New Horizons

VMI Journal of Undergraduate Research

Volume 2 Number 1 April 2008

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1 From the Executive Editor

3 A Tribute to Charles F. Brower, IV, Ph.D., Brigadier General, US Army (Retired) Humanities

7 Coincidence or Chemistry: The Effects of Civil War Combat on Weather Cadet Brandon T. Carter (History, ’08) Faculty Mentor: Dr. A. Cash Koeniger, Professor of History

21 No More Quetta Manners: The Social Evolution of the Royal Welch Fusiliers on the Western Front Cadet Gregory E. Lippiatt (History and English, ’09) Faculty Mentor: Dr. Eric W. Osborne, Assistant Professor of History

35 The United States and Pakistan: Allies or Adversaries? Cadet Andrew E. Timpner (History, ’07) Faculty Mentor: Dr. Jason A. Kirk, Assistant Professor of International Studies and Political Science Sciences

49 The Effects of Aromatase Inhibitor 4-hydroxyAndrostenedione and Estrogen Replacement Therapy on the Development of Sensory-Motor Functions in the Zebrafish Cadet Bryan P. Nelson (Biology, ’07) Faculty Mentor: Dr. James E. Turner, Professor of Biology and Chemistry Engineering

63 Emergency Underground Communication Using Seismic Waves Cadet George W. Flathers III (Electrical and Computer Engineering, ’08) and Cadet Jared E. Starin (Electrical and Computer Engineering,’10) Faculty Mentor: Dr. James C. Squire, Associate Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering 71 Thermoacoustic Cooling Stack Prototyping and Design Cadet Paul A. Childrey (Mechanical Engineering,’08) Faculty Mentor: Dr. Jon Michael Hardin, Associate Professor of Mechanical Engineering 79 Modeling Combustion and Flow in the SR-30 Turbojet Engine Cadet Matthew A. Kania (Mechanical Engineering,’07) and Cadet Raevon M. Pulliam, (Mechanical Engineering,’07) Faculty Mentor: Dr. Matthew R. Hyre, Associate Professor of Mechanical Engineering 85 About the Contributing Editors 87 Undergraduate Research at VMI New Horizons ᭜ Volume 2 ᭜ Number 1 ᭜ 2008

From the Executive Editor

or the New Horizons Editorial Board, the past the VMI Summer Undergraduate Research Fyear has been a hectic albeit gratifying one, Institute (SURI) rendered positive feedback from launched by the positive reception of Volume 1 of cadets contemplating submission to New the journal last April and energized by the Horizons as a long-term goal for the presentation ongoing scholarly success of its cadet authors. of their research results. Striving to replicate both in this second issue of We also include excerpts from cadet our journal, we are proud to present the studies testimonies in our poster presentation “New and artwork of eight cadets representing five Horizons: VMI Journal of Undergraduate departments and all three academic divisions of Research. Process to Product and Beyond,” which the Virginia Military Institute. illustrates the multiple phases of writing for The cadet writers and artist whose work publication in our journal. Complete with copies of appears in New Horizons have risen to the reviewers’ comments, marked-up galleys, bluelines, challenge of academic writing and artistic creation and final versions, the poster presentation serves as for publication—meeting countless deadlines and a visual reminder that scholarly publication is, as subjecting their work to the scrutiny of several New Horizons author Casey Grey (Mechanical scholar/reviewers. For many of them, New Engineering, ‘07) pointed out: “ . . . not just a Horizons will be the first academic journal they glorified lab report.” have actually seen cover-to-cover in its original The cross-curricular suggestions for using New form, yet it will stand as public recognition of their Horizons in the classroom constitute the final part undergraduate scholarship and creativity long after of our “Beyond Publication” prototype. In both an their cadetships have ended. effort to cross traditional disciplinary boundaries The scholarly development of cadets through and in the spirit of VMI’s new Core Curriculum, New Horizons, however, is not limited to the our cross-curricular suggestions include several printed and electronic pages of the journal or the interdisciplinary learning activities for each essay individual cadet researchers/artists whose work is in the print edition of the journal. Other activities published in our two editions. With our newest build on the military ethos at VMI and cognitive initiative, the “Beyond Publication Phase,” we are skills such as the development of information endeavoring to extend the influence of the literacy. publication into the classroom and across the VMI Of course, there could exist no “Beyond curriculum. Although we foresee different types of Publication” or publication were it not for cadet pedagogical models for the “Beyond Publication researchers, their mentors, and all the VMI faculty Phase” in the future, our current prototype and staff who have supported the journal with consists of three elements: a poster presentation their insight and expertise. We are indebted to our of the submission/review/publication/beyond fellow faculty members across the VMI Post who publication process for New Horizons, a list of served as both mentors and readers to the cadet/ curricular suggestions for using the published authors, especially to Dr. James Turner, Director essays as learning activities, and a video of the VMI Undergraduate Research Initiative. Our production. The Office of the VMI Undergraduate sincerest thanks go to our colleagues at Roanoke Research Initiative serves as the central repository College and Washington & Lee University who for these materials, where faculty members can graciously served as contributing editors for this check them out as needed. second volume of New Horizons. Following a brief description of the journal’s Lastly, I extend my deepest gratitude to the contents, the New Horizons DVD highlights New Horizons associate editors Alexis Hart, testimonies from the cadet authors, specifically the Robert Humston, and Bob McMasters, whose career and graduate school opportunities that dedication to the journal and uncompromising have directly resulted from the publication of their commitment to excellence never cease to inspire work, as well as their assessment of the overall me. I am honored to serve with them. experience of scholarly inquiry and academic Mary Ann Dellinger writing for publication. The first showing during Executive Editor, New Horizons

New Horizons is published annually through the VMI Undergraduate Research Initiative. For information, contact: [email protected] or Ms. Leslie Joyce, Undergraduate Research, 309 Science Building, VMI, Lexington, VA 24450.

1 New Horizons ᭜ Volume 2 ᭜ Number 1 ᭜ 2008

A Tribute to Charles F. Brower, IV, Ph.D. Brigadier General, US Army (Retired) Dean of VMI Faculty (2001–2008)

n October 31, 2007 as ROTC instructors Without a doubt, Dean Brower’s quest to Odrilled cadets on military procedures, football expand the sphere of academic engagement for players dressed out for practice, and the VMI cadets and his efforts to enhance the profile of academic faculty gathered up the last of their the Institute intersect in his commitment to papers to hurry home to trick and treaters already undergraduate research at VMI. Undeterred by the knocking at their doors, Outlook inboxes chimed inherent challenges of funding the ambitious across the VMI Post, popping up a new message endeavor proposed by Dr. Jim Turner, founder from our dean: “Re: Announcement.” The email and director of the Undergraduate Research announced that our dean, BG Casey Brower, was Initiative (URI), Dean Brower’s championing of resigning his position effective July 1st, 2008. the program proved instrumental in rallying the The mantra “deans come and go” serves as collective enthusiasm of cadets, faculty, alumni, little comfort as we look back on the past seven and the VMI Board of Visitors. Three years after years under Dean Brower’s leadership. Dawn was the URI’s inception, and together with breaking on VMI’s academic renaissance when he Washington & Lee University, VMI co-hosted the assumed his position of Dean of Faculty in 2001. 2005 National Conference of Undergraduate US News & World Report had rated the Institute Research (NCUR) in Lexington. Just a few as the top undergraduate public liberal arts months later, with the ink barely dry on the college, a title VMI would hold for six consecutive NCUR final report, Dean Brower would give the years thereafter. He came to the Institute with directive for a new journal dedicated solely to both a vision and a mission, but he imposed neither cadet research, the publication that came to be on his faculty. Instead, he invited the faculty’s New Horizons. participation, sought their contributions, and The proverbial silver-lining in the end of the earned their support towards the strengthening Brower deanship can be found in his return to and enrichment of VMI’s academic program. teaching—what BG Brower defines as his “true Fueled by the reinvigoration of senior faculty passion.” With his increased presence in the VMI members and especially the incorporation of classroom, as Ensign Andrew Timpner (History young, energetic, junior professor/scholars within ’07) so exquisitely states: “More cadets will have our ranks, a surge of intellectual activity quickly the advantage of the Brower experience.” In the ensued, manifesting itself across the curriculum meantime, we thank him for his spirited and beyond through new academic programs leadership, his commitment to the Institute and initiated under his directive including the Institute the Corps of Cadets, but most of all for his Writing Program, the Institute Honors Program, dedication to the VMI academic program, the and the VMI Undergraduate Research Initiative. legacy that will always define his deanship. We As a result of these initiatives, VMI cadets have welcome him back to the front lines, where we secured patents for their inventions, presented know he will continue to inspire us as our their research findings at international professional colleague as he has as our dean. conferences, co-authored published studies in scholarly journals, and garnered Rhodes (2003), The Editorial Board Goldwater (2007), and Marshall (2008) scholarships, New Horizons: among others. VMI Journal of Undergraduate Research

3 New Horizons ᭜ Volume 2 ᭜ Number 1 ᭜ 2008

Coincidence or Chemistry: The Effects of Civil War Combat on Weather

Cadet Brandon T. Carter Faculty Mentor: Dr. A. Cash Koeniger, Department of History

ABSTRACT Writers, beginning with Civil War combatants themselves, have often noted a link between Civil War combat and weather, but only one truly analytical study has been done on the topic in 140 years. The previous study attributed the cause of post-combat rain to the physical effects of cannonading. This new work postulates a chemical reaction initiated by combusting gunpowder as the explanation for post-combat precipitation. Rain followed many of the major battles of the Civil War and often had huge implications for both armies. Saltpeter, or potassium nitrate, is one of the main components of gunpowder. Since it is an oxidizer, there is a great possibility that upon combustion it can speed up the production of large droplets within clouds. This would cause clouds to rain well before they would have without the intervention of some form of weather modification.

uly 1, 1862, dawned hot and humid in arguably the strongest that McClellan ever Jthe fields east of Richmond, Virginia. held. His engineers set up just under forty Over the course of one week, Confederate cannons across the crest of the hill, along General Robert E. Lee, in his first campaign with two divisions of infantry. Both flanks as commander of the Army of Northern were protected by reserves. Gunboats Virginia, had pressed General George B. provided additional artillery support from the McClellan’s Union army from the outskirts of James. Nearly 80,000 Union troops Richmond almost to Harrison’s Landing, occupied Malvern Hill. The battle, which nearly twenty miles down the James. Only lasted until nightfall, cost each side dearly. six days earlier, Union troops could set their Over 1,000 men were killed outright. The watches by the bells of Richmond’s churches. Confederates had lost 5,650 men killed, Now they were in full retreat, or conducting wounded, or captured in their fruitless a “change of base” as McClellan called it. attacks. The Union army had lost 3,007 The 1st of July would be the last day of troops (Sears, Gates of Richmond 335). fighting in what came to be known as the The day had been a clear-cut Union victory. Seven Days Battles. The scene after the battle was gruesome. The Union position on Malvern Hill was General D.H. Hill famously remarked, “It

