Unzumutbarkeit des Wegweisungsvollzuges in die KRG-Region (Nordirak). Wie in der Auskunft der Schweizerischen Flüchtlingshilfe (SFH) zur Sicherheitssituation in der KRG-Region vom 28. Oktober 2014 und dem Update zur Sicherheitssituation in der KRG-Region vom 28. März 2015 beschrieben, ist die dortige humanitären Lage weiterhin äusserst prekär und die Sicherheitssituation nach wie vor instabil. Die Posi- tion der SFH bleibt unverändert. Sie hält an den von ihr geforderten Massnahmen fest: «In der neuesten und am 27. Oktober 2014 publizierten Position zu Rückführungen in den Irak empfiehlt das UNHCR klar und unmissverständlich, von Rückführungen in den Irak generell abzusehen, bis sich die Sicherheitslage nachhaltig verbessert hat. Die SFH schliesst sich – auch aufgrund eigener Recherchen und Einschätzung – die- ser Position an und fordert speziell für den Nordirak (KRG-Region), dass betroffene Personen angesichts der angespannten und unsicheren Situation zumindest eine vor- läufige Aufnahme wegen Unzumutbarkeit des Wegweisungsvollzugs erhalten. Für ab- gelehnte Asylsuchende aus dem Irak fordert die SFH zumindest ein Moratorium für zwangsweise Rückführungen» (SFH, IRAK: Sicherheitssituation in der KRG-Region, 28. Oktober 2014; SFH, IRAK: Update: Sicherheitssituation in der KRG -Region, 28. März 2015; SFH, Dramatische Lage Irak, 12. November 2014). Politische Krise in der KRG-Region seit August 2015. Wie schon in der Auskunft zur Sicherheitssituation in der KRG-Region vom 28.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
    Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey's Deep State
    #1.12 PERSPECTIVES Political analysis and commentary from Turkey FEATURE ARTICLES TURKEY’S DEEP STATE CULTURE INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ECOLOGY AKP’s Cultural Policy: Syria: The Case of the Seasonal Agricultural Arts and Censorship “Arab Spring” Workers in Turkey Pelin Başaran Transforming into the Sidar Çınar Page 28 “Arab Revolution” Page 32 Cengiz Çandar Page 35 TURKEY REPRESENTATION Content Editor’s note 3 ■ Feature articles: Turkey’s Deep State Tracing the Deep State, Ayşegül Sabuktay 4 The Deep State: Forms of Domination, Informal Institutions and Democracy, Mehtap Söyler 8 Ergenekon as an Illusion of Democratization, Ahmet Şık 12 Democratization, revanchism, or..., Aydın Engin 16 The Near Future of Turkey on the Axis of the AKP-Gülen Movement, Ruşen Çakır 18 Counter-Guerilla Becoming the State, the State Becoming the Counter-Guerilla, Ertuğrul Mavioğlu 22 Is the Ergenekon Case an Opportunity or a Handicap? Ali Koç 25 The Dink Murder and State Lies, Nedim Şener 28 ■ Culture Freedom of Expression in the Arts and the Current State of Censorship in Turkey, Pelin Başaran 31 ■ Ecology Solar Energy in Turkey: Challenges and Expectations, Ateş Uğurel 33 A Brief Evaluation of Seasonal Agricultural Workers in Turkey, Sidar Çınar 35 ■ International Politics Syria: The Case of the “Arab Spring” Transforming into the “Arab Revolution”, Cengiz Çandar 38 Turkey/Iran: A Critical Move in the Historical Competition, Mete Çubukçu 41 ■ Democracy 4+4+4: Turning the Education System Upside Down, Aytuğ Şaşmaz 43 “Health Transformation Program” and the 2012 Turkey Health Panorama, Mustafa Sütlaş 46 How Multi-Faceted are the Problems of Freedom of Opinion and Expression in Turkey?, Şanar Yurdatapan 48 Crimes against Humanity and Persistent Resistance against Cruel Policies, Nimet Tanrıkulu 49 ■ News from hbs 53 Heinrich Böll Stiftung – Turkey Representation The Heinrich Böll Stiftung, associated with the German Green Party, is a legally autonomous and intellectually open political foundation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Functioning of Democratic Institutions in Turkey
    http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 15272 21 April 2021 The functioning of democratic institutions in Turkey Report1 Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Co-rapporteurs: Mr Thomas HAMMARBERG, Sweden, Socialists, Democrats and Greens Group, and Mr John HOWELL, United Kingdom, European Conservatives Group and Democratic Alliance Summary The Monitoring Committee is deeply concerned about recent developments in Turkey which have further undermined democracy, the rule of law and human rights. Procedures seeking to lift the parliamentary immunity of a third of the parliamentarians (overwhelmingly from opposition parties), the attempt to close the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) and the continued crackdown on its members put political pluralism and the functioning of democratic institutions at risk. The presidential decision