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Necessary Legal Foundation for the Central Middle Eastern States
Pace International Law Review Volume 31 Issue 2 Spring 2019 Article 1 March 2019 Federalism: Necessary Legal Foundation for the Central Middle Eastern States Issa Al-Aweel Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/pilr Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, International Humanitarian Law Commons, International Law Commons, International Trade Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Issa Al-Aweel, Federalism: Necessary Legal Foundation for the Central Middle Eastern States, 31 Pace Int'l L. Rev. 293 (2019) Available at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/pilr/vol31/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pace International Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FEDERALISM: NECESSARY LEGAL FOUNDATION FOR THE CENTRAL MIDDLE EASTERN STATES Issa Al-Aweel* ABSTRACT The Central Middle East—comprising of Syria, Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, and Jordan—is in need of a legal foundation defined by a constitutional umbrella that governs it as a whole. This is a proposed broad structure of such legal foundation that serves regional legal and economic needs and includes recognition of human rights. The need for such restructuring is evident from the persistence of regional conflict and instability. Conflict and instability have been constants in the region in general and certainly in the listed five states. The issues include political instability, terrorism, continuous threats of fundamentalism, and pervasive disregard to human life and human rights. -
Aasen -- Constructing Narcoterrorism As Danger.Pdf
WestminsterResearch http://www.westminster.ac.uk/westminsterresearch Constructing Narcoterrorism as Danger: Afghanistan and the Politics of Security and Representation Aasen, D. This is an electronic version of a PhD thesis awarded by the University of Westminster. © Mr Donald Aasen, 2019. The WestminsterResearch online digital archive at the University of Westminster aims to make the research output of the University available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the authors and/or copyright owners. Whilst further distribution of specific materials from within this archive is forbidden, you may freely distribute the URL of WestminsterResearch: ((http://westminsterresearch.wmin.ac.uk/). In case of abuse or copyright appearing without permission e-mail [email protected] Constructing Narcoterrorism as Danger: Afghanistan and the Politics of Security and Representation Greg Aasen A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Westminster for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 2019 1 Abstract Afghanistan has become a country synonymous with danger. Discourses of narcotics, terrorism, and narcoterrorism have come to define the country and the current conflict. However, despite the prevalence of these dangers globally, they are seldom treated as political representations. This project theorizes danger as a political representation by deconstructing and problematizing contemporary discourses of (narco)terrorism in Afghanistan. Despite the globalisation of these two discourses of danger, (narco)terrorism remains largely under-theorised, with the focus placed on how to overcome this problem rather than critically analysing it as a representation. The argument being made here is that (narco)terrorism is not some ‘new’ existential danger, but rather reflects the hegemonic and counterhegemonic use of danger to establish authority over the collective identity. -
Army Press January 2017 Blythe
Pfc. Brandie Leon, 4th Infantry Division, holds security while on patrol in a local neighborhood to help maintain peace after recent attacks on mosques in the area, East Baghdad, Iraq, 3 March 2006. (Photo by Staff Sgt. Jason Ragucci, U.S. Army) III Corps during the Surge: A Study in Operational Art Maj. Wilson C. Blythe Jr., U.S. Army he role of Lt. Gen. Raymond Odierno’s III (MNF–I) while using tactical actions within Iraq in an Corps as Multinational Corps–Iraq (MNC–I) illustrative manner. As a result, the campaign waged by has failed to receive sufficient attention from III Corps, the operational headquarters, is overlooked Tstudies of the 2007 surge in Iraq. By far the most in this key work. comprehensive account of the 2007–2008 campaign The III Corps campaign is also neglected in other is found in Michael Gordon and Lt. Gen. Bernard prominent works on the topic. In The Gamble: General Trainor’s The Endgame: The Inside Story of the Struggle for Petraeus and the American Military Adventure in Iraq, Iraq, from George W. Bush to Barack Obama, which fo- 2006-2008, Thomas Ricks emphasizes the same levels cuses on the formulation and execution of strategy and as Gordon and Trainor. However, while Ricks plac- policy.1 It frequently moves between Washington D.C., es a greater emphasis on the role of III Corps than is U.S Central Command, and Multinational Force–Iraq found in other accounts, he fails to offer a thorough 2 13 January 2017 Army Press Online Journal 17-1 III Corps during the Surge examination of the operational campaign waged by III creating room for political progress such as the February 2 Corps. -