7 8 New Horizons / April 2008 was not war – it was murder.” One Union First published in 1871 and issued again in a officer still on the field early on the morning revised edition in 1890, Edward Powers’s of July 2 said of the Confederate casualties War and the Weather contains letters on that “enough were alive and moving to give the subject from forty-two men who the field a singular crawling effect” (qtd. in witnessed the war firsthand, as well as his Sears, Gates of Richmond 337). and various soldiers’ theories as to why Throughout the day on July 1, through the precipitation so often followed battles. These ebb and tide of the Confederate waves of letters are invaluable not only for determining attack, one thing was constant: Union what kind of weather followed battles but artillery fire. Malvern Hill was unusual also for the explanations that their writers because it was one of the few battles of the offered to explain this phenomenon. For entire Civil War in which at least half, if not some, like General McClellan during his more, of an army’s casualties were inflicted retreat to the James, it was an unpleasant due to artillery. Yet early on the morning of nuisance. For others, like Joshua L. July 2, something much less unusual Chamberlain of Maine, it brought some happened—something that had first occurred relief. Chamberlain was wounded a number after the war’s first significant land battle at of times during the war and was left to lie for Big Bethel, Virginia, on June 10, 1861. It periods of time following battles until help was a natural phenomenon that soldiers took arrived. He wrote to Powers that “these rains as a bittersweet occurrence. It was raining. are balm to the fever and anguish of the Lt. Col. William Ogden McDonald, a poor body that is promoted to the ranks of surgeon in General Graham’s brigade of the ‘casualties’” (Powers 152). While it is not Union IV Corps, was understandably tired surprising that precipitation played a after Malvern Hill. He fell asleep by one of significant part in shaping the conduct of the the roads that the Union army would be Civil War, what is remarkable is that Civil taking to its new base on the James River. War soldiers played a significant part in, He was awakened early the next morning by quite literally, triggering the precipitation. the noise of the retreating army. He joined During the Civil War it rained with greater his brigade on their march to Harrison’s frequency—after battles from Pennsylvania to Landing on the James. Soon after, the rain Florida, from Virginia to Louisiana—than can began. It came in torrents. Lt. Col. be attributed to random chance. Rain was McDonald noticed what seemed to be a link even mixed with snow after some fights. Yet between the battle and rain. He observed, despite these remarkable correlations, the “And as was usually the case after a big subject of war and weather has been all but battle it began to rain” (McDonald). He then ignored by scholars since Powers, and his spoke of the quickly deteriorating conditions book all but forgotten. By collecting data of the march: “We marched along for a few from diaries, journals, memoirs, studies of miles thro [sic] the mud and rain” specific battles, and ships’ logs, this paper (McDonald). The Union march to the James builds upon Powers’s and others’ observations would be miserable, but the rain that made it to solidify the theory that the battles and the so was at the same time cleansing the blood weather were closely related. of the dead and dying still on the hill from the sandy Virginia soil. CIVIL WAR BATTLES AND Civil War soldiers frequently made POST-COMBAT RAIN observations like McDonald’s in letters and diaries, and later in memoirs and regimental Precipitation followed battles in all theaters histories. However, since the close of the of the Civil War and at all times of the year. Civil War, only one attempt at a Appendix A documents each Civil War battle comprehensive, analytical study of the effects that was followed by precipitation (within two of combat on weather has been undertaken. days after the end of the fighting). The Carter / Coincidence or Chemistry 9 pattern of combat leading to rain began with The siege of Lexington, Missouri, which the first land battle of the war in June of took place in September of that same year, 1861, and the last occurrence took place is unique in that some Union officers less than two weeks before the end of apparently told their men that continued hostilities. In a few cases (identified on the artillery fire would bring them rain, chart contained in Appendix A), battles were suggesting that some Civil War soldiers saw a fought during rain storms. For the most part, relationship between heavy cannonading and however, rain followed very agreeable weather precipitation. The troops badly needed during combat. Civil War commanders water, and their officers needed all the preferred dry conditions for maneuver and arguments they could muster to encourage fighting. Wet weather impaired the reliability the men to hold out as long as possible. It of black powder, and movement of large did in fact rain on the 17th. The men had no armies over dirt roads or ground turned to buckets with which to catch the water, so mud created quagmires with which they wrung it out of their blankets, according horse-drawn artillery and wagons could to the account of General John McNulta, scarcely deal. who was present at the fighting (Powers As already noted, rain followed the war’s 154). first battle (the minor fight at Big Bethel, Even the world’s first ironclad warship to Virginia); yet the first major battle of the war see combat appears to have had an effect on appears to have had an even greater effect the weather. On March 8, 1862, the CSS on the weather. The First Battle of Manassas Virginia (built out of the hull of the former or Bull Run was fought in Northern Virginia USS Merrimac) ran amuck through on July 21, 1861. The day dawned hot and Hampton Roads, Virginia. Four U.S. vessels clear, and a pitiless sun would both illuminate were sunk or run aground (Sears, Gates of and exacerbate man’s inhumanity to man Richmond 15). The next day, during the until firing ceased late in the afternoon. The famous fight between the Virginia and the battle, which resulted in Confederate victory, USS Monitor, rain set in. Powers received a cost America nearly 5,000 casualties. good deal of this information from one Fred Afterward the Union army resorted to what M. Patrick, a member of the 10th New York came to be known as the “Great Skedaddle,” Volunteers. Mr. Patrick noted in his as Federal soldiers almost literally ran the correspondence with Powers that he had twenty-five miles back to Washington. Both believed since 1861 that cannonading caused Stonewall Jackson and President Jefferson rain. He had even formed his own theory to Davis recognized the opportunity presented explain the matter. He wrote, “It struck me by this Union retreat and hoped to pursue as a curious fact that the amount of rain the demoralized enemy. The Confederates which fell after each battle, seemed to be were exhausted and disorganized from the very nearly in proportion to the amount of day’s fighting, however, and few troops powder that was burnt” (Powers 188). Other actually followed the Union army that night. naval actions were also followed by rainfall. The next morning, Confederate officers Powers found an extremely strong awoke to a heavy rain which would continue connection between combat and rain in throughout the day. Any hope of pressing action along the Mississippi River. He noted the defeated enemy was ended (Davis 244– that nearly any fight of any size along its 45). After the war, some Confederates banks was followed by rain. Among these believed that this was one of the best battles were New Madrid in Missouri, Forts opportunities the South had had to crush the Jackson and St. Philip near New Orleans, Union army and win independence (Alexander engagements near Vicksburg, and four 110). Therefore, on the close of July 22, separate occasions at Island No. 10 (Powers 1861, post-combat rain had made its first 23–30). Also fought in the Western Theater significant impact on the course of the war. was the bloody battle of Shiloh. A Union 10 New Horizons / April 2008 soldier who remembered this engagement on Confederate advantage. Though Jackson was the Tennessee River wrote: “in this case, the constantly on the march in the Valley, Lee’s theory was clearly demonstrated that great back was to his capital with little room to battles bring on copious rains, for it maneuver. That left the movement up to continued to rain for several days, although McClellan, and the swampy terrain of the general tendency of the weather had Eastern Virginia got the best of him. been clear and pleasant” (Miller 35). While the poor weather during the Confrontations in the Red River Campaign Peninsula Campaign was generally more were also followed by precipitation. detrimental to the Union Army, the rain that The spring of 1862 was exceptionally wet fell at the conclusion of the Second Battle of in Virginia. That combat caused such a Manassas had huge implications for both protracted rainy season extending over sides. It began on the night of August 30, several months seems questionable, yet it did 1862, just as hostilities were winding down. appear to influence it, triggering precipitation The rain ended any Confederate hope for a on specific days. This correlation is visible in final blow to U.S. General John Pope’s both Jackson’s Shenandoah Valley Campaign Army of Virginia (Robertson, Stonewall and McClellan’s fruitless adventure up the Jackson 575). Lee ordered Jackson to Virginia Peninsula. Captain N. J. Manning of undertake a roundabout pursuit of the the 23rd Ohio Volunteers noted rain after the defeated enemy. The steady downpour did battles at McDowell and Cross Keys, not let up until 8:00 A.M. on September 1. although McDowell resulted in less than 900 Supply wagons were caught in the mud, and combined casualties—not a large battle by the men were desperate for food (Robertson, any means. Manning also wrote that “the Stonewall Jackson 579). Not long after quantity of rain seemed to be in proportion 4:00 P.M., Confederates from A.P. Hill’s to the amount of artillery firing” (Powers division attacked the Union IX Corps near 187). Rain also followed Winchester and Ox Hill. The rain began anew, again in Port Republic. torrents. Powder was soaked. Hill ordered The Peninsula Campaign was dominated Brigadier General Lawrence Branch to hold by poor weather. It started as early as the the Union men off with the bayonet. Branch capture of Yorktown on May 2. The trend soon responded that his rifles could not be continued with the Battles of Williamsburg, fired, and Hill relayed this information to Seven Pines, Savage’s Station, and of Jackson. Jackson merely replied that the course, Malvern Hill. Roads were nearly Yankee ammunition was wet, too (Robertson, impassable, and the armies made little, if General A.P. Hill 128). Then confusion set any, daily progress. A June 19 letter from in. Men could barely see. Union General G.W. Hasler of the 13th New York to his Philip Kearny became overly excited and uncle, written while encamped near rode forward in the blinding rain. He crossed Mechanicsville, reveals the nearly daily into the lines of the 55th Virginia and was bombardments along the lines near called on to surrender. Instead he turned his Richmond: “I am now writing under a tree in mount and pressed back to his lines as the shade behind a hill the enemy just quickly as the horse could run. It was too opened up a battery on our camp and Mack late; he was killed in the saddle. Kearny was [McClellan] is on top of the hill and I the second Union general to die at Chantilly shouldn’t wonder if they give him a shot.” (Ox Hill), after Isaac Stevens. Even more He then goes on to comment that “the confusion occurred in the Union lines after weather here is awful hot and it rains nearly the deaths of their generals. They pulled every day it may be from the effects of so back after nightfall, but the rain kept the much Cannonading smoke etc” (Hasler). The Confederates from noticing (Robertson, weather that followed those battles in that Stonewall Jackson 581). This was not the eventful spring undoubtedly worked to only disaster caused by the post-combat rain Carter / Coincidence or Chemistry 11 that day. Late in the day, General Lee was of their worst tactical defeats of the war. Lee near his famous horse, Traveller, when was lucky to cross into Virginia with his army someone nearby yelled, and startled intact. Yet the Union failed to follow up the Traveller. Lee reached for the bridle but victory and achieved only a stalemate a few slipped in the mud. He reached out both months later at Mine Run. These hands to break his fall. A bone was fractured disappointments led to the decision to place in one hand, while the other hand was Ulysses Grant above General George Meade to sprained (Dowdey 296; Freeman 243). Two coordinate all Union armies (Furgurson 4–5). days later, the Confederate commander Though it occurred most often, rain was crossed the Potomac to begin his most not the only form of precipitation that important campaign yet, while riding in an followed combat. Snow, sleet, and freezing ambulance. rain occurred in the colder months. Sleet The Battle of Perryville, Kentucky also led came on January 2, 1862, after the Battle of to rain. The battle occurred during General Stones River or Murfreesboro (Tennessee). It Braxton Bragg’s invasion of Kentucky, which did, however, change to rain by the next day was planned to coincide with Lee’s thrust (Cozzens 181). The battle for Fort Donelson into Maryland. Bragg, like Lee, would be lasted from February 13 until February 15 of turned back. The climatic battle, on October 1862. The night of the 13th saw rain, sleet, 8, 1862, occurred during a drought. Powers and snow, while the evening of the 15th informs us that the atmosphere was not witnessed snow (Cooling 147, 200). conducive to a large downpour. Many men According to Union General James Milroy, a wrote about the difficult dry conditions that freezing rain followed the bloody fight at deprived both soldiers and animals of water. Franklin, also in Tennessee, on November Yet despite the arid conditions, the battle 30, 1864 (Powers 157). Precipitation was to was followed by a significant rain. On fall after combat, no matter the temperature. this occasion, a severe drought surprisingly Of course, some post-combat rain could be ended following a large Civil War battle coincidence. But it occurred far too (Powers 40). frequently to be dismissed so easily. One Less surprisingly, however, is the fact that would expect to find that combat continued one of the greatest rains followed one of the to influence weather in the second half of the most significant battles of the Civil War. The Civil War, and Appendix A confirms that this rains following Gettysburg nearly claimed is the case.1 The annual precipitation Lee’s army and contributed to the decision to averages of the battlefield areas also elevate Grant to U.S. general-in-chief. The demonstrate the correspondence between Battle of Gettysburg was the culmination of Civil War battles and the subsequent wet Lee’s last large offensive into northern weather. territory. The battle—fought from July 1st The National Oceanic and Atmospheric through 3rd in 1863—cost America over Agency has kept daily rainfall and snowfall 50,000 casualties. Rain began on the night records for many cities for as far back as the of the 3rd and did not let up until the 5th, 1890’s. Though these records do not date to causing the Potomac River to flood. Lee the Civil War, it is reasonable to assume that reached the Potomac on July 7 and quickly the weather patterns of today’s United States realized that a crossing at that time was not are not extremely different from those of the feasible. He deployed his army in a defensive Civil War era. Appendix B contains a partial position and waited for a Union attack. The list of those records that are relevant to the Confederates were not able to cross for locations of Civil War battlefields. For example, nearly a week, but they finally returned to the Manassas, Virginia area witnessed at the Old Dominion on the night of the 13th. least four major Civil War battles: First and Lee’s army was at a low point. Jackson was Second Manassas, Ox Hill (Chantilly), and gone, and the Confederates had suffered one Bristoe Station. All four were either followed 12 New Horizons / April 2008 by or fought during rain. In the order stated, proponents of cloud seeding. In fact, that these battles occurred in July, August, country has undertaken an effort to seed September, and October. Precipitation clouds prior to the 2008 Summer Olympics histories have been kept at the Washington in an effort to “rain the clouds out” before National Airport for sixty-five years. The the games begin, and also to aid in cleaning airport is only about twenty-five miles from the air of China’s extremely polluted capital Manassas, so it is reasonable to assume that city. the weather at the two locations is similar. In Every year millions of dollars are spent on this general area, the month of July averages weather modification for agricultural reasons only nine days of rainfall. Thus, the odds of as well. For example, some farmers have rain would be nine out of thirty-one, or implemented methods to turn hail into rain roughly 29 percent. Nine days of rain is also in an effort to prevent damage to their the average for August, again 29 percent. crops. Hail cannons create shockwaves The average in September is eight, or just through the use of acetylene gas. The under 26 percent. In October it rains on shockwaves are intended to break up hail average only seven days, less than in any of within clouds, thus causing rain and the other twelve months. October’s rainfall preventing crop damage. Currently, percentage calculates as less than 23 however, hail cannons are extremely costly, percent. In other words, it rains less than and their effectiveness is questionable. one out of every four days in October in What I have discovered through my Washington, D. C. and Northern Virginia. research is that these modern weather Yet 100 percent of the major Civil War modification techniques are closely related to battles fought in this area produced or at the accidental weather modification that least preceded rain. Although more occurred during the Civil War. investigation is needed pending a definitive Powers offers a number of possible conclusion, the percentage of major Civil explanations or theories concerning why War battles that were followed by rain battles induced precipitation. Most center on appears to be far greater than one should the effects of the vibrations or concussion of expect from the percentage of average daily cannon fire, not the chemical makeup of rainfall in their respective locations (NOAA). black powder. He begins by describing the work of another scientist, a “Professor Espy.” Espy believed that large fires could THEORIES FOR create rain. He wrote that an ascending POST-COMBAT RAIN column of air created a vacuum, drawing in adjacent air. Then, according to Espy’s Since the late nineteenth century, no study theory, water vapor condensed as the rising, has compared combat and weather, but the expanding air cooled. Therefore, Espy idea of weather modification is not new. concluded, a large fire could heat the air and Many meteorologists have performed cause it to ascend. Powers noted that a experiments with clouds in hopes that similar process occurs when moist Pacific air someday man will be able to control the currents (which move from west to east in frequency and amount of precipitation. the Northern Hemisphere) strike the Sierra Compounds have been discovered that are Nevada Mountains. The lower, warmer capable of “seeding” clouds, artificially current rises and is then pressed into the causing rain. One such procedure is the cooler current above, causing a storm. practice of seeding clouds with the Meteorologists today call this natural compound silver iodide. Silver iodide is a salt phenomenon “adiabatic cooling.” Farther with a crystalline structure that can induce inland too, the air over North America freezing, which is used for cloud seeding, or (which moves eastward from the Pacific) is rainmaking. China is one of the main warm and contains a large amount of water Carter / Coincidence or Chemistry 13 vapor. Above this equatorial current, there is short article contains remarks on the weather a colder current known as the polar current. of the preceding month, predictions for the When portions of the polar and equatorial month to come, and, more importantly, an currents mix together, it rains (Powers 87–90). explanation for the extremely localized rains Powers believed that concussion from that followed the Battle of Gettysburg. cannon fire could cause such a mixing of air During those early days of July, rain caused currents (Powers 93). He explains that loud the Kanawha, Potomac, and Beaver Rivers sounds cause concussions capable of to rise. The water level of the Monongahela, breaking windows or even causing “the however, changed very little. The writer bodies of drowned persons to rise to the offers this theoretical explanation: surface of the water.”2 According to Powers’s theory, a current of air, when On the three days battle of Gettysburg, 1st, struck by such a concussion, would bend 2d, and 3d inst., there were slight showers in upward. The rise of one current would shift this region, but more than usual sunshine, the lower air current into the upper air while on the Potomac, at and after that time, current. Once these currents settled, they there were very heavy and copious rains. would mix, Powers reasoned, and rain would The concussion of the effected vacuum in the atmosphere, into which the clouds settled result (93–95). at the top of the mountains, pushed and Another possible mechanism that Powers deprived the Monongahela of her share of considered involved fog. From many of the water. For two or three days the sun letters he received from the men who fought, exhibited a rich appearance at meridian. As Powers found that fog often set in very near this can only be by smoke, I infer that the the close of a battle. He postulated that smoke of the battle was driven by east and concussion may have caused the south east winds to settle at the top of the condensation of aqueous vapor, creating fog. mountains. If concussion actually did condense the water vapor of a current, Powers speculated, it Here, another observer offers concussion as might change the motion of the current. a cause for post-combat rain. Through condensation, heat would evolve, However, this report is even more and that current would rise. The warmer significant for a different reason: it further current would then mix with the cooler one illustrates the point that most of the rains above. A circular motion would be started that followed battles were confined to rather and the current would gain strength. This small areas surrounding the battlefields circular action would continue to accelerate themselves. Pittsburgh is a mere 150 miles until rain was formed (95–96). west of Gettysburg. It is reasonable to say Though Powers is the only person to have that any storm of the magnitude that hit done a full-length study of the subject, other Gettysburg after the battle should have contemporaries often offered their opinions passed through the Pittsburgh vicinity. But on post-combat rain. George Albnee (spelling according to Pittsburgh’s weather records, is possibly incorrect, as handwriting is nearly this was not the case. The rain following illegible) of Pittsburgh did some amateur Gettysburg was localized. The writer of the meteorological work pertaining to Gettysburg. news article does indicate slight showers in On July 27, 1863, he mailed daily weather Southwestern Pennsylvania in the first week charts to the Smithsonian Institution to of July, but none that compares to those that document the current and historic weather of plagued Lee’s retreat from Gettysburg. Even Pittsburgh. Attached to these charts in the if the combat at Gettysburg did not create National Archives is an excerpt from what rain on its own, it at least enhanced a weak can be assumed to be a Pittsburgh storm into one that the Army of Northern newspaper. The author is unidentified, but it Virginia would forever remember. may very well have been Albnee himself. The Admittedly, not all significant Civil War 14 New Horizons / April 2008 battles were followed by rain. Fair weather my own theory about the relationship came after Wilson’s Creek, Ball’s Bluff, between Civil War combat and the Cedar Mountain, Richmond (Kentucky), precipitation that often followed. Civil War South Mountain, Iuka, Corinth, Chickamauga, gunpowder contained three main components: Olustee, the Wilderness, Piedmont, Kennesaw charcoal, sulfur, and saltpeter, or potassium Mountain, Brice’s Cross Roads, Monocacy, nitrate. Potassium nitrate is an oxidizer used the Crater, Cedar Creek, and Five Forks. in cloud seeding to cause ice nuclei within Why did precipitation not follow these clouds to absorb moisture and create cloud battles? The relative absence of artillery droplets faster. Similar salts are used to offers one possible explanation. Rains nearly create large cloud droplets, which accelerate always followed large battles that employed the precipitation of “warm rain.” In other large amounts of artillery fire. More research, words, these oxidizers are used to “hurry up” however, is needed to determine the the process, causing a cloud to rain before it magnitude of battery fire in most of these normally would (Boe). “dry” battles. Another possible reason for the The next step in my research is to lack of post-combat rain in these cases could complete the stoichiometry for the reaction be that the clouds over the battlefields at the of the firing of gunpowder. If it can be time had already lost much of their moisture. proven that a salt is formed from the Rain cannot fall if there is not enough combustion of gunpowder, which is likely, condensed vapor within the clouds. The final black powder could produce hygroscopic nuclei. This would speed the formation of explanation could simply be that there were large cloud droplets, which in turn would no clouds at all over the battlefields at the speed the fall of precipitation. If a salt is time of these battles. While Civil War combat formed from the combustion of black could have had an effect on existing clouds powder, then it is nearly certain that Civil to cause rain, it could not have produced War rifle and especially cannon fire caused moisture from clear skies, since there would rain to fall on or near the area of the have been no readily available form of fighting. This linkage, if confirmed, should precipitation nearby. resolve a mystery unexplained for the past century and a half. CONCLUSION ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Throughout this paper, I have revealed that precipitation followed many Civil War This project began as a mere passing battles and that the war’s participants were thought. That idea has turned into a full aware of that phenomenon. Many soldiers length study that, while still a work in and other observers even put in writing their progress pending additional research, comes beliefs that the two were related. In the first nearer and nearer to completion. There are study of the relationship between combat a few people who were extremely and precipitation, Edward Powers offered instrumental in getting it from its inception to some theories about post-combat rain in where it is now. My co-workers at the order to help farmers during times of Richmond National Battlefield Park and Mr. drought and flooding. Powers, however, Robert K. Krick of Fredericksburg, Virginia, based his study on the concussion of cannon, were crucial in directing me to numerous not on the chemical makeup of black sources on precipitation and combat. Janet powder. After over a century of technological Holly and Megan Newman of VMI’s Preston advancement, we can now offer new theories Library provided assistance with a variety of to explain this phenomenon. materials relevant to my study. I received Based upon my research, I have developed invaluable help from the scientific community Carter / Coincidence or Chemistry 15 through researchers like Dr. Bruce Boe of NOTES Weather Modification, Inc. Finally, I come to 1 The space constraints of this journal article preclude my mentor, Dr. Cash Koeniger. Dr. systematic treatment of Civil War battles after Koeniger has been my guide at every step of Gettysburg. However, the author hopes to revisit these subjects in a subsequent publication. the way. I am fortunate to have had 2 someone with as much experience as he has Mark Twain mentions this phenomenon in The Adventures of Tom Sawyer. to walk me through the research process and to share with me his interpretive and editorial insights as the paper took shape. It is APPENDIX because of him more than anyone that Chart A documents the weather conditions hopefully I can now lay this mystery to rest corresponding to major Civil War battles and after 140 years of uncertainty. those of the two days following each.

