The Success of the Regionalist Parties in the 2014
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Séance Plénière Plenumvergadering
CRABV 53 PLEN 163 CRABV 53 PLEN 163 CHAMBRE DES REPRÉSENTANTS BELGISCHE KAMER VAN DE BELGIQUE VOLKSVERTEGENWOORDIGERS COMPTE RENDU ANALYTIQUE BEKNOPT VERSLAG SÉANCE PLÉNIÈRE PLENUMVERGADERING Mercredi Woensdag 16-10-2013 16-10-2013 Après-midi Namiddag CHAMBRE-5E SESSION DE LA 53E LÉGISLATURE 2013 2014 KAMER-5E ZITTING VAN DE 53E ZITTINGSPERIODE N-VA Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie PS Parti Socialiste CD&V Christen-Democratisch en Vlaams MR Mouvement réformateur sp.a socialistische partij anders Ecolo-Groen! Ecologistes Confédérés pour l’organisation de luttes originales – Groen! Open Vld Open Vlaamse Liberalen en Democraten VB Vlaams Belang cdH centre démocrate Humaniste FDF Fédéralistes démocrates francophones LDD Lijst Dedecker INDEP-ONAFH Indépendant - Onafhankelijk Abréviations dans la numérotation des publications : Afkortingen bij de nummering van de publicaties : DOC 53 0000/000 Document parlementaire de la 53e législature, suivi du n° de DOC 53 0000/000 Parlementair stuk van de 53e zittingsperiode + basisnummer en base et du n° consécutif volgnummer QRVA Questions et Réponses écrites QRVA Schriftelijke Vragen en Antwoorden CRIV Version provisoire du Compte Rendu Intégral (couverture verte) CRIV Voorlopige versie van het Integraal Verslag (groene kaft) CRABV Compte Rendu Analytique (couverture bleue) CRABV Beknopt Verslag (blauwe kaft) CRIV Compte Rendu Intégral, avec, à gauche, le compte rendu CRIV Integraal Verslag, met links het definitieve integraal verslag en intégral définitif et, à droite, le compte rendu analytique traduit rechts -
Parliament of the German-Speaking Community
PARLIAMENT OF THE GERMAN-SPEAKING COMMUNITY GENERAL DATA General data of the region Country: Belgium (11 million residents (2012), 30,326 km²) Region: The German language region is situated in the east of the country and consists of nine municipalities (75,716 inhabitants (2011), 854 km³) The German-speaking Community is the smallest federal entity in the federal state of Belgium. Regional government: The Parliament of the German-speaking Community is the legislative institution of the German-speaking Community of Belgium. It elects the government composed of 4 ministers. Competences of the region: o cultural matters: protection and defence of the language, fine arts, cultural heritage, museums, libraries, radio, television and press support, youth and adult education, sports, leisure activities and tourism, professional retraining and continuing education; o people-related matters: health and preventive health training, treatment and care, family policy (youth and the elderly), social security policy, policy concerning the disabled, integration of immigrants, youth care, social support to current and former prisoners o education: organisation of education, specifications for lesson content, emission of school diploma, pedagogy, civil service law, financing of education, school buildings, language use, school transport o employment o protection of monuments and landscapes as well as excavations o supervision and financing of municipalities o inter-community and international cooperation 1 General data of the Parliament Headquarters: Eupen (Kaperberg 8, B - 4700 Eupen) Language: German Date of foundation: 23rd October 1973 Web site: www.dgparlament.be Logo Coat of Arms 2 FUNCTIONS OF THE PARLIAMENT The Parliament is the legislative power of the German-speaking Community. -
Significant Breakthrough by the Far Right in Flanders, Victory for The