Counterinsurgency in the Iraq Surge
A NEW WAY FORWARD OR THE OLD WAY BACK? COUNTERINSURGENCY IN THE IRAQ SURGE. A thesis presented to the faculty of the Graduate School of Western Carolina University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in US History. By Matthew T. Buchanan Director: Dr. Richard Starnes Associate Professor of History, Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences. Committee Members: Dr. David Dorondo, History, Dr. Alexander Macaulay, History. April, 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Abbreviations . iii Abstract . iv Introduction . 1 Chapter One: Perceptions of the Iraq War: Early Origins of the Surge . 17 Chapter Two: Winning the Iraq Home Front: The Political Strategy of the Surge. 38 Chapter Three: A Change in Approach: The Military Strategy of the Surge . 62 Conclusion . 82 Bibliography . 94 ii ABBREVIATIONS ACU - Army Combat Uniform ALICE - All-purpose Lightweight Individual Carrying Equipment BDU - Battle Dress Uniform BFV - Bradley Fighting Vehicle CENTCOM - Central Command COIN - Counterinsurgency COP - Combat Outpost CPA – Coalition Provisional Authority CROWS- Common Remote Operated Weapon System CRS- Congressional Research Service DBDU - Desert Battle Dress Uniform HMMWV - High Mobility Multi-Purpose Wheeled Vehicle ICAF - Industrial College of the Armed Forces IED - Improvised Explosive Device ISG - Iraq Study Group JSS - Joint Security Station MNC-I - Multi-National-Corps-Iraq MNF- I - Multi-National Force – Iraq Commander MOLLE - Modular Lightweight Load-carrying Equipment MRAP - Mine Resistant Ambush Protected (vehicle) QRF - Quick Reaction Forces RPG - Rocket Propelled Grenade SOI - Sons of Iraq UNICEF - United Nations International Children’s Fund VBIED - Vehicle-Borne Improvised Explosive Device iii ABSTRACT A NEW WAY FORWARD OR THE OLD WAY BACK? COUNTERINSURGENCY IN THE IRAQ SURGE. -
Eine Universität Für Al-Qaida? in Einer Terroristen-Akademie in Einem US
Der US-Autor Mike Whitney untersucht die Beteiligung der USA und anderer NATO-Staa- ten an der Bewaffnung und Ausbildung der ISIS-Terroristen. Friedenspolitische Mitteilungen aus der US-Militärregion Kaiserslautern/Ramstein LP 165/14 – 22.10.14 Eine Universität für Al-Qaida? In einer Terroristen-Akademie in einem US-Gefangenenlager im Irak wurden die ISIS-Führer ausgebildet Von Mike Whitney counterpunch, 06.10.14 ( http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/10/06/americas-terrorist-academy-in-iraq-produced-i- sis-leaders/ ) "Seit 2003 haben Großbritannien und die USA mit Al-Qaida verbundenen islamistischen Terroristengruppen im Mittleren Osten und in Afrika heimlich und offen direkte und indi- rekte Unterstützung zukommen lassen. Diese schlecht konzipierte, an Flickwerk erin- nernde Geostrategie ist ein Vermächtnis des ständig wachsenden Einflusses der neo- konservativen Ideologie, die gekennzeichnet ist durch langjährige, aber häufig wider- sprüchliche Bestrebungen, alle regionalen Ölvorkommen zu kontrollieren, durch die Verteidigung des israelischen Expansionsdrangs und durch die sich daraus ergebende Notwendigkeit, die Karte des Mittleren Ostens neu zu zeichnen." – Nafeez Ahmed, "How the West Created the Islamic State" [Wie der Westen den Islamischen Staat ge- schaffen hat, s. unter http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/09/12/how-the-west-create- d-the-islamic-state/ ] "Die USA selbst haben diese Terroristenorganisationen geschaffen. Deshalb haben sie auch nicht die moralische Autorität, eine Koalition gegen den Terrorismus zu bilden." – Hassan Nasralla, Generalsekretär der Hisbollah (s. http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hisbol- lah ) Die Entscheidung der Obama-Regierung, den syrischen Präsidenten Baschar al-Assad zu stürzen, könnte einen regionalen Krieg im Mittleren Osten auslösen, der zu einer Konfron- tation zwischen den beiden rivalisierenden Atommächten Russland und den USA führen könnte. -
Conflict and Peacebuilding Observatory Nº 35 – November 2015