Chart A

Weather Day Weather Day Weather Two Days Name of Battle of Battle after Battle After Battle 1. Big Bethel, VA N/A Heavy rain N/A June 10, 1861 2. Rich Mountain, WV N/A Heavy rain Possibly heavy rain July 10, 1861 3. First Manassas, VA Hot, rain late in day Heavy rain N/A July 21, 1861 4. Carnifex Ferry, WV N/A Rain N/A September 10, 1861 5. Cheat Mountain, WV N/A Rain N/A September 12–15, 1861 6. Lexington, MO (17th) Rain N/A N/A September 13–20, 1861 7. Greenbrier River, WV N/A Rain N/A October 3, 1861 8. Near Fort Pickens, FL Evening storm N/A N/A November 22, 1861 9. Camp Allegheny, WV N/A Rain N/A December 13, 1861 10. Roanoke Island, NC (7th) Clear morning, Rain until noon N/A February 7–8, 1862 rainy night (8th) Rain 11. Fort Donelson, TN (13th) Cold turning to N/A N/A February 13–15, 1862 rain, sleet, and snow (14th) Cold (15th) Cold, night snow 12. Pea Ridge, AR (7th) Clear and Cold Rain N/A March 6–8, 1862 (8th) Cold 13. Hampton Roads, VA (8th) Clear and cool N/A N/A March 8–9, 1862 (9th) Rain 14. New Madrid, MO Rain late in the night N/A N/A March 13, 1862 15. New Bern, NC Fair Rain N/A March 14, 1862 16. Island No. 10, MO/TN (April 4) Night rain (March 18) Rain N/A (four separate occasions) (April 4) Morning rain March 17; April 3, 4, 7, 1862 (April 8) Morning rain 17. Shiloh, TN (6th) Clear day, night rain (7th) Late night rain, hail, N/A April 6–7, 1862 sleet 16 New Horizons / April 2008

Chart A (continued)

Weather Day Weather Day Weather Two Days Name of Battle of Battle after Battle After Battle 18. Ft. Jackson and St. Clear Morning rain N/A Philip, LA 19. Fort Macon, NC (25th) Clear until N/A N/A April 25–26, 1862 evening, cloudy at 6 PM (26th) Rainy afternoon 20. Williamsburg, VA Rain day and night Clear N/A May 5, 1862 21. McDowell, VA Probably clear Probably light rain N/A May 8, 1862 22. Seven Pines, VA Fair Morning drizzle, Night thunderstorms May 31–June 1, 1862 evening downpour 23. Cross Keys, VA Night rain N/A N/A June 8, 1862 24. Secessionville, SC N/A Rain N/A June 16, 1862 25. Gaines’ Mill, VA Clear and warm Night rains Night rains June 27, 1862 26. Savage’s Station, VA Late heavy rains Very early rains Clear and hot June 29, 1862 27. Malvern Hill, VA Clear and hot Heavy rain Night rains July 1, 1862 28. Cedar Mountain, VA Hot Rain N/A August 9, 1862 29. Second Manassas, VA Hot, rain begins night of 30th Rain Afternoon rain August 28–30, 1862 30. Ox Hill, VA Heavy rain N/A N/A September 1, 1862 31. Antietam, MD Clear Evening rain N/A September 17, 1862 32. Perryville, KY Clear, in midst of drought Rain N/A October 8, 1862 33. Prairie Grove, AR Clear and dry Morning rain N/A December 7, 1862 34. Fredericksburg, VA Foggy morning, clear later Probably fair Night rain December 13, 1862 35. Stones River, TN (31st) Mist Night rain Rain December 31–January 2, 1862 (1st) Cold (2nd) Cold, noon sleet 36. Chancellorsville, VA Clear Rain N/A May 1–4, 1863 (4th) Night rain 37. Raymond, MS N/A N/A Rain May 12, 1863 38. Vicksburg, MS (May 22, 27, 28, 31) Rain N/A N/A May 18–July 4, 1863 (June 10, 15, 16, 23, 24) Rain 39. Port Hudson, LA (May 29) Rain N/A N/A May 22–July 9, 1863 (June 11) Heavy rain (June 16) Rain (June 28) Rain 40. Brandy Station, VA Night rain N/A N/A June 9, 1863 41. Gettysburg, PA Hot and clear Heavy rain Heavy rain July 1–3, 1863 (3rd) Night rain 42. Fort Wagner, SC Clear morning, night rain Early morning rain N/A July 18, 1863 Carter / Coincidence or Chemistry 17

Chart A (continued)

Weather Day Weather Day Weather Two Days Name of Battle of Battle after Battle After Battle 43. Bristoe Station, VA Clear N/A Heavy rain October 14, 1863 44. Missionary Ridge, TN Fair Rain N/A November 25, 1863 45. Mine Run, VA (28th) Rain N/A N/A November 26–December 2, 1863 46. Spotsylvania CH, VA (10th) Night rain N/A N/A May 8–21, 1864 (11–13th) Intermittent heavy rain 47. New Market, VA Heavy rain Light rain N/A May 15, 1864 48. Drewry’s Bluff II, VA Evening rain N/A Rain May 16, 1864 49. North Anna River, VA (23rd) Clear Intermittent rain N/A May 23–24, 1864 (24th) Clear morning, PM rain 50. Dallas, GA Fair Rain N/A May 28, 1864 51. Haw’s Shop, VA Night rain N/A N/A May 28, 1864 52. Cold Harbor, VA (31st) Clear N/A N/A May 31–June 12, 1864 (2nd) Evening/ night rain (3rd) Morning/ night rain 53. Second Kernstown, VA Fair and dry Rain N/A July 24, 1864 54. Mobile Bay, AL (5, 8, 10, 11th) Rain N/A N/A August 2–25, 1864 55. Globe Tavern, VA (18th) Night rain N/A N/A August 18–21, 1864 (21st) Night rain 56. Berryville, VA (3rd) Rain Rain Rain September 3–4, 1864 (4th) Rain 57. Chaffin’s Farm, VA (29th) Night rain Evening rain N/A September 29–30, 1864 (30th) Night rain 58. Peeble’s Farm, VA N/A Afternoon rain N/A October 2, 1864 59. Boydton Plank Road, VA N/A Evening heavy rains N/A October 27, 1864 60. Franklin, TN Cold Rain to sleet N/A November 30, 1864 61. Nashville, TN Cold Heavy rain/ freezing Heavy rain/ freezing December 15–16, 1864 rain rain 62. Fort Fisher, NC (12th) Clear Rain N/A January 12–15, 1865 (13th) Hail (14th) Cloudy, then clear (15th) Fair 63. Hatcher’s Run, VA (7th) Snow N/A N/A February 5–7, 1865 64. Bentonville, NC (19th) Clear Morning rain N/A March 19–21, 1865 (20th) Clear (21st) Rain

Chart B details the average monthly resources. This data dates back at least thirty weather of the locations of the war’s biggest years, and in most cases, much more. The battles. The data is from the National Oceanic data is taken from the NOAA reporting and Atmospheric Agency’s online weather location nearest the cited battlefield. 18 New Horizons / April 2008

Chart B

Average Days Percentage Name of Battle Month of Battle of Precipitation for Precipitation 1. First Manassas July 9 29% 2. Fort Donelson February 10 36% 3. Pea Ridge March 9 29% 4. Shiloh April 9 30% 5. Seven Pines May–June 10, 9 32%, 30% 6. Gaines’ Mill June 9 30% 7. Malvern Hill July 11 35% 8. Second Manassas August 8 26% 9. Ox Hill September 8 27% 10. Antietam September 8 27% 11. Perryville October 8 26% 12. Fredericksburg December 9 29% 13. Stones River Dec–Jan 10, 11 32%, 35% 14. Chancellorsville May 10 32% 15. Gettysburg July 10 32% 16. Bristoe Station October 7 23% 17. Chattanooga November 8 27% 18. Spotsylvania May 10 32% 19. Cold Harbor May–June 10, 9 32%, 30% 20. Franklin November 9 30% 21. Nashville December 10 32% 22. Bentonville March 10 32%

WORKS CITED AND CONSULTED Hennesy, John J. Return to Bull Run. New York: Simon, 1993. Albnee, George. Letter to John. 27 July 1863. Hess, Earl J., and Shea, William L. Pea Ridge: National Archives. College Park, Maryland. Civil War Campaign in the West. Chapel Alexander, Edward Porter. Ed. Gary W. Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1992. Gallagher. Fighting for the Confederacy. Hughes, Nathaniel Cheairs, Jr. Bentonville: The Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1989. Final Battle of Sherman and Johnston. Boe, Bruce. Personal Correspondence with Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1996. Author. 2007. McDonald, William Ogden. Personal Diary. 2 July Cooling, Benjamin Franklin. Forts Henry and 1862, Lib. of Congress. Washington, D.C. Donelson: The Key to the Confederate Miller, Charles Dana. Ed. Stewart Bennett and Heartland. Knoxville: U of Tennessee P, Barbara Tillery. The Struggle for the Life of 1987. the Republic: A Civil War Narrative by Cozzens, Peter. No Better Place to Die. Urbana: Brevet Major Charles Dana Miller, 76th Ohio U of Illinois P, 1990. Volunteer Infantry. Kent: Kent State UP, Daniel, Larry J. Shiloh: The Battle that Changed 2004. the Civil War. New York: Simon, 1997. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Agency Davis, William C. Battle at Bull Run. Baton National Data Center, Mean Number of Days Rogue: Louisiana State UP, 1981. with Precipitation 0.01 Inch or More. May Dowdey, Clifford. Lee. Gettysburg: Stan Clark, 2007. 14 July 2007. Freeman, Douglass Southall. R. E. Lee. Abridged Noe, Kenneth. Perryville: This Grand Havoc of by Richard Harwell. New York: Touchstone, Battle. Lexington: UP of Kentucky, 2001. 1997. Powers, Edward. War and the Weather.2nd ed. Furgurson, Ernest B. Not War but Murder. New Delavan: E. Powers, 1890. York: Knopf, 2000. Rhea, Gordon C. Battle of the Wilderness, May Hasler, G.W. Letter. 19 June 1862. Richmond 5–6, 1864. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, National Battlefield Park. Richmond, Virginia. 1994. Carter / Coincidence or Chemistry 19

——. To the North Anna River: Grant and Lee, Sears, Stephen W. Chancellorsville. Boston: May 13–25, 1864. Baton Rouge: Louisiana Houghton, 1996. State UP, 2000. ——. Gettysburg. Boston: Houghton, 2003. ——. Cold Harbor: Grant and Lee, May 26– ——. To the Gates of Richmond. New York: June 3, 1864. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Ticknor & Fields, 1992. UP, 2002. Robertson, James I., Jr. General A.P. Hill: The Trudeau, Noah Andre. Bloody Roads South: The Story of a Confederate Warrior. New York: Wilderness to Cold Harbor, May–June 1864. Vintage, 1992. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 2000. ——. Stonewall Jackson: The Man, the Soldier, Twain, Mark. The Adventures of Tom Sawyer. the Legend. New York: Macmillan, 1997. New York: Harper, 1903. New Horizons ᭜ Volume 2 ᭜ Number 1 ᭜ 2008

No More Quetta Manners: The Social Evolution of the Royal Welch Fusiliers on the Western Front

Cadet Gregory E. Lippiatt Faculty Mentor: Dr. Eric W. Osborne, Department of History

ABSTRACT The Great War of 1914–1918 had a profound transformational effect on many aspects of British military life, from battlefield tactics to materiel production. One of the most significant of these changes was the effect of the war on the social demographics and relationships of the soldiers, both enlisted men and officers. The personal memoirs and official regimental records of those who served with the Royal Welch Fusiliers describe in detail this transformation. The attritional nature of the conflict served as a great leveller, and much of the elitism and social stratification of the pre-war army gave way to a more common and egalitarian organisation. The expansion and democratisation of the Royal Welch Fusiliers (as a microcosm of the British Army) in the First World War would drastically affect the unit’s composition and nature of operation as it evolved from a colonial police force and became a modern military machine.