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN BELGIUM 26th May 2019 European Significant breakthrough Elections monitor by the far right in Flanders, victory for the Socialist Party in Corinne Deloy Wallonia and Brussels: Belgium divided more than ever before Results The Belgian general election took place on 26th May revealing a greatly divided country. The far-right made a significant breakthrough in Flanders came first in the election despite a loss of seats: 20[1] in the shape of the Vlaams Belang (Flemish Interest, VB), (- 3). It came out ahead of the Reform Movement (MR), a party chaired by Tom Van Grieken. Although the New a liberal party led by outgoing Prime Minister Charles Alliance (N-VA), a nationalist party chaired by Bart de Michel, which recorded a loss of support, winning 14 Wever, is still the region’s leading party with 25 seats, it seats (- 6); Ecolo, a party led co-led by Zakia Khattabi lost some seats however (-8 seats in comparison with the and Jean-Marc Nollet, won 13 seats (+ 7) and the Labour previous parliamentary elections on 25th May 2014) and Party, making strong progress, won 12 seats (+10). failed to rise above the 30% vote threshold. The Vlaams The Humanist Democratic Centre (cDH), led by Maxime Belang came second with 18 seats (+15). Prévot, came fifth (5 MPs, - 4). The Christian Democratic Party (CD&V), led by Wouter In Brussels, the socialists also came out ahead, just in 1. Here the number Beke, came third, but with fewer seats: 12 MPs (-6). front of the French-speaking ecologists who witnessed a of seats and for the following parties is Then come the Liberals and Democrats (Open VLD), a sharp rise in support. -
Belgische Kamer Van Volksvertegenwoordigers
PARLEMENTAIRE M EDEDELINGEN 51e Zittingsperiode BELGISCHE KAMER VAN VOLKSVERTEGENWOORDIGERS BELGISCHE KAMER VAN van 20/11/2006 tot 24/11/2006 116 21 Voor meer informatie surft u naar : www.dekamer.be Parlementaire Mededelingen is het informatiebulletin van de Kamer van volksvertegenwoordigers van België en verslaat de activiteiten van de voorbije week (van donderdag tot donderdag). Deze uitgave verschijnt iedere week in het Nederlands en in het Frans, behalve tijdens het parlementair reces. Parlementaire Mededelingen kan tegen abonnering opgestuurd worden naar iedereen die erom verzoekt. De abonnementsprijs is 13,00 € per parlementair jaar (van de tweede dinsdag van oktober tot de tweede dinsdag van oktober van het daaropvolgend jaar). Het bedrag moet worden gestort op rekening nummer 000-1648428-10 van de "Kamer van volksvertegenwoordigers publicaties te 1008 Brussel". Het bulletin verschijnt in het Frans onder de titel Informations parlementaires ; het abonnement op beide versies bedraagt 26,00 €. Deze publicatie wordt volledig door de diensten van de Kamer verzorgd. coördinatie en redactie : dienst Public Relations en Internationale Betrekkingen tel : 02/549.81.77 - 02/549.80.80 fax : 02/549.83.02 E-mail : [email protected] lay-out : PRI drukwerk : drukkerij van de Kamer postadres : Kamer van volksvertegenwoordigers van België B - 1008 BRUSSEL bezoekerstoegang : Leuvenseweg 13 - Brussel verantwoordelijke uitgever : de secretaris-generaal van de Kamer Inhoud ORGANEN VAN DE KAMER Voorzitterschap 3 COMMISSIES Commissievergaderingen 7 PLENAIRE -
Belgian National Report on Drugs 2013
BELGIAN NATIONAL REPORT ON DRUGS 2013 NEW DEVELOPMENTS, TRENDS AND IN-DEPTH INFORMATION ON SELECTED ISSUES ELS PLETTINCKX | JÉRÔME ANTOINE | PETER BLANCKAERT | JOHAN C. H. VAN BUSSEL Belgian national report on drugs 2013 OD Public Health and Surveillance, Scientific Institute of Public Health, October 2013, Brussels, Belgium IPH/EPI REPORTS N° 028 Depot number: D/2013/2505/46 Belgian national report on drugs 2013 Els Plettinckx Jérôme Antoine Peter Blanckaert Johan C.H. van Bussel EMCDDA Management Board Mr. Claude GILLARD, Legal adviser, Head of the Department of criminal law, Direction Générale de la législation du Service Public Fédéral Justice Dr. Philippe DEMOULIN, Deputy Director General f.f., Administration de la Communauté française de Belgique EMCDDA Scientific Committee Prof. Dr. Brice DE RUYVER, Full Professor, Institute for International Research on Criminal Policy (IRCP), University of Ghent Ministers involved in the global and integrated drug policy in Belgium 2013 For the Federal government: Mr. Elio DI RUPO, Prime Minister. Mrs. Laurette ONKELINX, Vice Prime Minister and Minister of Public Health and Social Affairs, in charge of Beleris and the Federal Cultural Institutions. Mme. Joelle MILQUET, Vice-Prime Minister and Minister of the interior and Equal Opportunities. Mr. Didier REYNDERS, Vice-Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and European Affairs. Mr. Steven VANACKERE, Vice-Prime Minister, and Minister of Finance and sustainable development, in charge of official affairs. Mr. Vincent VAN QUICKENBORNE, Vice-Prime Minister and Minister of Pensions. Mr. Johan VANDE LANOTTE, Vice-Prime Minister and Minister of Economy, Consumers and North Sea. Mrs. Sabine LARUELLE, Minister of Small and Medium-sized Enterprises, Self-employed persons and Agriculture. -
European Election Study 2014 EES 2014 Voter Study First Post-Electoral Study
European Election Study 2014 EES 2014 Voter Study First Post-Electoral Study Release Notes Sebastian Adrian Popa Hermann Schmitt Sara B Hobolt Eftichia Teperoglou Original release 1 January 2015 MZES, University of Mannheim Acknowledgement of the data Users of the data are kindly asked to acknowledge use of the data by always citing both the data and the accompanying release document. How to cite this data: Schmitt, Hermann; Popa, Sebastian A.; Hobolt, Sara B.; Teperoglou, Eftichia (2015): European Parliament Election Study 2014, Voter Study. GESIS Data Archive, Cologne. ZA5160 Data file Version 2.0.0, doi:10.4232/1. 12300 and Schmitt H, Hobolt SB and Popa SA (2015) Does personalization increase turnout? Spitzenkandidaten in the 2014 European Parliament elections. European Union Politics, Online first available for download from: http://eup.sagepub.com/content/early/2015/06/03/1465116515584626.full How to cite this document: Sebastian Adrian Popa, Hermann Schmitt, Sara B. Hobolt, and Eftichia Teperoglou (2015) EES 2014 Voter Study Advance Release Notes. Mannheim: MZES, University of Mannheim. Acknowledgement of assistance The 2014 EES voter study was funded by a consortium of private foundations under the leadership of Volkswagen Foundation (the other partners are: Riksbankens Jubileumsfond, Stiftung Mercator, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian). It profited enormously from to synergies that emerged from the co-operation with the post-election survey funded by the European Parliament. Last but certainly not least, it benefited from the generous support of TNS Opinion who did the fieldwork in all the 28 member countries . The study would not have been possible the help of many colleagues, both members of the EES team and country experts form the wider academic community, who spent valuable time on the questionnaire and study preparation, often at very short notice. -
The Rise of Challenger Parties in the Aftermath of the Euro Crisis
Sara B. Hobolt, James Tilley Fleeing the centre: the rise of challenger parties in the aftermath of the Euro crisis Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Hobolt, Sara and Tilley, James (2016) Fleeing the centre: the rise of challenger parties in the aftermath of the Euro crisis. West European Politics, 39 (5). pp. 971-991. ISSN 1743-9655 DOI: 10.1080/01402382.2016.1181871 © 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/66032/ Available in LSE Research Online: July 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. Fleeing the Centre: The Rise of Challenger Parties in the Aftermath of the Euro Crisis SARA B. HOBOLT Sutherland Chair in European Institutions European Institute London School of Economics and Political Science Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE Email: [email protected] JAMES TILLEY Professor of Politics Department of Politics and International Relations University of Oxford Email: [email protected] **ACCEPTED FOR PUBLICATION IN WEST EUROPEAN POLITICS (FORTHCOMING IN 2016)** The Eurozone crisis has altered the party political landscape across Europe. -