Conflict and Peacebuilding Observatory Nº 35 – November 2015 WORSENING AFGHANISTAN: As the conflict rages, the Taliban split and Islamic State acquires new prominence US military sources announced the dismantling of what was probably al-Qaeda’s largest training camp. Located in the district of Shorabak in Kandahar province, the camp covered 77.7 km2. Losses of territory to the Taliban in some districts have been offset by gains in others. In Helmand, an offensive lasting several months pitted Afghan forces against the Taliban for control of the districts of Marjah and Nad-e-Ali, where over 200 Taliban and 85 soldiers were killed, according to the provincial government. In Kunduz, Afghan forces recovered a base in the district of Dasht-e-Archi, but lost a district in the province of Badakhshan. Government forces confirmed that alongside the Taliban, over 1,300 foreign insurgents (Pakistanis, Tajiks, Uyghurs and others) participated in the battle of Kunduz. Furthermore, in Nangarhar, where there is a group loyal to Islamic State, over 30 insurgents were killed in drone strikes. The local provincial government has stated that around 200 university students there are linked to Islamist groups. In fact, Islamic State banners were waved during an anti-government demonstration. In Zabul, Islamic State executed seven members of the Hazara (Shia) ethnic group that it abducted in September. Among them were three women, the first to be victims of beheading. Their families carried their bodies to Kabul, where they were joined by thousands of people (20,000 according to some media outlets) in one of the largest protests ever seen in the capital. -
Anti-Semitism: a Pillar of Islamic Extremist Ideology
Anti-Semitism: A Pillar of Islamic Extremist Ideology In a video message in August 2015, Osama bin Laden’s son, Hamza bin Laden, utilized a range of anti-Semitic and anti-Israel narratives in his effort to rally Al Qaeda supporters and incite violence against Americans and Jews. Bin Laden described Jews and Israel as having a disproportionate role in world events and the oppression of Muslims. He compared the “Zio- Crusader alliance led by America” to a bird: “Its head is America, one wing is NATO and the other is the State of the Jews in occupied Palestine, and the legs are the tyrant rulers that sit on the chests of the peoples of the Muslim Ummah [global community].” An undated image of al-Qaeda terrorist Osama bin Laden and his son, Hamza Bin Laden then called for attacks worldwide and demanded that Muslims “support their brothers in Palestine by fighting the Jews and the Americans... not in America and occupied Palestine and Afghanistan alone, but all over the world…. take it to all the American, Jewish, and Western interests in the world.” Such violent expressions of anti-Semitism have been at the core of Al Qaeda’s ideology for decades. Even the 9/11 terrorist attacks were motivated, in part, by anti-Semitism. Mohamed Atta, a key member of the Al Qaeda Hamburg cell responsible for the attacks, reportedly considered New York City to be the center of a global Jewish conspiracy, and Khalid Sheik Mohammed, who masterminded the attack, had allegedly previously developed several plans to attack Israeli and Jewish targets. -
The Cost and Benefits of Education in Iraq
THE COST AND BENEFITS OF EDUCATION IN IRAQ: AN ANALYSIS OF THE EDUCATION SECTOR AND STRATEGIES TO MAXIMIZE THE BENEFITS OF EDUCATION EXECUTIVE SUMMARY There has been remarkable progress in education in Iraq. Enrolment in primary education grew tremendously over the past decade, increasing at about 4.1% per year. As of 2015-2016, 9.2 million students are enrolled across all education levels in Iraq. The total enrolment in primary education almost doubled to six million children in 2012 from 3.6 million in 2000. Girls’ enrolment grew at all levels and at faster rates than boys’ enrolment, although they are still enrolled in lower numbers than boys and tend to drop out at a higher rate. The rising number of students and recent financial crisis in Iraq pose new challenges in terms of providing sufficient education resources for the growing number of students. Unless Iraq increases its public education resources, its expanding enrolment will continue to strain existing education resources. In fact, as of 2013, 13.5% of school-aged Iraqi children (1.2 million children) did not have access to basic education.1 For those who are in school, there are large drop out and repetition rates. The quality of education and learning outcomes is decreasing, due in part to multiple-shifting of schools and dropping teacher retention rates. Government spend- ing on education infrastructure also remains low, although there is a marked increase in private schools yielding higher achievement rates. Looking at Iraq Centre and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), this report aims to update the education situation, quantify the economic benefits of education, and identify sources of inefficiencies as well as key priority themes in the education sector with clear links to the National Education Strategy 2011-2020. -
On Track Magazine