INTRODUCTION recognised themselves—much larger and consequently less exclusive—as they left the The regiments of the British Army that trenches in 1918. The Great War and the participated in the great struggle of 1914– social aspects surrounding it seem to sit 1918 demonstrate well the transitional role awkwardly on the cusp of the mechanised of the First World War in military and social twentieth century, out of place both with the history. Accustomed to serving as the age from which they were born and those punitive arm for preserving order in the which they would usher in. The Royal Welch Empire (in the case of Regular Battalions) or Fusiliers document these changes well, given defending the British Isles from insurrection the large volume of post-war memoirs or foreign invasion (as in the case of the written by regimental alumni. The famous Territorial Force), the unforeseen length and war poets Robert Graves and Siegfried nature of the European conflict forced the Sassoon both served as Special Reserve small, traditional, volunteer army to adapt if officers in the Regular Battalions of the it was to survive, much less conquer. As a regiment and published accounts of their result, the regiments that set out across the service years later, as did Private Frank English Channel in 1914 would not have Richards. Along with the official Regimental

21 22 New Horizons / April 2008

Records, these sources provide an excellent especially at the higher levels of command, comprehensive view of life in the Royal in which arms rivalries, promotions based Welch Fusiliers (especially in the Regular on favouritism and removals based on Battalions). The proud pre-war service and vindictiveness predominated; sinecure involvement of the Fusiliers in almost all commands and absentee commanders were major actions and developments in the not uncommon; and suggestions from junior British sector of the war make it an ideal officers contrary to the thinking of their case study of the ways in which units of the superiors were not tolerated (Travers 26–27). British Army adapted to the difficulties they Unfortunately, those middle and junior faced over the course of their experience on officers (such as those in the Royal Welch the Western Front. During the Great War, Fusiliers) were the ones “working hard to the social structures and customs of the catch [the army] up with reality” (Travers Royal Welch Fusiliers underwent a marked 23), despite the reluctance of their evolution as a result of their need to shift—as commanders, who remained tied to their a unit—from an Edwardian colonial police traditional social structures. force to a modern military machine capable Even the assignment of individual officers of fighting a total war on the Continent. to their regiments (at least in the Regular Battalions), both before and (to a lesser THE OFFICERS extent) during the war, reflected this personalised structure. Indeed, the These changes to the social status quo officer-regiment pairing process more closely ante were perhaps most visible among the resembles a university freshman’s application officers. While many in the army for an exclusive fraternity bid than any establishment had begun to recognise, even judicious and efficient allocation of military before the war, the need to re-evaluate personnel. In fact, the War Office—though accepted tactical doctrine, noted historian the ultimate practical arbiter on the granting Timothy Travers claims that “growing of a commission—had little ability to compel pressure to professionalize the British officer a regiment to admit a candidate it found came up against an officer corps whose undesirable. A candidate’s application to a members often favoured reform, but whose particular regiment was judged to some attitudes and ethos remained essentially extent on his personal abilities and traditional” (4–5). Even so, historian Edward achievements, but his social and financial M. Spiers notes that avenues of reform were positions also weighed heavily. In many of implemented before the war that managed to the more exclusive regiments, an officer avoid upsetting the semi-feudal nature of candidate required outside income in order to army organisation and practice: maintain the social and sporting obligations To improve professionally, the army had expected of an officer (even a junior one) of neither changed its social composition nor his station. Family connections or an developed closer links with the rest of established relationship with a more senior society. It had developed a new sense of officer in the desired regiment were also professionalism by the prescription and important, but could be overcome by practice of training and tactical skills which exceptional performance at Sandhurst or seemed more relevant to the altered Woolwich1 (Simpson 66). Siegfried Sassoon conditions of warfare. (48–49) managed to secure a Special Reserve However, these reforms primarily affected commission to the Royal Welch Fusiliers the immediate tactical situation on the through the reference of a family friend who battlefield, rather than the way in which the had once served with the regiment and who, command structure operated. Much of this in turn, had a former comrade whose reform was dictated by the personal, rather nephew was currently adjutant (Fox-Hunting than professional, nature of the officer corps, Man 306–07). Usually, however, a candidate Lippiatt / No More Quetta Manners 23 had to sit for an interview with the Guard” worked hard, sometimes to the point regimental commander and pass the of absurdity, to maintain the standards and assessment of the other officers (Simpson traditions of such a distinguished unit. 66–67). The Royal Welch Fusiliers, as an Such rigorous entrance rituals reflected old, socially elite regiment with a long and only one aspect of the Royal Welch Fusiliers’ proud history and the king himself for their history as an old, exceptional, and proud Colonel-in-Chief, sat on the high end of the regiment. At 29, the Royal Welch held the pecking order of regimental prestige and most battle-honours of any continuous single practised a very exclusive selection process two-battalion regiment in the British Army at when it came to regular commissions the beginning of the war (Graves 82), (Simpson 66). However, as the war made including most of the greatest victories in large numbers of new officers a necessity, British military history (Cary 258, 315; such tortuous procedures became inconvenient Graves 83, 90). The regiment’s only disaster and ridiculous, as candidates were desperately had been at the Siege of Yorktown during required to fill the officer complements of the American War of Independence, in continually depleted battalions. which Robert Graves claims the original Even so, social elitism did not end once “Tommy Atkins”2 served as a Royal Welch the officer arrived at his new regiment. For Fusilier (Graves 83). When offered the roughly his first six months, he was subjected opportunity to become the Welsh Guards to the same sort of social degradation and after the Boer War, it was proudly refused, exclusion that he had most likely experienced as it would mean becoming the junior regiment in his first years of public school or the Royal of the Guards (Graves 88), which belied the Military Academy. After being humiliated in Royal Welch Fusiliers’s consideration of the mess and ignored by the other officers of themselves as second to none. the regiment, he would eventually either be Aside from the illustrious Regimental Goat, accepted or shunned for the rest of his the physical focal point of the regiment’s career with that unit (Simpson 66–67). As pride lay in the flash, a distinctive collection late as 1915, Robert Graves’s arrival to the of five dove-tailed black ribbons which hung 2nd Royal Welch Fusiliers began with a from the back of the collar. During the war, briefing on the social conservatism and officers and warrant-officers wore the flash snobbery of the battalion from a Special on service dress, despite Army Council Reserve lieutenant of the East Surrey regulations confining its display to the scarlet Regiment “contemptuously known as ‘the uniforms of peacetime. Originally a regulation Surrey-man’” (Graves 124). Graves’s own accessory of all British uniforms for tying the reception by the battalion at that evening’s end of the queue in the eighteenth and early Battalion Mess (itself a carry-over from nineteenth centuries, the 1st Royal Welch pre-war practice; during the war most Fusiliers had been posted overseas to Nova battalions messed by company) was equally Scotia when it was abolished, and had not rude. Junior officers did not speak above a received the order. When they returned to whisper at mess, and were forbidden whiskey. England still wearing the flash in 1834, Furthermore, the battalion commander and King William IV granted its wear to them executive officer humiliated him in front of as a unique and distinctive mark of pride the entire Mess for a minor uniform to be worn by officers and men in inconsistency from his time attached to the recognition of their service in the Napoleonic Welch Regiment (Graves 125–28). The curious Wars (Cary 403–05; Graves 84–85). Another survival of such conservative peacetime social distinguishing and fiercely guarded oddity of habits is perhaps explained by the unusual the regiment lay in its spelling of “Welch.” fact that the 2nd Royal Welch Fusiliers was This spelling was only officially recognised by still filled in 1915 almost exclusively by the Army Council after the war, but was regular officers (Simpson 79). This “Old used by the regiment throughout. Graves 24 New Horizons / April 2008 claims that it “referred us somehow to the mindset found its indoctrination in the British archaic North Wales of Henry Tudor and public school system. The personal nature of Owen Glendower and Lord Herbert of the pre-war officer corps and its reliance on Cherbury, the founder of the Regiment; it the gentlemanly class for its candidates dissociated us from the modern North Wales resulted in the majority of officers in the of chapels, Liberalism, the dairy and drapery Regular Army being public school graduates. business, slate mines, and the tourist trade” Many schools hosted cadet corps, which rose (Graves 85–86). It is sadly ironic that the in popularity after the Boer War and experience of the Royal Welch Fusiliers in provided a base level of training before the Great War reflects the transition from officer-hopefuls applied for a place at “archaic” to “modern” Wales, as the Owen Sandhurst or a commission in the Special Glendowers of the Old Army disappeared Reserve. Team games, which dominated the and had their ranks filled by the slate miners recreational life of public schools, also made of the New. graduates attractive to the army, not only as As the war raged on, many (though a result of the physical fitness they certainly not all) traditions faded away with encouraged, but also because of the moral the regular officers that enforced them, as “virtues” they instilled (Spiers 41–42). Public they had already in the First Battalion, which school culture infused its pupils with a strong had been devastated early in the war at the sense of acceptance and obedience to First Battle of Ypres and had lost many established authority, group loyalty, anti– high-ranking officers (Dudley Ward 94–95). intellectualism, and an emphasis on individual But as late as April 1917, Siegfried Sassoon character. Such values discouraged criticism found a cold reception when he became of the status quo, elevated particular “heroic” executive officer of a company in the Second personalities, and threw up other barriers to Battalion (after having served since 1915 retard reform (Travers 5). It is also possible with the First Battalion). His company that the traditional competition found between commander, a pre-war Special Reserve public school houses helped to foster the officer, enjoyed the idea of humiliating and environment that produced the arms rivalries ostracising subalterns (called “warts” in the and colonial service “rings” that plagued the Royal Welch Fusiliers). While not as harsh as pre-war command staff. The public school the earlier (and higher-ranking) officers had experience is even reflected in the official been to Graves, Sassoon’s company reports of officers throughout the war, as commander still treated him with decided they likened battles—and the war itself—to a contempt for his first few weeks with the schoolboy tussle through the use of such battalion (Sassoon, Infantry Officer 184– language as “shaking,”“rattling,”“thumping,” 85). It was also made unequivocally clear to and “beating” to describe the effects of their Graves that he, as a Special Reserve officer engagements (Travers 50). This blind serving in a Line Battalion, should not expect devotion to group dynamics and the inability any recommendations for decoration, as to see reality beyond that which their school these honours were for regular soldiers of indoctrination allowed would characterise the the regiment. Graves claims that almost British officers’ outlook (especially at the without exception this limitation proved true higher levels) throughout the war. (88–89), though Sassoon was awarded the The public schools that bred the regular Military Cross while with the First Battalion officer corps were only one aspect, though a (Sassoon, Infantry Officer 70). It seems that crucial one, of the entire traditional society the social snobbery of the pre-war Regular which the army reflected. Indeed, Travers Army establishment was much harder to kill attributes the resistance of many officers to than the men who constantly refilled their structural reform to “a simple desire to battalions after each disaster. perpetuate the privileges and attractions of Much of this pre-war traditional officer the late Victorian and Edwardian army, with Lippiatt / No More Quetta Manners 25 its pleasant life, social networks and institutions, or alternatively went direct to his traditional ideals” (27). Most of the officer regiment, he had already acquired the corps was drawn from traditional sources, necessary social and moral qualities thought such as military families, the gentry, and necessary for an officer and gentleman and some middle-class civilian professions. Very thus a military leader. (Simpson 65) few came from commercial or industrial backgrounds. There are several reasons for Such qualities were enough, to the traditional this trend. Military families naturally inspired mindset, for one to be an effective leader. or pressured their sons to carry on the Not only were such upper and upper-middle tradition of their fathers. Some in the landed class values seen as necessary for leadership, gentry belonged to the nouveaux riches who but there also existed a strong belief that the had achieved their prosperity in more soldiers in the ranks—mostly drawn from the commercial interests and had subsequently lower and lower middle classes—would moved onto land vacated by aristocratic resent being officered by non-gentlemanly families with declining fortunes over the last members of their own social stratum century. Having sons with respectable (Simpson 65). To the prevailing social careers in the officer corps of the Regular concept of the army establishment, only Army gave these newcomers an opportunity gentlemen could be officers because only to gentle their social condition to match their gentlemen, by definition, possessed the wealth. Finally, the field sports sponsored by qualities necessary for military leadership. regimental officer society appealed greatly to Thus the homogenous composition of the the gentry, who relished such pursuits (Spiers officer corps in part achieved the desire of a 39–41). This predilection for country sports nostalgic preservation of “the way things continued throughout the war, most were.” For better or for worse, the officers of prominently in the Second Battalion. As late the British Army “reflected Edwardian as August 1917, Major Poore (an officer of society, with its good and bad points, its class the Second Battalion) went boar-hunting with structure and its underlying social and the notables of Airaines, while other officers national trends” (Travers 38). The idea of attempted to organise polo matches and 1914 officers setting off for France with their paper chases (Dudley Ward 336). While such swords by their side demonstrates one indulgence of gentlemanly pursuits during superficial example of this outlook. The fact wartime may seem an absurd nostalgic that later in the war many officers resisted fantasy, it certainly also helped maintain the more practical uniform changes by burnishing sanity of officers who had to be constantly their steel helmets or adopting walking sticks to composed while confronting the horrors of replace their swords showed how ingrained life in the trenches. was the traditional image of an officer In addition to the gentlemanly pursuits (Simpson 84). On a deeper level, the officer expected of officers, the army and regiment corps harboured strong, conservative, anti– demanded a certain gentlemanly standard of intellectual prejudices that were closely in tune behaviour and leadership. Even when raising with the sentiments of the turn-of-the-century the New Army Battalions, the War Office upper middle class. Physical virility and a insisted that candidates for commissions must Social Darwinism relied on “courage” and be “gentlemen” (Keegan 220). Instruction in “manliness” in order to achieve national leadership—today standard in nearly all and military supremacy, rather than officer candidacy courses—did not exist in “bookishness” and intellectualism (Travers any formalised sense: 39). These sentiments led to a rejection of the ideas of “theory” and “doctrine,” instead Neither Sandhurst nor Woolwich “taught” promoting less tangible alternatives such as leadership. It was assumed that by the time a “initiative,”“surprise,” and “experience” to candidate reached either of these two ensure victory (Travers 41). 26 New Horizons / April 2008