Benoît Rihoux1, Audrey Vandeleene1, Lieven De Winter1, Pierre
Belgium (2014 – published 2015) Benoît Rihoux1, Audrey Vandeleene1, Lieven De Winter1, Pierre Baudewyns1, Serge Deruette2 1 Centre de Science Politique et de Politique Comparée (CESPOL), Université catholique de Louvain, Belgium; 2Université de Mons, Belgium INTRODUCTION The year 2014 was particularly dense, with simultaneous regional, parliamentary and European Parliament elections on 25 May. This was followed by a relatively short government formation process towards an unprecedented ‘Swedish’ federal cabinet. The electoral cycle took place in the context of a still quite difficult socioeconomic situation and ethnolinguistic tensions at the elite level. ELECTION REPORT Regional Elections: 25 May 2014 Most parties did not present a separate regional and federal manifesto (De Winter and Van Wynsberghe forthcoming), therefore blurring regional and federal issues. Remarkably, following the electoral results at the regional level (Blaise et al. 2014b), the regional government formations brought regionalist parties in power in three of the five regional/community governments. In Flanders, the N-VA became the predominant party in the Flemish region, replacing the CD&V, and thus legitimately claimed the leadership of the formation of the Flemish executive, which resulted in the formation of the Bourgeois I government with the N-VA, the CD&V and the Open VLD. At the Walloon elections, of the three incumbent coalition parties (PS, CdH and Ecolo) only the latter lost heavily, with the fourth traditional party (MR) regaining some ground, as well as the newcomers PTB and PP. The new Walloon government was formed as a left-centre coalition of the PS and CdH, under the leadership of P. Magnette (PS), while the executive of the Francophone community government was headed by the incumbent R. -
Belgian Polities in 1985 « No T Urning Back » *
Belgian Polities in 1985 « No T urning Back » * by Jozef SMITS, Licentiate in Polltical Science. * Belgian politica! life in 1985 was completely dominated by the parliamentary elections, for the Christian-Democrat and Liberal coalition under the leadership of Wilfried Martens (CVP) was in its last year. The Martens V government almost succeeded in completing the parliamentary term as it bas intended. They Heysel drama caused an unexpected rupture in the cabinet, so elections were set for October, while normally they would have been held in December. The electoral battle was completely dominated by the three major politica! families : on the one side, the Christian Democrats and the Liberals, who defended the recovery policy of the previous four years based on a transfer of financial resources from individuals to businesses ; on the other side were the Socialists, who stressed the negative effects of the « income cutback » policy. The polarization of the electoral campaign was symbolized the most clearly by the campaign of the largest majority party. With the slogan Geen Ommekeer (No Turning Back) and with outgoing Premier Martens as the figurehead, the CVP tried to com municate to the electorate that there was no alternative to the unpopular socio-economie recovery policy and that this policy had to be continued in order to solve the country's problems definitively. Against expectations and to its own astonishment, the majority emerged strengthened from the ballot box. Consequently, nothing stood in the way of a new edition of Martens V, and on 28 November, the new Christian-Democrat/Liberal government was formed. Wilfried Martens again had the leadership of • A part of the information given in this article is taken from the article written by M. -
Que Dépenseront Les Partis Durant La Campagne Électorale 2019 ?