CDA L'Institut Institute de la CAD ~ 1987 ~ THE CONFERENCE OF DEFENCE ASSOCIATIONS INSTITUTE L’INSTITUT DE LA CONFÉRENCE DES ASSOCIATIONS DE LA DÉFENSE EUROPE IN THE GRIP OF TWO CRISES ALSO IN THIS ISSUE WHAT’S WRONG WITH CANADA’S RESERVES? ARCTIC SECURITY: THAW OR RE-FREEZE? LEADERSHIP DECAPITATION AND THE RISE OF ISIL LESSONS FROM PARIS AND BRUSSELS SUMMER 2016 | VOLUME 21, NUMBER 1 ÉTÉ 2016 | VOLUME 21, NUMÉRO 1 VOLUME 21 NUMBER 1: SUMMER / ÉTÉ 2016 CHAIR OF THE BOARD / PRÉSIDENT DU CONSEIL Major-General Daniel Gosselin, CMM, CD (Ret’d) CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER / PRÉSIDENT- DIRECTEUR-GÉNÉRAL Tony Battista EDITOR / RÉDACTEUR Dr. David S. McDonough, PhD CDA Institute / L’Institut de la CAD 151 Slater Street, Suite 412A 151, rue Slater, Suite 412A Ottawa ON K1P 5H3 Phone / Téléphone: (613) 236 9903 Email / Courriel: [email protected] Website / Site Web: www.cdainstitute.ca ON TRACK is published by the CDA Institute. Mission Statement. It is the goal of the CDA Institute to promote informed public debate on security and defence issues and the vital role played by the Canadian Armed Forces in society. It is intended that ON TRACK facilitate this educational mandate by featuring articles that explore security, defence, and strategic issues that may have an impact on Canadian interests and on the safety of its citizens. The views expressed in ON TRACK are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the CDA Institute. ON TRACK est publié par l’Institut de la CAD. Énoncé de mission. L’Institut de la CAD a pour but de non seulement encourager un débat public éclairé à propos des problématiques concernant la sécurité et de défense canadienne, mais aussi de promouvoir le rôle vital joué par les Forces armées canadiennes dans la société. -
Islamic State, Identity, and the Global Jihadist Movement: How Is Islamic State Successful at Recruiting “Ordinary” People?
Islamic State, Identity, and the Global Jihadist Movement: How is Islamic State successful at recruiting “ordinary” people? By: Alyssa Chassman1 Abstract What conditions breed radicalization? How does Islamic State capitalize on those conditions to maximize their recruitment numbers? The foreign fighter phenomenon has puzzled academics, particularly as the crisis in Iraq and Syria has seen an influx of foreign fighters from “ordinary” backgrounds. This analysis attempts encapsulate why Islamic State is successful at recruiting foreign fighters by looking at their recruitment strategies in practice in conjunction with secondary analysis of identity theories and sociological processes of recruitment. The analysis finds that identity crises are key factor in the process, and IS recruiters are methodical in their approach of how they interject their ideology on the hearts and minds of the vulnerable. Keywords: Islamic State; ISIL; Foreign Fighters; Radicalization; Recruitment; Relative Deprivation; Social Identity Theory 1 Master of Arts in Human Rights, Kingston University London 205 Alyssa Chassman: Islamic State, Identity, and the Global Jihadist Movement: How is Islamic State successful at recruiting “ordinary” people? Table of Contents I. Introduction II. Background a. Terminology b. Islamic State Ideology, Beliefs, and Goals c. Historical Context d. “Irresistible IS” III. Literature Review and Methodology a. Literature Review b. Theoretical Framework c. Methodology IV. Who, Why, and How? a. Who are they? b. Why do they become radicalized? c. What means does IS use to attract recruits? V. Understanding the Path to Radicalization: The Politics of Access, Symbolism, and Online Propaganda a. The Cyber Caliphate b. Symbolic Propaganda Messaging VI. Understanding the Path to Radicalization: Identity and Individual Recruitment Messaging a. -
The Evolution of the Taliban
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2008-06 The evolution of the Taliban Samples, Christopher A. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/4101 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS THE EVOLUTION OF THE TALIBAN by Shahid A. Afsar Christopher A. Samples June 2008 Thesis Advisor: Thomas H. Johnson Second Reader: Heather S. Gregg Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2008 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE The Evolution of the Taliban 5. FUNDING NUMBERS 6. AUTHORS Shahid A. Afsar and Christopher A. Samples 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943-5000 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the authors and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. -
Putin's Syrian Gambit: Sharper Elbows, Bigger Footprint, Stickier Wicket
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 25 Putin’s Syrian Gambit: Sharper Elbows, Bigger Footprint, Stickier Wicket by John W. Parker Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, and Center for Technology and National Security Policy. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified combatant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Admiral Kuznetsov aircraft carrier, August, 2012 (Russian Ministry of Defense) Putin's Syrian Gambit Putin's Syrian Gambit: Sharper Elbows, Bigger Footprint, Stickier Wicket By John W. Parker Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 25 Series Editor: Denise Natali National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. July 2017 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. Cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. Portions of this work may be quoted or reprinted without permission, provided that a standard source credit line is included.