Edwardian social prejudices in the pre-war of the poverty of their backgrounds, which officer corps also fell against the lower were primarily urban (Spiers 44); even in the classes and, by extension, the men in the Royal Welch Fusiliers, only ten percent of ranks. This mistrust stemmed in part from the ranks were Welsh, and the largest group what was perceived as questionable of enlisted men hailed from Birmingham patriotism on the part of the urban populace (Dudley Ward 80). The disparity between and Social Darwinist beliefs that the British such men and the upper and upper-middle race, at least on the lower levels in which the class officers who led them was striking. majority of the population fell, was in decline This divide not only arose naturally out of (Travers 40). One Edwardian general, such socioeconomic contrast but was also Major-General Sir Walter Knox, described necessarily imposed by military regulation. the English urban classes as a “physically Due to army reforms, officers in the early deteriorated race of town-bred humanity” twentieth century had to work alongside their (qtd. in Travers 40). The homogenous and, non-commissioned officers (NCOs) and take at the higher levels, somewhat insulated a more hands-on approach to leading their nature of the pre-war officer community men, unlike earlier army structure, but men ensured that such prejudices were rarely in most regiments were still not allowed to questioned. communicate with an officer except through an NCO (Simpson 68). In many ways, social THE RANKS regulations and discipline for enlisted men continued just as they had during peacetime The event of war proved such fears and colonial service. The punishment for absurd, of course, both in the Regular and looting early in the war, as for many other New Armies. However, these concerns are offences, was death (Richards 34), and until understandable in light of the composition of November 1914, those men sentenced to the pre-war ranks. Most of the men were imprisonment left their unit to serve it out. unskilled and unemployed before enlisting, However, military necessity required fighting and the largest demographic among regular men to stay in the trenches, and rankers was the “town casual.” Indeed, subsequently many who were so sentenced neither the occupation nor its compensation had their punishments forgiven for “gallant was very attractive to men with regular conduct in the field” (Richards 53). Despite employment (Spiers 44–46). Furthermore, the order of General John French (first while many families in the upper strata of commander of the British Expeditionary society encouraged their sons to aspire for a Force in France) after the Battle of the king’s commission, Victorian mores looked Marne that no man who had become upon the life of a soldier in the ranks as a separated from his battalion during the career of vice and vagrancy, and such Retreat from Mons should be punished, prejudices had not yet been dispelled by the Colonel H. Delmé-Radcliffe, commanding end of the Edwardian era. Sons who had the 2nd Royal Welch Fusiliers, nonetheless “gone for soldier” were often seen as being consigned all those who had not stayed with as good as dead to the families they left the battalion during the Retirement to route behind (Keegan 216). In light of this marching drills as punishment (these details reputation for the martial vocation, it is not also included a few “warts” who had not surprising that pre-war recruiting failed to kept up) (Richards 30). This attitude of achieve even the shrunken projections of “business as usual” with regards to discipline Secretary of State for War, Richard Haldane, in the ranks translated into a reversion of the for the size of the army establishment (Spiers regular men in the Royal Welch Fusiliers to 44). The physical quality of the recruits who their accustomed behaviour while on colonial did actually enlist was not promising. Their service. The “Surrey-man” remarked to poor health and stunted development spoke Robert Graves, “The Battalion thinks it’s still Lippiatt / No More Quetta Manners 27 in India. The men treat the French civilians spent most of his time in France, is better just like ‘niggers’, kick them about, talk army documented than that of the First Battalion, Hindustani at them” (Graves 126). Both the but Robert Graves, who served with both forces acting upon the enlisted men of the battalions, attests that, despite the differences Regular Battalions and the way in which they of social conduct between the two, the First reacted to the environment around them was “as efficient and regimental [as the 2nd reflected an attitude that the emerging war Royal Welch Fusiliers], on the whole even was really little different from any colonial more successful in its fighting” (Graves 174). police action or garrison. As a whole, the Regular Battalions that set out Unfortunately, experience soon proved for France at the beginning of the war were otherwise. As early as the First Battle of outstanding fighting units. Brigadier-General Ypres, the 1st Royal Welch Fusiliers became J.E. Edmonds unequivocally stated after the casualties nearly to a man (whether killed, war that, “In every respect the Expeditionary wounded, or captured) while resisting a Force in 1914 was incomparably the best German counterattack near Zandvoorde. trained, best organized, and best equipped Among the dead was the battalion’s British Army which ever went forth to war” commanding officer, Lieutenant-Colonel (qtd. in Spiers 38). The long experience of a H.O.S. Cadogan (Dudley Ward 95), a war of attrition would erode such razor sharp notable loss as the majority of the officer military effectiveness, however. casualties in the war were much more junior (predominantly platoon and company commanders). A year later, at the Battle of THE NEW ARMY Loos, the First Battalion again performed valiantly: one of the few units to attack Despite the elite nature of the Royal Welch successfully, its soldiers found themselves Fusiliers and their successful adaptation to without support or reinforcements and had achieve local military supremacy in the to withdraw, suffering 458 casualties, 16 of unexpected deadlock of trench warfare, whom were officers. The Second Battalion constant losses took their toll. Between the also lost 113 casualties in the battle, with start of the war and the spring of 1916, the both its commanding officer and adjutant Second Battalion had suffered an average among the wounded (Dudley Ward 152–54). drain of ten soldiers per week, leaving it with The First Battalion faced another 500 only 250 of the Regulars who had crossed casualties between Loos and the spring of the Channel with the battalion in August 1916 (Graves 194). All of this loss, it should 1914 (Keegan 225). The average infantry be remembered, took place before the great subaltern on the Western Front lasted about meat grinders of the Somme or Third Ypres six months before leaving his battalion, either had begun to spin. as a casualty or for some other reason Though both of the Regular Battalions (Simpson 86–87). Thus the high turnover would survive the war as organisational units, rate for junior officers is a bit misleading, as and the regiment would eventually swell to not all were killed or wounded. Indeed, include 26 battalions, these continual losses Siegfried Sassoon noted in January 1917 and replacements would have grave effects that though only five of the officers who had on the quality and character of these been with First Battalion at that time the battalions, especially the First and Second. previous year were still present, few had These battalions both commanded high levels been killed, and most had “‘faded away’ of military proficiency and skill in the early somehow or other” (Infantry Officer 116). years of the war. The expertise of the Regardless of how the officers left the Second Battalion, with which Frank battalion, however, the fact remained that Richards3 served, J.C. Dunn4 was attached their disappearance meant fewer regular as Medical Officer, and Siegfried Sassoon soldiers to provide a core for the unit. The 28 New Horizons / April 2008 ranks of the First Battalion also suffered notes with regret that in the Second terribly: by the end of 1914 alone, only Battalion, aside from “the Commanding between 80 and 90 of the men who had left Officer, Adjutant, and Captain Stanway, the Malta for France remained (Dudley Ward regular officers remaining were too junior to 110). After the horrific bloodshed of the be regarded as being of the Old Army; Somme-Scarpe battles of 1916–17, the temporary officers from the civil population Regimental Records sombrely note that, predominated . . . ” (qtd. in Dudley Ward “As the old trained soldiers gradually 160). Many regular officers appreciated the disappeared, the regiment must take note of courage and enthusiasm of these temporary a great change” (Dudley Ward 305). That officers, but believed that they lacked the change was the introduction of the New professionalism and military instinct necessary Army Battalions and the replacement of for the efficient handling of their men in regular “old hands” with civilian recruits. emergencies. Resentment increased in Line The effects of the continual refilling of the Battalions as regular officers had to support Regular Battalions, and their augmentation the inexperienced civilian officers. Social by Kitchener’s Army, was gradual but concerns also showed themselves. Some profound. The new drafts that brought the regular officers looked upon their temporary First Battalion up to strength in December counterparts with contempt as a result of 1914 “were as grimly determined or as their breeding. Not only was gentleman indifferent to blows” as the “Old status considered necessary for military Contemptibles” they now fought alongside effectiveness as an officer by the Edwardian (Dudley Ward 110–11). Sassoon himself had social standards of the officer corps, but the been posted to the First Battalion in a draft conduct of these civilians in uniform—such to replace the officer losses from the action as public displays of affection—was seen as at Festubert in May 1915 (Sassoon, shockingly unprofessional. Army publications Fox-Hunting Man 319). Frank Richards reminded temporary officers of the standards even accepted drafts of undersized “Bantam” of behaviour that regular officers found recruits to the Second Battalion as “good axiomatic: officers should not smoke a soldiers in action” (273) after their 19th pipe in public, be seen with women of (Bantam) Battalion had been disbanded in questionable character, or drink excessively. December 1917 (Dudley Ward 378). In most Moderation was stressed, and these cases, however, as the war progressed, the “temporary gentlemen” were also advised quality of the new drafts (no longer those not to spend too much time in cinemas, in pulled from the Special Reserve Battalion, bars, or reading books (Simpson 75–77). but instead civilian New Army recruits, or The authors of such publications also seemed worse, conscripts) suffered, and the respect to worry that these officers would neglect and tolerance of the surviving regular soldiers their men, admonishing them “not to think for these “duration of the war” soldiers that [an officer’s] duties end with the dropped accordingly. dismissal of his platoon after the parade” Officer quality was also perceived to have (Notes for Young Officers qtd. in Simpson suffered as the war lengthened. Much of this 77). However, Siegfried Sassoon, while with decrease in quality was ascribed to officer the Third (Special Reserve) Battalion at recruiters having to dig deeper into the social Litherland Camp, noted such social barrel to replace the junior officers lost on differences between the holders of the Somme. The fact that newly formed commissions from the Special Reserve (like Officer Cadet Battalions began to instruct his own) and Royal Military Colleges and their recruits in leadership courses points to those who held temporary ones, and he this compromise and a necessary shift away dismissed these differences as unimportant, from the traditional officer class (Simpson deciding that the temporary officers “usually 88). As early as February 1916, J.C. Dunn turned out to be first-rate officers when they Lippiatt / No More Quetta Manners 29 got to the trenches” (Sassoon, Fox-Hunting considered equal to the well-trained and Man 314–15). While opinions of the battle-hardened Regulars. effectiveness of temporary officers varied Conscription refilled the battalions, but throughout the war, it was clear that their only compounded the problem of quality. entry into the army signalled great changes Sassoon (of course coloured by his own to the traditional social homogeny of the antiwar sentiments) claimed that by early officer corps and potentially threatened its 1917, “[t]he War had become undisguisedly military professionalism. mechanical and inhuman. What in earlier The introduction of the New Armies days had been drafts of volunteers were now brought similar changes to the ranks and droves of victims” (Infantry Officer 143). By therefore inspired similar reactions among summer, J.C. Dunn observed that, as a result Regulars. The Regimental Records state that of the influence of the new drafts and in September 1915, “[t]he regiment grew, dwindling number of old soldiers, the battalions continued to arrive in France; the standards of the Second Battalion came ever Army passed the million figure; guns could closer to those of the Service Battalions. be counted by thousands; and the task Whereas before raids had been conducted by became increasingly difficult” (Dudley Ward volunteers, now such forays into no-man’s 155). This ballooning military expansion land could only be undertaken by detailing was the necessary reaction to devastating men for the task (Dudley Ward 305). These losses in the field. Such high turnover rates new drafts (mostly typically short Welshmen) even meant that the Regular Battalions were also in poor physical condition and gradually filled with New Army recruits. lacking in training. Even the youngest among These were different men from the old them had difficulty clearing simple hurdles “pukka” rankers of the pre-war army. Unlike (Dudley Ward 306). Sassoon’s description of the unskilled, unemployed pre-war Regulars, pushing two stunted recruits along on a the men of Kitchener’s New Armies held Second Battalion march while towing a third jobs in the civilian sector, often skilled on his belt (Infantry Officer 189–90) is (Hughes 120). The good behaviour and darkly ironic in light of the battalion’s pride naïveté of the religious Welshmen who on its marching performance during the answered David Lloyd George’s call to arms Retirement in 1914. This dichotomy reflects certainly set them apart from the hard-bitten the declining physical standards of the regular soldiers who remained in the Line recruitment medical boards. In October and Battalions. It was also a sign of the November of 1917, 270 eighteen-year-old pre-Somme stage of the war that when the boys arrived to replenish the battalion’s 113th Brigade (made up at first exclusively of strength. While they were more physically fit New Army Battalions of the Royal Welch) than previous drafts, they were no better was raised in 1915, it experienced frequent trained, and almost none remained with the medical discharges (Hughes 117–18). battalion by April of the next year, though Over-familiarity between NCOs and their the battalion had not been engaged in the men was common and had to be frequently interim (Dudley Ward 363)—circumstances corrected by officers (Hughes 111). The that point heavily toward a high desertion original contempt with which the Regular rate among such new recruits. These lowered Army viewed the New was only gradually standards drew to the regiment increasing and grudgingly modified as New Army units numbers of men judged unfit for service distinguished themselves, and even then did before the war from a shrinking recruiting not totally disappear (Hughes 110–12). The pool, but such compromises had become old soldiers made it very clear to the men of necessary to fulfil the more important goal of the New Army Battalions and the maintaining the army’s now massive size. replacement drafts to the Line that they had Poor training and morale also dulled the much to prove before they would be battalion’s edge. The lack of pre-war regulars 30 New Horizons / April 2008 damaged the ability of the men to operate as that many of the Regulars in the regiment instinctive teams, as the time was not were from Birmingham (Graves 80). A key available to instruct new volunteers and reason for the infertility of the North Welsh conscripts how to fight cohesively in small recruiting grounds was the opposition of the units (Graham 26). More basic military skills local Nonconformist chapels to soldiering, at suffered as well. Sassoon describes a least until Lloyd George persuaded them musketry course in his platoon in 1917: otherwise, presenting the war as a great Crusade (Graves 80). Lloyd George’s The depleted Battalion had been strengthened influence as Minister of Munitions (and later by a draft from England, and these men were mostly undersized, dull-witted, and as Prime Minister) and, more importantly, as barely capable of carrying the heavy weight a Welshman, certainly did much to win his of their equipment. As an example of their reluctant countrymen over to the Cause. proficiency, I can say that in one case With his encouragement, the tone of chapel platoon training began with the man being ministers’ sermons changed, and the ranks of taught how to load his rifle. Afterwards I these new Welsh units began to fill with felt that he would have been less dangerous Nonconformists (Hughes 116–17). The in his pre-existing ignorance. (Infantry 113th Brigade (initially made up exclusively Officer 180) of Royal Welch Fusilier battalions), for The low morale of the battalion (along with example, contained many religious (especially the rest of the British Expeditionary Force) in Nonconformist) men. Before shipping to th early 1918 made itself visible by “a France, the 113 accordingly had slackening of discipline in the ranks, which well-attended chapel services, at least one were now filled with ‘duration-of-the-war’ non-swearing sergeant-major (certainly an soldiers” (Dudley Ward 385). By late 1917, anomaly in any army unit), and was after the experience of the Somme and described as “well behaved” (Hughes 117). Third Ypres, Regular, Territorial, and New The pious nature of these New Army recruits Army Battalions found themselves at an was accompanied by a strong nationalistic equal lowest common denominator level of trend. Welsh officers were promised to military proficiency (Simpson 80). The recruits to entice them to sign up, and, urgent needs of the Western Front meant indeed, most of the over 300 officers of the th that training standards, as well as recruiting 113 Brigade in 1915 were of Welsh standards, had to be compromised in order nationality, and the remainder had Welsh to fill the ranks in time for the next big connections through heritage or residence offensive. (Hughes 117). However, the Regular Army resented the nationalistic image of the 38th (Welsh) Division, seeing it as a politically WELCH NATIONALISM motivated creation of Lloyd George, and its The strains that the war placed on that constituent battalions faced more hostility regimental esprit de corps simultaneously led than normal New Army units. Perhaps as a to an increase in the importance of the result, as the war continued, the proportion Welsh character of the regiment. Graves of non-Welshmen in the division increased claims that in peacetime, though most of the and the local identities of its battalions were officers were Anglo-Welshmen, only about downplayed (Hughes 120–22). Oddly two percent of the ranks of the Royal Welch enough, however, the opposite trend Fusiliers actually spoke Welsh (80). arose, quite unintentionally, in the Second Replacement drafts and the raising of the Battalion, where, by August 1917, the New Army drastically changed this contingent of Welshmen had risen from a demographic. North Wales had not been a tenth to half of the battalion’s strength as a very fruitful recruiting region before the war result of drafts (Dudley Ward 306). Graves (Hughes 114), as can be seen by the fact also notes that “[a]s much Welsh as English Lippiatt / No More Quetta Manners 31 was now talked in the huts” at Litherland in the other on their chairs7 (Graves 86–87), 1916 (206). The replacement and often in extremely makeshift conditions. The augmentation of the Regulars of the feeling of regimental pride and belonging regiment by New Army recruits had the that such traditions engendered was keenly strange effect of making the Royal Welch sought by the New Army Battalions as well, more “Welsh” than they had been before the to the point at which the very size of the war. expanding regiment threatened its esprit The social character of this altered Second de corps. Therefore, as noted above, Battalion also reflects the passing of the Old acceptance of these Service Battalions was Army. When Robert Graves returned to the only granted by the Line as they proved their Second Battalion after convalescing from a worthiness of the title of Royal Welch wound, he found “a very different Second Fusiliers (Graves 87). It is a testament to the Battalion. No riding-school, no Battalion regimental spirit that such traditions endured Mess, no Quetta manners, no regular even in the face of the brutality and attrition officers, except for a couple of newly arrived of the First World War. Sandhurst boys” (238). In the summer of 1917, voluntary congregations for church CONCLUSION services assembled—rather than having to be detailed—reflecting the increasingly religious These surviving traditions, however, are nature of the regiment’s soldiers (Dudley much more the exception than the rule; by Ward 386). By 1918, the ranks of the the end of the war very nearly every aspect Second Battalion would have been completely of the social status quo ante in the Royal unrecognisable to the ghosts of the men who Welch Fusiliers and the British Army had had died serving with it in 1914–15. been changed. While the influence of the Despite the loss, over the course of the New Army had certainly made the British war, of most of the officers and men who Expeditionary Force (BEF) more egalitarian had served with the regiment in 1914, the and representative of contemporary British regimental pride and spirit managed to society, it had also sacrificed much of the survive, to a greater or lesser extent, through traditional military professionalism of the the Armistice and even spread to the newly Regular Army. A fight that had begun to formed Service Battalions. It was a note of defend the neutrality of Belgium or restrain particular pride that neither Line Battalion German militarism became a quest to destroy ever lost a trench during the course of the not only the German Army but the German war without recapturing it before the close of nation as well. Too many men had died, and the action (Graves 186). The Royal Welch their passing had produced too many Fusiliers also maintained tradition behind the transformations for the veterans of the lines. In October 1916, Second Battalion armistice and the casualties of Mons to be Headquarters had acquired a milk goat recognisable to each other. For the Royal (ostensibly to uphold regimental tradition as Welch Fusiliers, the Great War served as the best as could be done given the conditions) great levelling in which the pride and which served the practical purpose of prestige that the regiment had earned since alerting the officers to approaching airplanes the seventeenth century would bleed out in by bleating (Dudley Ward 247). More the mud of Flanders and the chalk of the importantly, March 1, Saint David’s Day, Artois. Though the regiment served with was celebrated throughout the war regardless honour and distinction throughout the war, of hardship. Toasts were made to Saint and survived as a unit until its amalgamation David (patron saint of Wales), Major Toby as the First Battalion of the Royal Welsh in Purcell’s spurs,5 and Shenkin ap Morgan,6 2006, in a way it too was a casualty of the while new officers had to eat a leek with one Great War. Many of the men who served foot planted on the top of the mess table and with the various battalions of the regiment 32 New Horizons / April 2008 recorded poignant memoirs and histories in-command at the famous Battle of the Boyne. After documenting this evolutionary death, and distinguishing himself in this engagement, his those works remain classics of military spurs were handed down through successive seconds-in-command until the nineteenth century. historical literature today. Collectively, they 6 Shenkin ap Morgan was “The First Gentleman of provide a vivid account of the Royal Welch Wales,” according to Robert Graves, and the subject Fusiliers and its traumatic and revolutionary of an eponymous song played by the regimental experience in the Great War. band. 7 The leek is the symbol of Saint David, patron saint of Wales, and was worn in the caps of medieval Welsh ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS soldiers. I would not have been able to pursue this project without the opportunity and funding WORKS CITED given me by the Virginia Military Institute’s Cary, A.D.L. and Stouppe McCance, eds. 1816– Summer Undergraduate Research Initiative. 1914 (July). Regimental Records of the Scholarships from the U.S. Army ROTC and Royal Welch Fusiliers (23rd Foot). Vol. 2. the Virginia Military Institute Honors London: Forster, 1923. programs also make my continued Dudley Ward, Major C.H., ed. 1914–1918 enrollment at VMI possible. Lieutenant France and Flanders. Regimental Records of Colonel Timothy Dowling generously allowed the Royal Welch Fusiliers (23rd Foot). me to stay at his house over the summer, London: Forster, 1928. which gave me a place to live while working Graham, Dominick. Against Odds: Reflections in Lexington. I am also indebted to Nilya on the Experiences of the British Army, Carrato and Dr. Megan Newman of Preston 1914–45. New York: St. Martin’s, 1999. Library for their help in obtaining sources Graves, Robert. Good-bye to All That. New both locally and through Interlibrary Loan. York: Anchor, 1985. Finally, and most importantly, this project Hughes, Clive. “The New Armies.” A Nation in benefited from the support of Dr. Eric Arms: A Social Study of the British Army in Osborne, who served as my faculty mentor. the First World War. Eds. Ian F.W. Beckett and Keith Simpson. London: Manchester UP, It was an absolute pleasure to work with 1985. 100–25. someone who was not only available for Keegan, John. The Face of Battle. New York: guidance with both the research for and Barnes, 1976. editing of the paper, but who also Richards, Frank. Old Soldiers Never Die. simultaneously inspired and fed off my own London: Faber, 1933. passion for the subject matter. Sassoon, Siegfried. Memoirs of a Fox-Hunting Man. New York: Coward–McCann, 1929. NOTES ——. Memoirs of an Infantry Officer. New York: Coward–McCann, 1930. 1 Sandhurst and Woolwich are British military academies, comparable to the United States Military Simpson, Keith. “The Officers.” A Nation in Academy at West Point. Arms: A Social Study of the British Army in 2 “Tommy Atkins” was an affectionate, generic name the First World War. Eds. Ian F.W. Beckett for the British soldier, comparable to “Billy Yank” or and Keith Simpson. London: Manchester UP, “Johnny Reb” in the American Civil War. 1985. 64–97. 3 Frank Richards was a career private of the Second Spiers, Edward M. “The Regular Army in 1914.” Battalion. He was one of the few pre-War regulars to A Nation in Arms: A Social Study of the serve the duration of the war. He wrote his memoirs British Army in the First World War. Eds. of the war in Old Soldiers Never Die with the help Ian F.W. Beckett and Keith Simpson. London: of Robert Graves. Manchester UP, 1985. 38–61. 4 Major J.C. Dunn was a Royal Army Medical Officer attached to the Second Battalion. He was a beloved Travers, Timothy. The Killing Ground: The officer and an adopted member of the Royal Welch British Army the Western Front and the Fusiliers. Emergence of Modern Warfare 1900–1918. 5 Major Toby Purcell was the regimental second– London: Allen, 1987. Lippiatt / No More Quetta Manners 33