Que dépenseront les partis durant la campagne électorale 2019 ? Jef Smulders, Gert-Jan Put et Bart Maddens e 26 janvier a marqué le début de la période réglementée pour la campagne des élections européennes, fédérales, régionales et communautaires du 26 mai 2019 1. L Depuis cette date, certains moyens de campagne sont interdits 2. De plus, tant les candidats individuels que les partis doivent s’en tenir durant cette période à un montant maximal pour leurs dépenses électorales. Dans cette @nalyse du CRISP en ligne , nous calculons quelle somme totale chaque parti est autorisé à consacrer à sa campagne électorale durant les quatre mois de la période réglementée. Toutefois, aucun parti ne dépense effectivement ce montant dans la pratique. Nous évaluons dès lors aussi le coût effectif qu’atteindra vraisemblablement la campagne en cours en nous basant sur les données de la campagne électorale de 2014. Enfin, nous comparons ce coût effectif avec ce que les partis ont à leur disposition comme moyens financiers, à travers leurs actifs courants. Mais avant toute chose, examinons les dispositions légales en matière de calcul des montants maximaux. Législation Chaque parti peut, pour toutes les élections cumulées (européennes, fédérales, régionales et communautaires), dépenser un maximum d’un million d’euros 3. Pour les candidats, 1 La loi du 4 juillet 1989 relative à la limitation et au contrôle des dépenses électorales engagées pour l’élection de la Chambre des représentants, ainsi qu’au financement et à la comptabilité ouverte des partis politiques ( Moniteur belge , 20 juillet 1989) a été revue à de nombreuses reprises. -
Bulletin D' Information
Septembre 2012 210 000 exemplaires E.R./ V.U.: Michel Dandoy Bodegemstraat 175 1700 Dilbeek Bulletin d’ information www.uniondesfrancophones.be PROVINCE DU BRABANT FLAMAND - VLAAMS BRABANT L’internationalisation Elections de la Périphérie du 14 octobre 2012 se développe encore ! La crainte flamande de francisation de la Au niveau provincial, il vous est toujours loisible de voter pour Périphérie se double à présent d’une des candidats francophones. crainte de l’internationalisation du Rand, ce que nous annonçons depuis belle Sans doute ces derniers mois, avons-nous traversé certaines turbulences lurette, conformément à l’expansion mais nous sommes heureux de vous annoncer qu’en dépit de sensibilités inéluctable des métropoles du monde et d’avis nuancés entre nous sur les réformes institutionnelles, l’unité à la entier vers leur Périphérie. Province a été préservée : les 4 composantes de l’UF (MR ; FDF ; CDH ; Ainsi au 01.01.11, 27% des habitants PS et quelques Indépendants) ont décidé de maintenir la liste unique de la Périphérie, soit 108.000 personnes francophone de l’Union des Francophones (UF). (le double d’il y a 20 ans) sont d’origine Ceci signifie que dans toute la Province du Brabant flamand, soit dans 65 étrangère et on y compte 114 nationa - communes, vous pouvez choisir l’UF. Si besoin était de rester unis, il suffit lités. Selon les chiffres de Kind en gezin, 35% de découvrir dans les pages de ce Bulletin quelques récentes offensives des mères dans le Rand ont une autre flamandes parmi d’autres pour éradiquer toute trace francophone en nationalité que belge. -
The Challenges and the Nature of Consociationalism in the 20Th and 21St Centuries: the Case of Belgium and the Netherlands
The Challenges and the Nature of Consociationalism in the 20th and 21st Centuries: The Case of Belgium and the Netherlands Author: Anna Vajas Student Number: 104517007 MA in Governance, Leadership and Democracy Studies Supervisor: Éva dr. Kőváriné Ignáth Lisbon, March 2020 The approximate number of words: 24 600 (excluding the bibliography and annexes). SUMMARY The phenomenon of populism has been a passionately debated topic of political science. Many among political thinkers, theorists and actual decision-makers have not only shared a common point of interest and concern, but they also have approached from a variety of different aspects. As can be witnessed in current times, the threat of the populist “awakening” has not exclusively been the experience of relatively recently democratized countries, but also of enduring and stable democracies. The present thesis is to serve as the introduction and comparison of two examples with consociational arrangement, from the latter category – namely, of Belgium and the Netherlands. The core of my inquiry lies in the fundamental discrepancy between the traditional eagerness of conventional parties to cooperate and the populist parties with the intention to oppose the arrangement of the former. According to my supposition, the political activity of the Vlaams Belang in Belgium and the Partij Voor de Vrijheid in the Netherlands generates a tense relation to the consociational arrangement. Namely, these populist factions articulate an exclusive idea of the society – “the people” – which seems to oppose the inclusive nature of consociationalism. Also, their anti-establishment nature contrasts the cooperation and consensus of the elite, whom tend to react to this rather “antisocial” political behaviour with a sort of dissociation, the application of the so-called cordon sanitaire.