of 20 March 2021 to withdraw from the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (CETS No.210, the Istanbul Convention) to combat violence against women and domestic violence is a regrettable step backwards, made without any parliamentary debate, which raises the question of the modalities of denunciation of conventions in democratic societies. The committee also urges the immediate release of Selahattin Demirtaş and Osman Kavala following the final judgments of the European Court of Human Rights. In order to reverse these worrying trends, the Turkish authorities should seize the opportunity of implementing the Human Rights Action Plan and revising the legislation on elections and political parties to take meaningful steps, put an end to the judicial harassment of opposition and dissenting voices, improve freedom of expression and media and restore the independence of the judiciary, in co-operation with the Council of Europe 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of Turkish-Western Relations: Toward a Strategic Plan
    The Future of Turkish-Western Relations Toward a Strategic Plan Zalmay Khalilzad Ian O. Lesser F. Stephen Larrabee R Center for Middle East Public Policy • National Security Research Division Prepared for the Smith Richardson Foundation The research described in this report was sponsored by the Smith Richardson Foundation and RAND’s Center for Middle East Public Policy (CMEPP). The research was conducted within the Inter- national Security and Defense Policy Center of RAND’s National Security Research Division. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Khalilzad, Zalmay. The future of Turkish-Western relations : toward a strategic plan / Zalmay Khalilzad, Ian Lesser, F. Stephen Larrabee. p. cm. “MR-1241-SRF.” ISBN 0-8330-2875-8 1. Turkey—Foreign relations—Europe. 2. Europe—Foreign relations—Turkey. 3. Turkey—Foreign relations—United States. 4. United States—Foreign relations—Turkey. I. Lesser, Ian O., 1957– II. Larrabee, F. Stephen. III. Title. DR479.E85 K47 2000 327.5610171'3—dc21 00-059051 RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. © Copyright 2000 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from RAND. Published 2000 by RAND 1700 Main Street, P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica, CA 90407-2138 1200 South Hayes Street, Arlington, VA 22202-5050 RAND URL: http://www.rand.org/ To order RAND documents or to obtain additional information, contact Distribution Services: Telephone: (310) 451-7002; Fax: (310) 451-6915; Internet: [email protected] PREFACE At the dawn of a new century, Turkish-Western relations have also entered a new era.
    [Show full text]
  • Kurden in Europa: Ethnizität Und Diaspora Kapitel 8: Konkurrenzkategorie Religion*
    www.yeziden-colloquium.de Kurden in Europa: Ethnizität und Diaspora Kapitel 8: Konkurrenzkategorie Religion* Birgit Ammann Die meisten Kurden gehören der sunnitischen Ausprägung des Islam, genauer bezeichnet der schafiitischen Rechtsschule,283 an (Antes 1997: 54; Werle & Kreile 1987: 34, 37), während Türken und Araber meistens der hanafitischen Schule angehören (Ibrahim 1998: 105; Hütteroth 1959: 277). In der iranischen Provinz Kermanshah, im irakischen Khana- qin sowie um die Städte Erbil und Kirkuk gibt es schiitische Kurden (Kreyenbroek 1996: 99). Wie sich im Laufe dieser Arbeit noch zeigen wird, spielt in kurdischen Zusammenhängen die, wenngleich minoritäre, Religionsgemeinschaft der Yeziden eine wichtige Rolle. Bei einem erheblichen Teil der in der Türkei lebenden Kurden handelt es sich um Aleviten, auf die ebenfalls noch detailliert eingegangen wird. Bis in die fünfziger Jahre des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts lebte unter den Kurden eine Min- derheit von Juden, die sich in ihrem religiösen Leben und ihrer Sprache, dem Aramäi- schen, von ihrer Umgebung unterschieden (Brauer 1993; Ammann. 1991a). Ähnliches gilt für verschiedene christliche Gruppen, die bis heute mit Kurden zusammenleben und sich jeweils als eigene Ethnien betrachten.284 Außerdem gibt es unter den Kurden Anhänger islamischer Orden wie die Naqshabandi und die Qadhi sowie Sekten wie die der Ahl-i Haqq und andere.285 Insgesamt hatten solche Gruppen in den kurdischen Gebieten immer besonderen Einfluß, in der Migration spielen sie, wie auch schiitische Kurden, kaum eine Rolle. Traditionell definieren sich viele Gruppen primär über ihre Religionszugehörigkeit. Reli- giöse Lehren schließen ethnische Definitionen teil- [255] weise sogar völlig aus. Der is- lamische Begriff der umma, der Gemeinschaft aller Gläubigen, geht beispielsweise in die- se Richtung.