WORKS CONSULTED ——. The First World War. New York: Vintage, 1998. Cary, A.D.L. and Stouppe McCance, eds. 1816– Leed, Eric J. No Man’s Land: Combat and 1914 (July). Regimental Records of the Identity in World War I. Cambridge: Royal Welch Fusiliers (23rd Foot). Vol. 2. Cambridge UP, 1979. London: Forster, 1923. Liddell Hart and Basil Henry. The British Way in Dudley Ward, Major C.H., ed. 1914–1918 Warfare. New York: Macmillan, 1933. France and Flanders. Regimental Records of Prior, Robin and Trevor Wilson. Passchendaele: the Royal Welch Fusiliers (23rd Foot). Vol. 3. The Untold Story. New Haven, CT: Yale UP, London: Forster, 1928. 2002. Dunn, Major J.C. The War the Infantry Knew 1914–1919: A Chronicle of Service in Richards, Frank. Old Soldiers Never Die. France and Belgium with The Second London: Faber, 1933. Battalion His Majesty’s Twenty-third Foot, Sassoon, Siegfried. Memoirs of a Fox-Hunting The Royal Welch Fusiliers. New York: Man. New York: Coward–McCann, 1929. Jane’s, 1987. ——. Memoirs of an Infantry Officer. New Graham, Dominick. Against Odds: Reflections York: Coward–McCann, 1930. on the Experiences of the British Army, Simpson, Keith. “The Officers.” A Nation in 1914–45. New York: St. Martin’s, 1999. Arms: A Social Study of the British Army in Graves, Robert. Good-bye to All That. New the First World War. Eds. Ian F.W. Beckett York: Anchor, 1985. and Keith Simpson. London: Manchester UP, Hughes, Clive. “The New Armies.” A Nation in 1985. 64–97. Arms: A Social Study of the British Army in Spiers, Edward M. “The Regular Army in 1914.” the First World War. Eds. Ian F.W. Beckett A Nation in Arms: A Social Study of the and Keith Simpson. London: Manchester UP, British Army in the First World War.Eds. Ian 1985. 100–25. F.W. Beckett and Keith Simpson. London: Jones, David. In Parenthesis: Seinnyessit e Manchester UP, 1985. 38–61. Gledyf Ym Penn Mameu. New York: Travers, Timothy. The Killing Ground: The Chilmark, 1937. British Army the Western Front and the Keegan, John. The Face of Battle. New York: Emergence of Modern Warfare 1900–1918. Barnes, 1976. London: Allen, 1987. New Horizons ᭜ Volume 2 ᭜ Number 1 ᭜ 2008

The United States and Pakistan: Allies or Adversaries?

Cadet Andrew E. Timpner Faculty Mentor: Dr. Jason A. Kirk, Department of International Studies and Political Science

ABSTRACT The volatile US-Pakistan relationship—which has swung wildly from cooperative to confrontational and back over the course of the Cold War, post-Cold War, and post-9/11 periods—has been based on America’s perceived strategic needs in South Asia and Pakistan’s perceived utility in fulfilling those needs. For its part, Pakistan has seen the US as a vehicle to improve its security vis-à-vis its stronger neighbor and rival, India. Today, despite significant challenges, there is cause for optimism since it is in both America’s and Pakistan’s interests to win the war on terror. For US policymakers, the key to successful, cooperative relations with Pakistan is a long-term, patient, committed (but never overbearing) engagement.

nlike the relationship between the THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT UUnited States and India, which was frozen for the first fifty years, the At Pakistan’s founding, it was not Pakistani-American relationship has resembled apparent that Pakistan would merit the two unfortunate lovers, alternately passionately position of a strategic partner for the and deeply involved, and later cold and United States. Immediately following distant with a tinge of acrimony. This volatile Pakistan’s independence, the United States relationship, swinging wildly from cooperative hardly saw it—indeed all of South Asia—as a to confrontational, has been based on vital strategic concern; America was far too America’s perceived strategic needs and preoccupied with rebuilding Europe and Pakistan’s utility in fulfilling those needs. Japan as bulwarks against Soviet expansion While America has typically seen Pakistan as to involve itself in the region. Though a tactical ally (a partner of convenience, President Liaquat Ali Khan of Pakistan and rather than a strategic ally to whom it Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of India feels committed for the long term), Pakistan both visited America in 1949, Nehru was by has generally viewed the United States as far the American favorite, and his almost a vehicle to improve its security vis-à-vis rapturous reception in Washington and India. across the country suggested that India was

35 36 New Horizons / April 2008

America’s favorite new country. During the planes was shot down, Soviet leader Nikita visit, however, Nehru assumed such a Khrushchev threatened Pakistan with condescending demeanor and displayed so reprisals. Mohammad Ayub Khan (who had little respect for his hosts that his four week succeeded Liaquat as the Pakistani president), tour “generated more irritation than good was concerned, but had anticipated that, will.” By contrast, Liaquat tried to cast sooner or later, some negative ramification Pakistan in a forward–looking, anti– would follow Pakistan’s implicit support of communist light (Burke 122–23).1 This anti– US anti-Soviet missions. Realizing that the communist characterization endeared him to Soviet Union did not want to go to war over his hosts, who at the time were revising the “U-2 incident” (particularly across the American strategy to counter the Soviet threat. Hindu Kush mountain range), the United This perception of Pakistan as some States claimed it had launched the plane champion of the West within a benighted without Pakistani knowledge. This assertion Asia, when coupled with India’s determination was patently (and obviously) false, but it to pursue a “non-aligned” strategy in the provided enough cover for Khrushchev to let Cold War, encouraged American and Pakistan off the diplomatic hook without Pakistani elites to see one another as natural losing face (Kux 112–113). allies. Accordingly, following the Korean War Still, the incident encouraged Pakistanis to in 1954, President Eisenhower and consider at what cost came their close Secretary of State John Foster Dulles invited relationship with the United States. Members Pakistan to join a Mutual Defense Assistance of Ayub’s own ruling coterie, especially Agreement. Added to Pakistan’s accession Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, thought it prudent to later in the decade to the Central Treaty diversify Pakistan’s allies. In particular, they Organization (CENTO, with Iraq, Iran, sought to soothe relations with the Soviet Britain, and Turkey) and the Southeast Asia Union (Kux 117). Ayub, however, remained Treaty Organization (SEATO, with Australia, staunchly anti-Soviet, and his visit to the New Zealand, Thailand, and Britain), United States cemented Pakistan’s image “as Pakistan became America’s “most allied ally” a loyal, if demanding, ally” for America (Kux in Asia (Khan 17). 122). Though India railed against the American For its part, India seemed only too eager alliances with Pakistan, fearing that Pakistan to help push the Americans closer to had invited the Cold War into the Pakistan. For example, India’s delegate to subcontinent, Pakistan was only too eager to the United Nations, V. Krishna Menon, avail itself of American military and launched verbal attacks on the United States. economic aid. Meanwhile, the Soviet Union These public criticisms, coupled with India’s moved to support India, though not as uncooperative stance on nuclear disarmament explicitly as the West supported Pakistan. and the status of Berlin, goaded American Thus began a zero-sum game in the policymakers. What shocked the American subcontinent in which—not only for the people, however, was the Indian military United States, but for any nation—good takeover of Portuguese Goa in 1961. Most relations with Pakistan purchased bad Americans had considered Indians the heirs relations with India, and vice versa. to a Gandhian legacy of non-violence (and The United States and Pakistan solidified India had capitalized on this perception their reciprocal support and reinforced their worldwide). The seizure of Goa, therefore, anti–communist stances when, in return for seemed to display Indian hypocrisy. Already its weapons, the United States was granted convinced of India’s duplicity (Khan 27), the right to use a Pakistani airbase near Pakistan worried that if the United States Peshawar as a starting point for its U-2 spy was not willing to stand up for Portugal (a plane missions over the Soviet Union. On 1 NATO ally), it might not defend Pakistan May 1960, however, when one of these either (Kux 121–124). Timpner / The United States and Pakistan 37

Despite Pakistan’s positive efforts and associating with the communist Chinese India’s negative posturing, President John F. regime (Kux 143). However, Pakistan was Kennedy continued to prefer India to seeking supporters wherever it could find Pakistan. Originally seen as dangerous and them, and China (as well as some other immoral under Eisenhower’s and Dulles’s Muslim countries) seemed a more than foreign policy, neutralism began to acquire promising candidate. certain respectability in the United States Despite Washington’s interest in South under Kennedy’s more liberal administration. Asia during the 1950s and early 60s, during In addition, India remained popular with the later 1960s, Pakistan and India became a American elites despite the military actions in secondary concern of the United States as Goa. Following the Sino-Chinese border the war in Vietnam escalated. Ironically, clash of 1962 in the remote Himalayas, the though it was totally uninvolved in the war United States and Great Britain rushed to except to lend verbal support to the fight India’s side with military aid—after the war against the spread of communism, Pakistan was already over. This overt American proved pivotal in ending it. While Kennedy support alarmed Pakistan since India, though and later Johnson had criticized Pakistan’s incapable of threatening China, could very ties with China, President Richard Nixon was easily threaten Pakistan. As Pakistani leaders eager to exploit them. Islamabad provided pointed out, the Chinese could not have the critical “back door” to China for been planning for a long war of conquest Kissinger’s secret mission to Beijing to since they began their assault in October prepare the way for Nixon’s subsequent state 1962, not long before the winter snows visit. This visit ultimately led to Chinese would render the mountain passes support for ending the Vietnam War. In impenetrable. The snows would not only return for its help in bringing the North block an Indian counterattack, but they would Vietnamese to the negotiating table, the also prevent the Chinese from going deeper United States supported Pakistan during the into India. Regardless, American military aid Indo-Pakistani war of 1971 (Hanhimäki flowed into India faster than into Pakistan, 155). Nixon even sent the USS Enterprise and Pakistanis feared that at a later time all and her carrier battle group to the Bay of that aid would be turned against Pakistan Bengal in a gesture of support, though it did (Kux 131). not prevent the Pakistanis from losing not This fear proved well-founded. In 1965, only the war but also East Pakistan (now India attacked Pakistan in an attempt to Bangladesh). Even so, this limited military settle forever the question of Kashmir. The assistance was provocative enough to drive United States promptly deserted both India deeper into the arms of the Soviet countries and refused to arm either. Since it Union with whom Prime Minister Indira was fundamentally victorious, India was Gandhi signed a twenty-year treaty of largely unconcerned with the American friendship (Hanhimäki 164). desertion. Pakistan, however, felt betrayed During the later 1970s, as the United and therefore began to look for other, more States turned inward and Pakistan fell under reliable guarantors of its security. The another military dictatorship led by General People’s Republic of China was only too Zia ul-Haq, relations between the two happy to present itself as Pakistan’s new ally. countries floundered. The new American China had long wanted to curtail the rise of president, James Carter, pressed Pakistan to India—which it saw as a potential rival for democratize and to respect human rights. leadership of continental Asia—and a Carter put teeth in his policy when he partnership with Pakistan would do just that suspended aid in order to induce the (Ziring 62). Predictably, this affiliation ruffled Pakistanis to curtail their nuclear program. feathers in Washington as it appeared that Initiated under Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Pakistan was sacrificing Western solidarity by Bhutto (who pledged that Pakistan would 38 New Horizons / April 2008

