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Materia Medica in Edo Period Japan. the Case of Mummy. Takai

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Materia Medica in Edo Period Japan. the Case of Mummy. Takai Materia Medica in Edo Period Japan The Case of Mummy Takai Ranzan’s Shokuji kai, Part Two Michael Kinski, Berlin Takai Ranzan did not intend a bipartition of his Admonitions Regarding Food Consumption. Nevertheless the contents of his work might justify such a division. In the first paragraphs, Ranzan gave a survey of the basic ramifi- cations of food as a condition for a healthy life and of its general effects on bodily constitution. Although in the remaining passages a general preoccupa- tion with nourishment can be ascertained – for example, when Ranzan deals with the eating habits of Confucius, as the paragon of circumspection in dietary life ([111a] – [162]1) – most of the remaining passages show a concern with more specific subjects. This is especially true for the attention given to breast-feeding and a mother’s diet ([166] – [186]), meat consumption ([187] – [193]), and the use of foreign materia medica ([194] – [209]). All three subjects deserve notice. However, obstetrics as well as the role of meat in the history of Japanese culinary culture have been the object of scholarly scrutiny.2 Thus, this article will only take a glance at Ranzan’s 1 Numbers in square parentheses refer to sentences in the translation pp. 133–55. 2 Early expressions of an interest in pre-modern obstetrics are MASUDA Tomomasa Y? ., KURE Shûzô A, FUJIKAWA Yû > @ (ed.): Nihon sanka sôsho FM W (Collection of Japanese Works on Obstetrics), reprint of the 1895 edition, Kyoto: Shibun Kaku 1971, and OGATA Masakiyo VY./: Nihon sanka gaku shi Fa (A History of Japanese Obstetrics), Tôkyô Tsukiji Kappan Seizô Sho 1919. A German version of the latter appeared in 1891 as the author’s doctoral dissertation under the title Beitrag zur Geburtshilfe in Japan, Freiburg: Buchdruckerei H. Epstein. Earlier, one finds a series of articles by B. Miyake in the Mittheilungen der deutschen Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens: “Ueber die japanische Geburtshuelfe”, in: MOAG 1, 1874.5: 21–27; 1875.8: 9–13; 1876.10: 9–16. Before this Philipp Franz von Siebold translated a work by Mima Junzô 1R, which appeared as “Beantwortung einiger Fragen über die japanische Geburtshilfe”, in: Journal für Geburtshilfe, Frankfurt a.M. 1826 (this was preceded by a Dutch version in 1825). Meat consumption is a central topic = Japonica Humboldtiana 9 (2005) 56 Michael Kinski attitude toward foreign remedies, as this permits insights into medicinal or pharmaceutical culture – European as well as Japanese – that has only rarely solicited scholarly comments. The context for this exposition is set by a highly sophisticated culture of healing – predominantly following the tradition of Chinese medicine3 but also adopting European influences to a certain degree. In the Directory of Medical Houses in Edo at Present Times 5H (E (Edo konsei ika jinmei roku) of 1819 more than 570 doctors are given together with their specialization and address. Its successor of 1820 even lists about 2,500 persons. Thus, in the shogunal capital with a population of one million people there was one medical practitioner for every 400 to 500 inhabitants.4 During the Edo period, scholarly interest in materia medica increased conspicuously, and the commercialization of pharmaceutical articles developed rapidly, with a large range of drug stores and itinerant medicine peddlers colouring the scene. The competition among them is illustrated by the store signs and posters they left. Even the help of actors was enlisted to advertise their wares during performances. Drugs owing their provenance to the Chinese tradition dominated the market, periodically giving rise to popular concoctions treated like panaceae,5 but European articles, too, entered the stage and sometimes more than held their own as will be shown in the following.6 of much of the work of Harada Nobuo ?=. Cf. n. 16; also Klaus VOLLMER: “Tötungsverbot und Freilassungszeremonie. Geschichte und Interpretation buddhistischer Rituale in Japan”, in: Klaus ANTONI (Hg.): Rituale und ihre Urheber. Invented Traditions in der japanischen Religionsgeschichte (Ostasien – Pazifik. Trierer Studien zu Politik, Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft, Kultur, Bd. 5), Hamburg: Lit 1997: 77–104. 3 For a short introduction and reference works cf. Michael KINSKI: “Admonitions Regarding Food Consumption. Takai Ranzan’s Shokuji kai. Introduction, Transcription and Translation. Part One”, in: Japonica Humboldtiana 7 (2003): 132–38. 4TACHIKAWA Shôji L@': “Isha” 1 (Doctors), in: NISHIYAMA Matsunosuke 3^ M et. al. (ed.): Edo gaku jiten 5a: (Dictionary of Edo Studies), Kôbun Dô 1994: 416. Tachikawa sets this impressive figure in perspective by arguing that it included all kinds of quacks and opportunists only interested in money. He concludes, therefore, that the standard of medical care in Edo cannot have been very good. Ibid. However, by all indications, on the whole it was not worse than in contemporary Europe. Cf. n. 310. 