    [Show full text]
  • Istanbul Technical University Graduate School of Arts
    ISTANBUL TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES TRANSFORMATIONS OF KURDISH MUSIC IN SYRIA: SOCIAL AND POLITICAL FACTORS M.A. THESIS Hussain HAJJ Department of Musicology and Music Theory Musicology M.A. Programme JUNE 2018 ISTANBUL TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES TRANSFORMATIONS OF KURDISH MUSIC IN SYRIA: SOCIAL AND POLITICAL FACTORS M.A. THESIS Hussain HAJJ (404141007) Department of Musicology and Music Theory Musicology Programme Thesis Advisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. F. Belma KURTİŞOĞLU JUNE 2018 İSTANBUL TEKNİK ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ SURİYE’DE KÜRT MÜZİĞİNİN DÖNÜŞÜMÜ: SOSYAL VE POLİTİK ETKENLER YÜKSEK LİSANS TEZİ Hussain HAJJ (404141007) Müzikoloji ve Müzik Teorisi Anabilim Dalı Müzikoloji Yüksek Lisans Programı Tez Danışmanı: Doç. Dr. F. Belma KURTİŞOĞLU HAZİRAN 2018 Date of Submission : 7 May 2018 Date of Defense : 4 June 2018 v vi To the memory of my father, to my dear mother and Neslihan Güngör; thanks for always being there for me. vii viii FOREWORD When I started studying Musicology, a musician friend from Syrian Kurds told me that I am leaving my seat as an active musician and starting a life of academic researches, and that he will make music and I will research the music he makes. It was really an interesting statement to me; it made me think of two things, the first one is the intention behind this statement, while the second was the attitude of Kurds, especially Kurd musicians, towards researchers and researching. As for the first thing, I felt that there was a problem, maybe a social or psychological, of the Kurdish people in general, and the musicians in particular.
    [Show full text]
  • Interpreting the PKK's Signals in Europe
    PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume II, Issue 11 Interpreting the PKK’s Signals in Europe By Vera Eccarius-Kelly ince the Kurdish Worker’s Party (PKK) unexpectedly abducted three German hikers near Mt. Ararat in Turkey on 8 July 2008, and then released them on 20 July, intelligence sources in Europe have in- tensified their surveillance of PKK operatives among members of the particularly numerous Kurdish S Diaspora in Germany.[1] According to German newspaper reports, the PKK demanded that in ex- change for the release of the hikers “Berlin stop its hostile politics towards the Kurds and the PKK in Ger- many”.[2] While the exact purpose of the abduction requires further analysis, it is clear that it was the armed branch of the PKK, known as the People’s Defense Forces (HPG), that kidnapped the German hikers at their Mt. Ararat encampment at 10,500 feet in the evening hours—only to release them unharmed some two weeks later.[3] Questions Related to an Abduction Several questions preoccupy security analysts in relation to this abduction. How should this event be inter- preted in Europe, and particularly in Germany? What signals did the PKK send? And, most importantly, is the PKK entering a renewed phase of high intensity activism and terrorism in Europe? This essay aims to provide a brief analysis of the often confusing and contradictory messages sent by European Kurdish circles.[4] Despite convoluted interpretations of Kurdish demands that are linked to a lack of unity among the many Kurdish organizations in Europe, it is possible to disentangle the underlying messages.