“eat grass” if it had to in order to afford a which it had recently been admitted. nuclear arsenal), the weapons program was Secretary of State Alexander Haig assured in part a response to the breakup of Pakistan Zia that the Pakistanis could remain in the into Pakistan and Bangladesh in 1971, in movement as long as they did not test a part a response to India’s “peaceful” nuclear nuclear weapon (Kux 257). test in 1974, and in part a realization that it Thus began a long period of US-Pakistani could never match India in conventional cooperation. The Americans supplied forces (Jones 187). The new policy pushed intelligence, weapons, and money to the Pakistan—paranoid of India as ever—closer Pakistani Inter Services Intelligence agency to China and to the rest of the Muslim world. (ISI) under the auspices of the CIA, and the After the mullahs of Iran toppled the Shah, Pakistanis trained and equipped Afghan Reza Muhammad Pahlevi—a key American Mujahideen fighters who then returned to ally and fellow member of CENTO—the Afghanistan to fight the Soviets. In United States made no effort to help him. September 1986, the United States even Consequently, Pakistan felt the alliance was introduced Stinger anti-air, shoulder-fired meaningless, and followed Iran out of missiles to the Afghans to counter Soviet CENTO (Kux 235–37). helicopter gunship attacks against which the The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in Afghans were defenseless. Meanwhile, Zia, 1979, however, reversed the decline in who pursued a policy of militant Islamization US-Pakistani relations almost overnight. in Pakistan, saw to it that the Mujahideen Frightened of a possible Soviet invasion fighters his country trained were sufficiently itself, the Pakistani government realized that Islamized as well. Creating holy warriors, he their country could not defend itself against sought to defeat the Soviet Union and the Soviet Union alone, that India would support Muslim solidarity in a single stroke hardly rush to the aid of its neighbor for the (Abbas 113). sake of subcontinental unity, and that it Though the United States remained largely needed American support. America, eager to oblivious of Zia’s militarizing policies at deal the Soviets a defeat, saw opportunity home, Congress sought to exert some beyond the Hindu Kush. Islamabad’s envoys control over a foreign policy that it feared instantly became the most fêted in was being coordinated by the White House Washington, and they knew they now had and the CIA and was escaping public bargaining power as the only possible scrutiny. In response, Congress passed the partner in an American response to the Pressler amendment. According to this invasion. Their challenge was to extract the amendment, the Pakistanis would receive maximum aid with the minimum conditions, American aid annually only after the US and somehow assure that Pakistan did not president certified that Pakistan did not have wind up facing the Russians alone. a credible nuclear program (Kux 277). From Initially, the Pakistani negotiators were not 1986 (the year it was passed) until 1990 (the impressed with American offers. Carter year after the final withdrawal of Soviet offered $300 million in US assistance, which forces from Afghanistan), the Reagan and Zia dismissed as “peanuts” (Kux 248). the George H.W. Bush administrations made Waiting for the expected ascendancy of the required certification. In 1990, however, Ronald Reagan in America, Zia walked out upon receiving CIA reports of the alarming of discussions with the Carter administration. status of Pakistan’s nuclear program, the He was not disappointed. In 1981, Reagan Bush administration determined it could no sweetened the American pot to $3.2 billion longer make the required certification. It over five years and threw in forty F-16 notified the Pakistanis and warned them fighter jets. Pakistan, for its part, was eager against pursuing nuclear weapons, but to no to do business with Reagan, but also wished avail. Pakistan denied its nuclear capabilities to remain in the non-aligned movement to and denounced Pressler. It seems the Timpner / The United States and Pakistan 39

American administration was genuinely Khan, a Pakistani who had worked in disappointed at having to cease support for European nuclear laboratories, the program Pakistan, but that obtained it no good will in received significant Chinese support even as Pakistan. Pakistan saw that the Soviets had Khan proceeded to farm out nuclear withdrawn from Afghanistan, so the United technology to the highest bidder. His clients States once again had no further need of included Libya, Iran, and North Korea. With Pakistan (Kux 307, 310). As Zalmay Washington’s attention directed elsewhere (to Khalilzad explained in a contemporary the Balkans) and with Congress distracted by article, the US only became involved in domestic scandal, little notice was taken of South Asia when it was threatened by Pakistan’s continuing efforts to possess a outside powers (Khalilzad 417). To Pakistan, nuclear arsenal (Haqqani 261, 309). this inconsistency made America seem like a India, too, was intent on increasing its very fickle ally. nuclear capabilities. In May 1998, India tested While America simply ignored Pakistan half a dozen nuclear devices underground in during the early 1990s, Pakistan tried to its Thar Desert. In spite of massive pleading overcome the strictures of the Pressler from the entire international community, amendment. Without American aid, Pakistan reciprocated two weeks later. Sharif Islamabad was forced to allocate an proclaimed, “Today, we have settled scores increasing share of its budget to finance its with India. We have paid them back” (qtd. in debt and its military, until by April 1996, Ahmed 407). Citing the Indian nuclear test those two budget items consumed 81% of its and subsequent threat to Kashmir, Pakistan expenditures (Rashid 159). During the First claimed it felt as though it had to test its own Gulf War, Pakistan was divided between weapons. Sharif and his advisors believed supporting Saddam Hussein’s Iraq simply as that they could count on Western disunity to payback to the United States, and supporting prevent sanctions (or at least terribly its close ally Saudi Arabia, which would align restrictive sanctions), on the support of the it with America. In the end, Prime Minister Muslim world, and on Pakistan’s strategic Nawaz Sharif overcame military objections geography for the West (Ahmed 408). and swung Pakistan’s vote behind the Saudis Though these expectations were initially and their American allies. Though defending borne out, the world community proved Saudi Arabia—a long-time Pakistani ally— more trenchant in its criticism than the was his public rationale, Sharif also hoped Pakistanis expected, leveling numerous that Pakistani support would conjure goodwill sanctions on both India and Pakistan. In toward Pakistan in the United States, addition, President Bill Clinton and Chinese especially in the Pentagon, which remained a Premier Jiang Zemin severely criticized India vocal advocate of its erstwhile ally. Still, in and Pakistan in a joint statement from the words of Pakistani ambassador to the Beijing (Talbott 91). United States Abida Hussein, “In the After leveling sanctions, however, there post-Cold War era, the United States ’had was little the United States could do. It was about as much interest in Pakistan as not about to go to war to eliminate either Pakistan had in the Maldives’” (qtd. in Kux country’s nuclear arsenal, and neither did it 312–15). This comparison was not entirely have sufficient clout to induce either nation accurate, since Pakistani efforts to support to give up its weapons. It was forced to sit terrorist “freedom fighters” in Kashmir and wait. During this period, it looked as brought US threats to designate Pakistan as though both sides might be willing to a terrorist state. Pakistan backed down in the compromise.2 For example, Sharif invited face of the American threat, but remained Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee bitter (Kux 316). to Lahore to discuss cooperation and Meanwhile, the Pakistani nuclear program cross-border traffic, a major step forward. continued apace. Led by Abdul Qadeer The “Spirit of Lahore,” however, was not 40 New Horizons / April 2008 to last. In late 1999, Pakistani militants that the United States was tilting ever more penetrated the Line of Control—the boundary toward India, and that Pakistan had either to separating Indian- and Pakistani-held radically reform itself, or to seek friends Kashmir—and seized three mountain peaks. elsewhere. The Indian response was swift and decisive. Following the attacks on the United States Both nations massed conventional forces on on 11 September 2001, the pressure on the border. Some units actually engaged in Pakistan only mounted. The nine-month-old sustained combat. Sharif realized he was administration of George W. Bush handed quickly losing control of the situation and Pakistan an ultimatum: Secretary of State pleaded for Western intervention. There was Colin Powell himself spoke to Musharraf on none. Although his generals told him the 12 September 2001 and informed him that military situation was not grave, he did not “You are either with us or against us.” In believe them (Musharraf 97). On 4 July case the point was lost, Deputy Secretary of 1999, Sharif arrived in the United States to State Richard Armitage threatened the head beg President Clinton (the one man who held of the ISI, claiming that if Pakistan sided any influence with both sides) to intervene against the United States it should “be (Musharraf 95). Intervene he did, and prepared to be bombed back into the stone decidedly on the side of India. Clinton age” (Musharraf 201). This Manichaean virtually demanded that Sharif withdraw his demand fell harshly on Pakistani ears. Even forces and return to the “Lahore process.” If Maleeha Lodhi (the Pakistani Ambassador to he did not, he was told that Washington the United States who had previously would withhold an International Monetary expressed admiration for the Bush Fund loan of $100 million to Pakistan, which administration’s forward–looking strategic would result in a crippling blow to the mindset over the previous administration’s Pakistani economy (Chardar 215). In the concern for human-interest diplomacy), felt end, Sharif acceded to most of Clinton’s the “with-us-or-against-us” approach was a major demands. Clinton telephoned reversion to an earlier, Cold War mentality Vajpayee in India to brief him on the (Mann 299–300). During that war, Pakistan situation personally (Talbott 168).3 In the had been “with” the United States, “against” words of Jaswant Singh, the US stand on the Soviet Union. Now, Pakistan was forced Kargil was “both a recognition of the to choose between the United States and the correctness of India’s case and the folly of Taliban (whom Islamabad had propped up) Pakistan’s misadventure. It [was] recognition, as well as vast segments of its own too, of the altering geostrategic [sic] contours population. Many Pakistani officials felt that in the region” (Chardar 217). Pakistan once the United States was failing to recognize the again felt betrayed by the United States, complexity of the situation it faced. even though American diplomats tried hard Musharraf realized that if Pakistan sided to paint the situation as one of evenhanded against the United States, it would be arbitration (Chardar 219). Yet Pakistan did defeated militarily, that it needed US not see it that way; neither did India. economic assistance desperately, and that it In the last year of his administration, could not muster a united front against the Clinton spent only five hours in Pakistan but Americans if it came down to it, given spent five days in India while on a state visit. divided loyalties within Pakistan’s intelligence While in Islamabad, as a guest of the new and security services and across the country’s military dictator Pervez Musharraf, Clinton diverse provinces (Mann 202). Following that admonished the Pakistanis to control their quick bit of strategic calculus, Musharraf nuclear weapons and to deal harshly with proceeded to make Pakistan an almost terrorists in their Northwest Frontier indispensable part of America’s “War on Province—particularly a terrorist leader by Terror.” Initially, Pakistan tried to use its the name of Osama bin Laden. It was clear residual influence with the Taliban—a regime Timpner / The United States and Pakistan 41 it helped to establish in Afghanistan—then whatever liberal credentials he might earlier allowed the United States to use its airspace have claimed. to conduct strikes when that regime failed to yield bin Laden to the Americans (Mann WHY ARE THEY SO 211). Since then, the story of the United SUSPICIOUS OF US? States and Pakistan has been one of the US pressuring the Pakistanis to open their Paraphrasing Fareed Zakaria’s question of political system to democracy while extracting Islamist terrorists, what is it about the United the maximum cooperation from them in the States that Pakistan finds so untrustworthy? War on Terror and of the Pakistanis insisting Neither country has been particularly on American economic aid. dishonest in its dealings with the other. The The United States, however, has been United States never promised to defend slow to give the aid that Pakistan so Pakistan in the event of an Indian invasion, desperately needs. In 2003, the United neither has it actively helped India to take States requested that Pakistan send ground over Pakistan—which India could do handily forces to fight alongside the Americans in even without direct American military Iraq. Predictably, Musharraf refused. He support. In spite of the suspicious timing of believed his regime would be doomed if it decertifying Pakistan according to the rules sent troops to fight in another Muslim established by the Pressler amendment, the country on behalf of the Americans. United States gave Pakistan ample warning Furthermore, many Pakistanis already that it ran the risk of forcing the Americans’ believed that the renewed friendship of hands in this matter. Besides, the convenience was not paying the expected amendment itself was hardly secret. dividends. According to Central Command’s So why are Pakistanis so distrustful of own estimates, from October 2001 to America? Perhaps one explanation lies in October 2002, Pakistan had lost $10 billion Pakistan’s position as the first major country in tourism, investment, damages to civil whose identity was based solely on a religion aviation, and rising insurance rates. President to emerge during the massive decolonization G. W. Bush responded to these losses with a following World War II. Many in the West $3 billion aid package spread over three were suspicious of this communal religious years (Abbas 229–31). Still, the “Pakistani identity and acted as though Pakistan were on the street” saw America as terribly unjust some sort of mistake, a step-brother of India, (Abbas 237). Even after the United States which was the “legitimate” successor to the supplied Chinook helicopters as part of its British Raj (Burke 116). India certainly saw relief effort following the earthquake that the situation this way and sought to stuck northern Pakistan on 8 October 2005, promulgate this opinion worldwide. The Pakistanis remained deeply suspicious of United States in particular saw in India a America, which they saw as terribly reincarnation of its own revolution against capricious. However, Musharraf personally British control (Burke 116). had seen his support of the Americans pay Pakistan was an anomaly, and proving that off significantly in 2002, when he it was emphatically not India became a single-handedly amended the Pakistani national obsession. For this reason, controlling constitution to allow him to remain in office Kashmir became central to Pakistan’s for another five years and to dissolve identity. If a majority-Muslim state were Parliament at will (Mann 300). The gulf allowed to remain in Hindu India, then it between Musharraf’s own view of the would give the lie to Pakistan’s self-conception America alliance and the perceptions of of itself as the homeland of the many ordinary Pakistanis would also begin to subcontinent’s Muslims. Americans, unused undermine his own popularity, even as his to such a religion-based identity, find it hard constitutional “reforms” threatened to tarnish to understand that Pakistan does not feel it 42 New Horizons / April 2008 can compromise over Kashmir, or it will lose against Soviet communism and later Islamist much of the reason for its existence. Hence, terrorism. That it has continued to do so in US willingness to bargain with India over the face of tremendous opposition from Kashmir not only irritates Pakistanis, but cuts within Pakistan shows a remarkable at their very essence. commitment to gradual westernization.4 As many Pakistanis see it, if Kashmir were Musharraf outlines his vision of “enlightened to be conceded to India, it would further moderation” as a world in which Islamic undermine their country’s founding identity nations reject terrorism and extremism and as the state that should contain the the Western world resolves its differences subcontinent’s majority-Muslim areas—a with Islam. Naturally, the Israeli-Palestinian principle already badly damaged by the loss conflict and a (favorable) resolution of of Bangladesh—but it would be one step Kashmir are key elements of this proposition closer to an even greater Pakistani fear: (Musharraf 298).5 being reabsorbed into India. In actuality, this At the same time that Pakistan wants to absorption might be an economic plus for be seen—and in certain ways to act—as a the Pakistani people, since the Indian modern, westernizing state, it must balance economy is far outperforming their own, but that desire with its Islamic identity. Beginning it would also be a communal disaster. Riots, with the government of Zia ul-Haq, the violence, and bloodshed would probably state supported a program of Islamic dwarf that seen in 1947 when the two states fundamentalism. The Mujahideen that were were partitioned. trained in Pakistan were thoroughly Islamized. Another aspect of the Pakistani identity At home, Zia’s Islamization methods included complex, less explicit than simply not being support for extremist Islamic madrassas Indian, is the delicate balance it has tried taught by radical mullahs from the Northwest to maintain between its Islamic identity— Frontier Province. Abroad, Pakistan has indeed its reason for being—and its desire sought to win the confidence of its Islamic to be seen as progressive and (almost) neighbors Iran and the Gulf States— Western. Less than a month after Pakistani especially Saudi Arabia, the home of independence, Muhammad Ali Jinnah (the fundamentalist Wahhabi Islam. The fact that father of Pakistan) declared in a cabinet Pakistan is now engaged in a struggle to meeting that “Pakistan [is] a democracy snuff out these extremist elements, and that and communism does not flourish in the Pakistan finds itself on the side of the United soil of Islam. It [is] clear therefore that our States in this struggle, is deeply disturbing to interests [lie] more with the two great many Pakistanis, and goes a long way to democratic countries, namely, the UK and explain their ambivalence toward working the US [sic], rather than with Russia” (qtd. in with the United States. Kux 20). Though for most of its history Pakistan has not been a democracy, it has generally still sought to align itself with the FUTURE US-PAKISTAN RELATIONS West, particularly against Soviet expansion. Its partnership with China can probably be One of the difficulties facing current explained by the fact that China has never Pakistani and American diplomats is the fact desired to sweep through the Khyber Pass that other than shoring up the Pakistani nor to conquer any of the subcontinent, government itself against domestic much less Pakistan. This partnership is a extremism, the two nations have very few marriage of convenience, since both nations long-term strategic interests in common. To want to restrict the rise of Indian power. begin with, Pakistan has yet to determine for Nevertheless, Pakistan (and particularly the itself whether it is to be an Islamic theocracy governments of Ayub Khan, Zia ul-Haq, and like Iran or to be a relatively secular state like Pervez Musharraf) cooperated with the West Turkey. As it is now, not only does Timpner / The United States and Pakistan 43