5 To give only two examples: Hangon tan #K or “pills for calling back the souls of the dead” contained rhubarb, coptis japonica, bear’s gall, the dried peel of a type of orange (chinpi -+) and others. It was supposed to help against all kinds of disease and especially was applied in case of cholera nostra, belly aches and digestive disturbances. Kiô gan 7 or “pill of mysterious effects”, too, contained bear’s gall, ginseng and others for its main ingredients and was used for similar maladies. Moreover, it was especially valued for calming down weeping (or hysterical) infants and is still sold for this purpose. Japonica Humboldtiana 9 (2005) Materia Medica in Edo Period Japan 57 1. Scholarly Perceptions The reception of European knowledge and technical achievements on the one hand, and the subsequent development of “Dutch Learning” Fa (Rangaku) – with medicine at its center – on the other, commanded considerable attention in Japan as abroad.7 These phenomena have been studied for their own sake as well as for their potential role in the development of a ‘modern’ consciousness in Japan prior to the so-called ‘opening’ of the country. Opinions diverged on the catalysatory potential inherent in Dutch Learning. Whereas Numata Jirô stressed the monopolization of foreign knowledge in the hands of scholars subservient to the government,8 others like Takahashi Shinichi and Itazawa Takeo identified those of its elements conducive to the emergence of “Ideolo- giekritik”.9 A third approach advanced by Satô Shôsuke distinguishes between an earlier stage characterized by dependence on and service to the authorities and a second phase with more independent scholars on the rise. All delineations of the development and influence of Dutch Learning – or “Western Learning” 9a (Yôgaku) at a later stage – have one feature in common: When it comes 6 Works such as NANBA Tsuneo :23: Kanpô kigusuri no nazo o saguru Y?0* B`DF (Questing for the Riddle of Drugs [Used in the] Chinese [Medical] Method), Nihon Hôsô Shuppan Kyôkai 1998 (NHK Raiburarî 85); SÔDA Hajime >?: Nihon no meiyakuB* (Famous Medicines of Japan), Yasaka Shobô 1993 (1); SÔDA Hajime: Torai yaku no bunka shi. Oranda sen ga hakonda yôyaku BB*BK@. N Q` S'UV9* (A Cultural Account of Medicines from Abroad. The [Trans]oceanic [= Western] Medicines Transported [to Japan] by Dutch Ships), Yasaka Shobô 1993 (2); YAMAWAKI Teijirô 6 : Kinsei Nihon no iyaku bunka. Miira, ahen, kôhî I( B*K@. ]^, _` , abcb (The Medical and Pharmaceutical Culture of Early Modern Japan. Mummies, Opium, Coffee), Heibon Sha 1995 (Heibon sha sensho 155); YOSHIOKA Shin );: Edo no kigusuri ya 5B0*< (Apothecaries of Edo), Seia Bô 1994 convey a vivid picture of the pharmaceutical culture of Edo Japan. 7 Two of the most recent additions to a long list of publications are W.F. VANDE WALLE, KASAYA Kazuhiko (ed.): Dodonaeus in Japan. Translation and the Scientific Mind in the Tokugawa Period, Leuven University Press, International Research Center for Japanese Studies, Kyoto 2001, and Hartmut WALRAVENS (ed.): A Japanese Herbal in the Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine. A Contribution to the History of the Transfer of Scientific Knowledge from Europe to Japan, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag 2005 (Asien- und Afrika-Studien der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin 21). 8NUMATA Jirô ? :Bakumatsu Yôgaku shi 9a (A History of Western Learning in the Late Tokugawa Period), Tôkô Shoin 1950, and Western Learning. A Short History of the Study of Western Science in Early Modern Japan, Japan-Netherlands Institute 1992. 9TAKAHASHI Shinichi ?>: Yôgaku ron 9a (A Discussion of Western Learning), Mikasa Shobô 1939; ITAZAWA Takeo $B3: Nichiran bunka kôshô shi no kenkyû FK@$B2 (A Study of the History of Cultural Relations Between Japan and Japonica Humboldtiana 9 (2005) 58 Michael Kinski to assessing contemporary reactions, especially those of a critical stance, towards the concern with and diffusion of European knowledge, modern scholarship almost exclusively evinces an interest in the way the government tried to control access to foreign knowledge, to draw scholars of Dutch Learning into its service, and to severely limit the propagation of their insights. Mention is sometimes made of, for example, Sano Antei’s L)3 critique of Yamawaki Tôyô K9 (1705–62) and the group around him witnessing the 1754 dissection of the body of a criminal and comparing the findings with the anatomical knowledge handed down by the tradition of Chinese medicine.10 But in general it seems that the view of Edo period scholars, who did not embark on Dutch Learning or even were averse to it – especially in Holland), Yoshikawa Kôbun Kan 1959. 10 Sano Antei, a doctor in the Chinese tradition, countered Yamawaki Tôyô’s Account of the Depot [Organs] [ (Zôshi, printed 1759) with his Refutation of the Account of the Depot [Organs] -[ (Hi Zôshi, 1760). He emphasized the futility and uselessness of gaining information about the organs from a dead human body. Timon Screech cites Antei with the following words from the end of the work: “What makes the depots into depots does not lie in their outward appearance.
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