    [Show full text]
  • Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey's
    Two Routes to an Impasse: Understanding Turkey’s Kurdish Policy Ayşegül Aydin Cem Emrence turkey project policy paper Number 10 • December 2016 policy paper Number 10, December 2016 About CUSE The Center on the United States and Europe (CUSE) at Brookings fosters high-level U.S.-Europe- an dialogue on the changes in Europe and the global challenges that affect transatlantic relations. As an integral part of the Foreign Policy Studies Program, the Center offers independent research and recommendations for U.S. and European officials and policymakers, and it convenes seminars and public forums on policy-relevant issues. CUSE’s research program focuses on the transforma- tion of the European Union (EU); strategies for engaging the countries and regions beyond the frontiers of the EU including the Balkans, Caucasus, Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine; and broader European security issues such as the future of NATO and forging common strategies on energy security. The Center also houses specific programs on France, Germany, Italy, and Turkey. About the Turkey Project Given Turkey’s geopolitical, historical and cultural significance, and the high stakes posed by the foreign policy and domestic issues it faces, Brookings launched the Turkey Project in 2004 to foster informed public consideration, high‐level private debate, and policy recommendations focusing on developments in Turkey. In this context, Brookings has collaborated with the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TUSIAD) to institute a U.S.-Turkey Forum at Brookings. The Forum organizes events in the form of conferences, sem- inars and workshops to discuss topics of relevance to U.S.-Turkish and transatlantic relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey 2020 Human Rights Report
    TURKEY 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Turkey is a constitutional republic with an executive presidential system and a unicameral 600-seat parliament (the Grand National Assembly). In presidential and parliamentary elections in 2018, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe observers expressed concern regarding restrictions on media reporting and the campaign environment, including the jailing of a presidential candidate that restricted the ability of opposition candidates to compete on an equal basis and campaign freely. The National Police and Jandarma, under the control of the Ministry of Interior, are responsible for security in urban areas and rural and border areas, respectively. The military has overall responsibility for border control and external security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over law enforcement officials, but mechanisms to investigate and punish abuse and corruption remained inadequate. Members of the security forces committed some abuses. Under broad antiterror legislation passed in 2018 the government continued to restrict fundamental freedoms and compromised the rule of law. Since the 2016 coup attempt, authorities have dismissed or suspended more than 60,000 police and military personnel and approximately 125,000 civil servants, dismissed one-third of the judiciary, arrested or imprisoned more than 90,000 citizens, and closed more than 1,500 nongovernmental organizations on terrorism-related grounds, primarily for alleged ties to the movement of cleric Fethullah Gulen, whom the government accused of masterminding the coup attempt and designated as the leader of the “Fethullah Terrorist Organization.” Significant human rights issues included: reports of arbitrary killings; suspicious deaths of persons in custody; forced disappearances; torture; arbitrary arrest and continued detention of tens of thousands of persons, including opposition politicians and former members of parliament, lawyers, journalists, human rights activists, and employees of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Where Tulips and Crocuses Are Popular Food Snacks: Kurdish
    Pieroni et al. Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine (2019) 15:59 https://doi.org/10.1186/s13002-019-0341-0 RESEARCH Open Access Where tulips and crocuses are popular food snacks: Kurdish traditional foraging reveals traces of mobile pastoralism in Southern Iraqi Kurdistan Andrea Pieroni1* , Hawre Zahir2, Hawraz Ibrahim M. Amin3,4 and Renata Sõukand5 Abstract Background: Iraqi Kurdistan is a special hotspot for bio-cultural diversity and for investigating patterns of traditional wild food plant foraging, considering that this area was the home of the first Neolithic communities and has been, over millennia, a crossroad of different civilizations and cultures. The aim of this ethnobotanical field study was to cross-culturally compare the wild food plants traditionally gathered by Kurdish Muslims and those gathered by the ancient Kurdish Kakai (Yarsan) religious group and to possibly better understand the human ecology behind these practices. Methods: Twelve villages were visited and 123 study participants (55 Kakai and 68 Muslim Kurds) were interviewed on the specific topic of the wild food plants they currently gather and consume. Results: The culinary use of 54 folk wild plant taxa (corresponding to 65 botanical taxa) and two folk wild mushroom taxa were documented. While Kakais and Muslims do share a majority of the quoted food plants and also their uses, among the plant ingredients exclusively and commonly quoted by Muslims non-weedy plants are slightly preponderant. Moreover, more than half of the overall recorded wild food plants are used raw as snacks, i.e. plant parts are consumed on the spot after their gathering and only sometimes do they enter into the domestic arena.
    [Show full text]