Islamabad have close links with certain Still, Pakistan might feel inclined to side terrorist groups, but many analysts speculate with America in the event of US-China that the situation in Pakistan closely tensions if for no other reason than that a resembles that of Afghanistan immediately distant hegemony is preferable to a local one prior to the rise of the Taliban (Hardar 114). and that Pakistan now has no need for For instance, Pakistan has failed to shut Chinese technical expertise to build an down extremist groups such as Jama’at ud– atomic bomb. But Pakistanis might also be Dawa and Lashkar-i-Taiba and the madrassas reluctant to join any partnership that benefits they support (Ayres 153). Only once India. With the growing rapprochement in Pakistan has fully committed to domestic Indo-American affairs, Pakistan is bound to secularism will it be able to wholly support feel squeezed out in a transoceanic embrace the American-led global war on terror. And, between New Delhi and Washington. As as Melissa Dell points out, Pakistani Cohen points out, playing the middle man participation in the war on terror will be would not be an entirely unfamiliar position critical to winning it (111). Nevertheless, for Washington, which faced a similar Pakistanis resent American support of situation with NATO members Greece and military regimes (such as Musharraf’s) that Turkey. But, as Cohen also points out, unlike Washington counts on to limit fundamentalist the prevailing situation on the subcontinent, influence (Cohen 132). at the time of their accession to NATO, Against this resentment, Musharraf has neither Greece nor Turkey had nuclear sought to present himself as all that stands weapons, nor had they fought a war against between order and chaos in Pakistan in one another in recent memory (Cohen 133). order to secure American support. This claim It remains to be seen whether China will has many supporters in Washington who prove threatening enough to both countries believe that if Musharraf were to fall or if free to force them into an awkward entente. elections were held, the successor regime China, however, shows no inclination to be would be much worse for American interests. that menacing. Feeling threatened by India’s According to Sumit Ganguly, however, the rise and resenting Indian pretensions to Islamabad regime is not as fragile as it would leadership in Asia, China has meticulously like Westerners to think (147–50). It can and developed ties with many of the Indochinese must withstand more pressure to deal with its states—and Pakistan specifically—to stunt internal demons if the United States and Indian growth. In a strategy termed “strategic India are to feel secure. Without their encirclement,” China seeks to bog down security, there can be no long-term security Indian progress by propping up local states for Pakistan. against India (Frankel and Harding 138– The Pakistanis’ choice either to descend 139). into religious extremism and violence or to Ironically this Chinese strategy gives take the Turkish road to secularism and Pakistan the strategic significance it believes relative westernization will determine their it has vis-à-vis the West. Its role in Chinese country’s short-term relationship with the strategy far outshines its role in American United States. Its long-term relationship, strategic calculations, something that is however, will be heavily influenced by its becoming increasingly apparent to the dependence upon what Musharraf called Pakistani leadership, which for decades Pakistan’s “time-tested” friend: China overestimated its strategic value to the (Musharraf 307). If, as many analysts predict, Western powers. Furthermore, those China emerges as the preeminent threat to Western powers, it believed, were incorrigibly western and particularly American interests in prejudiced against Pakistan as a Muslim Asia or even worldwide, Islamabad’s relations country. As mentioned earlier, Pakistanis find with Beijing will almost certainly determine it offensive that the Pressler Amendment was its relations with a defensive Washington. aimed specifically at them while mandating 44 New Horizons / April 2008 no similar sanctions upon India (Kux 310). balancing China. Most of these strategies Musharraf probably spoke for most represent foreign policy under nearly Pakistanis when he defended Abdul Qadeer laboratory conditions; still, it shows that Khan, the primary engineer behind Pakistan is far from irrelevant in the Pakistan’s so-called “Islamic” nuclear bomb American strategic calculus in Asia and when he wrote, “No one else’s bomb is beyond. called Hindu, Jewish, Christian, capitalist, or This grand strategy, however unlikely, communist, yet somehow our bomb becomes would be in the long-term interests of ‘Islamic’ as if that makes it illegitimate” Pakistan. Since its creation in 1947, it has (Musharraf 287). been forced by circumstances to devote a In spite of the talk of bombs and huge proportion of its resources to defense extremism, however, there is cause for and security. If it felt reasonably confident optimism for the United States and Pakistan. that it could redirect some of that funding It is in both countries’ interests to win the from the military to domestic improvements, War on Terror, even if, for Pakistan, it has a Pakistan could dramatically increase the far larger internal dimension than the United quality of life of its population.6 It would also States originally estimated. There is also be in the best interests of the United States. cause for hope that Kashmir, for so long a America must never again forget Pakistan as spectral presence in Pakistani diplomacy, it has so many times in its past. The key to may be resolved. India dearly wants a successful, cooperative relations with Pakistan permanent seat on the United Nations Security is long-term, patient, committed (but never Council. In exchange for Washington’s overbearing) engagement. support in obtaining it, New Delhi might be willing to cede enough of Kashmir to mollify NOTES Pakistan without upsetting Indian nationalists 1 at home (Cohen 295). Nehru had said that while to the West, the issue of the day was communism, “to us, it is colonialism.” In a more arcane fashion, Pakistan could 2 On the Pakistani side, this made sense; they had reprise the role it played in 1971 when its settled the score as far as they were concerned: why ties to China proved useful to the United not use their new-found equality with India to States. Poorly managed though it is, Pakistan maximum advantage? From the Indian perspective, looks like a model nuclear-armed client-state the Pakistani tests had been a total shock, sobering Indians from the euphoria surrounding their own for China when compared to North Korea. nuclear tests (Talbott 73). In concert with the West, Pakistan could be 3 Jaswant Singh, Talbott’s counterpart in the the key to induce Beijing to take a harder behind-the-scenes negotiations over India’s atomic line toward Pyongyang. Especially if it can program, claimed that India had realized that the make the Chinese leadership see that its United States had stood firmly on its side, and that interests lie in engagement with the rest of Indians would not forget this. 4 There have, after all, been at least two attempts on Asia and not in confrontation on its the life of President Musharraf. Northeast frontier, Pakistan might convince 5 Musharraf goes on to say, “I have tried to get away China to seek a quick solution to its North from Pakistan’s Indocentric approach to relations Korean problem. The relations established with other countries. China remains our time-tested this way might prove useful should the and sincere friend, irrespective of its developing economic relations with India. We are simultaneously United States need a back-channel, developing broad-based and long-term relations with third-party country in order to relax any the United States, free from the effects of the tension that may arise over the status of warming up of relations between India and the Taiwan. Furthermore, a secure Pakistan that United States.” It would seem that he still has a long is confident in American backing and that way to go in abandoning the “Indocentric” approach since most of his subsequent assertions involve India abandons its paranoia over India (thus (307–08). freeing it from the need to kowtow to China) 6 According to Alyssa Ayres, until 1990, the Pakistani would allow India to play a stronger role in and Indian economies grew at the same rate. After Timpner / The United States and Pakistan 45

the US invoked the Pressler amendment, the States Needs to Know. New York: Columbia Pakistani economy imploded, debt skyrocketed, and UP, 2004. finances went to service it and to the military rather Ganguly, Sumit. “Pakistan: the Other Rogue than internal economic improvements (155). This Nation,” Current History 103.672 (2004): forgets that Indian market reforms took place at the 147–50. same time, thus accentuating the economic disparity between the two states, but that essentially leaves her Hanhimäki, Jussi. The Flawed Architect: Henry argument untouched. Kissinger & American Foreign Policy. Oxford, England: Oxford UP, 2004. Hardar, Leon. “The United States Should Not WORKS CITED Treat Pakistan as an Ally Against Terrorism.” Abbas, Hassan. Pakistan’s Drift Into Extremism: India and Pakistan: Opposing Viewpoints. Allah, the Army, and America’s War on William Dudley, Ed. Farmington Hills: Terrorism. Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 2005. Greenhaven, 2003. Ahmed, Samina. “The (Nuclear) Testing of Haqqani, Husain. Pakistan: Between Mosque Pakistan,” Current History 97.623 (1998): and Military. Washington, D.C.: Carnegie 407–11. Endowment for International Peace, 2005. Ayres, Alyssa. “Musharraf’s Pakistan: A Nation on Jones, Owen Bennett. Pakistan: Eye of the the Edge,” Current History 103.672 (2004): Storm. New Delhi: Viking Penguin, 2002. 151–57. Khalilzad, Zalmay. “The United States in South Burke, Samuel M. Pakistan’s Foreign Policy: An Asia,” Current History 88.542 (1989): 417– Historical Analysis. London: Oxford UP, 20. 1973. Khan, Mohammad Ayub. Pakistan Perspective. Chardar, D. Suba. “Role of the United States: Washington, D.C.: Embassy of Pakistan, Mediator or Mere Facilitator?” Kargil: The 1965. Tables Turned. Major General Ashok Krishna & P.R. Chari, Eds. New Delhi: Manohar, Kux, Dennis. The United States and Pakistan 2001. 1947–2000: Disenchanted Allies. Cohen, Stephen Philip. “America and Pakistan: Is Washington, D.C.: Johns Hopkins UP, 2001. the Worst Case Avoidable?” Current History Musharraf, Pervez. In the Line of Fire: a 104.680 (2005):131–36. Memoir. New York: Free P, 2006. ——. India: Emerging Power. Washington D.C.: Rashid, Ahmed. “Pakistan: Trouble Ahead, Brookings, 2001. Trouble Behind,” Current History 95.600 Dell, Melissa. “The United States Should Treat (1996): 158–64. Pakistan as an Ally Against Terrorism.” India Talbott, Strobe. Engaging India: Diplomacy, and Pakistan: Opposing Viewpoints. William Democracy, and the Bomb. Washington, Dudley, Ed. Farmington Hills: Greenhaven, D.C.: Brookings, 2004. 2003. Ziring, Lawrence. The Ayub Khan Era: Politics Frankel, Francine and Harry Harding, Eds. The in Pakistan 1958–1969. Syracuse: Syracuse India-China Relationship: What the United UP, 1971. New Horizons ᭜ Volume 2 ᭜ Number 1 ᭜ 2008

The Effects of Aromatase Inhibitor 4-hydroxyAndrostenedione and Estrogen Replacement Therapy on the Development of Sensory-Motor Functions in the Zebrafish

Cadet Bryan P. Nelson Faculty Advisor: Dr. James E. Turner, Departments of Biology and Chemistry

ABSTRACT The steroid hormone estrogen plays an important role in the development of the central nervous system (CNS). Zebrafish have served as an excellent model to test the role of estrogen on the developing nervous system. The purpose of this study was to determine the effect of estrogen on zebrafish sensory-motor behavioral maturation in the CNS. In these experiments the aromatase inhibitor (AI) 4-hydroxyandrostenedione (4-OH-A), which blocks estrogen synthesis, was used to diminish the effects of estrogen on the maturation of the developing zebrafish CNS. During multiple AI treatments the zebrafish were observed for the failure of numerous and identifiable neurological sensory-motor (S-M) deficits. These behaviors included tactile responses, spontaneous swimming movements, vestibular behavior, pectoral fin movement, and eye motion. During the initial 72–124 hour developmental time period, none of these S-M behaviors were expressed when 4-OH-A was administered at concentrations ranging from 5.0–10.0 × 10−5 M. This AI–induced S-M deficit is called ‘listless’ due to the absence of S-M functions. Furthermore, when the AI was removed from the treatment medium the normal S-M behaviors resumed over a two to three day time period. In addition, when AI and physiological levels of estrogen (10−6,−8 M) were added simultaneously, there was a stimulation of developmental appearance in all S-M parameters measured and fish also survived for longer periods of time. Therefore, these studies have demonstrated that the presence of estrogen in the early developing zebrafish embryo is necessary for the proper expression of several critical nervous system SM behaviors that indicate normal CNS development. In turn, these findings present a suitable model for the study of the mechanisms of estrogen’s effects on the development of brainstem, spinal cord, and retinal circuitry related to the maturation of these S-M phenomena.

INTRODUCTION estrogen has been shown to possess additional roles (Krishnan & Brann 2002). Indeed, it is Estrogen has long been known to control now recognized that brain-derived estrogen is reproductive functions and now recently crucial to central nervous system (CNS)

49 50 New Horizons / April 2008 development since its synthesis and receptors of the brain besides the hypothalamic have been well established in both male and preoptic areas, suggesting that aromatase female brain tissue of many species including and the resultant estrogen might be used for humans (Krishnan & Brann 2002). This specific brain development and functions estrogen response system is exhibited in part other than sexual differentiation (Bardet et al. by the presence of estrogen synthesis 2002; Krishnan & Brann 2002; Meneut et enzyme (aromatase) which has been localized al. 2002). Specifically, it is thought that in numerous brain areas. Most significantly, estrogen plays an important role in neural estrogens have been found to influence growth and plasticity in neurogenesis in neuronal differentiation, neuronal cell teleost fish (Beyer 1999). It is interesting to migration, survival, death, and synaptic note that zebrafish and goldfish, both plasticity (Beyer 1999). In adults, estrogen teleosts, have a high amount of aromatase has been shown to improve memory, located within their brains, of an order of prevent the onset of Alzheimer’s disease, magnitude 100–1000 fold greater than that block apoptosis, enhance recovery from of mammals (Callard et al. 2001). ischemia, and to have antioxidant capabilities Postulations have been made that it is this in the brain (McEwen & Alves 1999). During large amount of estrogen that helps damaged brain development aromatase levels have zebrafish successfully regenerate portions of been found to gradually increase in a number the brain, spinal cord, and eye after being of brain nuclei and subsequently peak around damaged (Callard et al. 2001). birth (Beyer 1999). Such a peak suggests Aromatase inhibitors compromise aromatase that there would be a critical period in which enzyme activity. Specifically, the inhibitors estrogens and aromatase would play a vital bind to the aromatase enzyme active site and role in the development of the maturing prevent aromatase from catalyzing androgens brain circuitry (Beyer 1999). In addition, into estrogens. Estrogens have been shown estrogen has been reported to be involved to act at both the genomic and nongenomic with the maturation of motor behaviors (Beatty cellular levels such as in calcium influx as well & Holzer 1978) and the electrophysiological as cAMP-mediate signaling cascades (Beyer functions of neurons (McEwen & Alves 1999). 1999). To date aromatase inhibitors have been Estrogen is synthesized in the body from used in zebrafish to immunohistochemically precursor androgens such as testosterone localize areas of aromatase in the brain and androstenedione by an enzyme called (Callard et al. 2001). For example, formestane aromatase (Harda et al. 1999). Specifically, (4-hydroxyandrostenedione or 4-OH-A), the aromatase is found in the zebrafish preoptic AI used in this study, is a steroidal aromatase and hypothalamic regions of the CNS which inhibitor that competes with its natural play a role in sexual differentiation (Callard et substrate, androstenedione, for the enzyme al. 2001). Zebrafish contain two genes that and binds irreversibly to it (Harda et al. convert androgens into estrogens via 1999). aromatase. These two genes are cyp19a and The zebrafish develops over the course of cyp19b and when transcribed and translated several days and is thus an excellent model form the two enzymes cytochrome P450 for these embryological studies. Treatments aromaA, localized in the ovary, and can easily be applied to its aqueous cytochrome P450 aromaB, localized in the environment during early stages of maturation brain, respectively (Callard et al. 2001). similar to a tissue culture paradigm (Eisen Estrogen synthesis in mammalian models has 1996; Fishman 2001; Jesuhasan 2002). also been found to not only originate from Although estrogen response systems have the gonads but from local sources in cerebral been found in brain areas and the retina and vasculature and brain glial cells (Krause et al. visual pathways of many species, including 2006). those of zebrafish and humans (Callard et al. Aromatase has been found in other areas 2001; Littleton-Kearney 2002), no studies Nelson / Development of Sensory-Motor Functions in the Zebrafish 51 have used AIs to identify their effects on the Guidelines for the care and treatment of maturation of zebrafish sensory-motor (S-M) animals. behaviors. Consequently this study attempts to acquire a better understanding of AI 4-OH-A treatment affects on the critical S-M functions during zebrafish development. The hypothesis The 4-OH-A treatment was prepared using developed in this study states that concentrations between 5.0–10.0 × 10−5 M. experimental results will show that A stock solution was created by first maturation in the central and peripheral dissolving the AI in 5 ml of ETOH and systems (CNS/PNS) in the zebrafish, and diluting it to the appropriate concentration hence the successful emergence of S-M in1LofERS(final 0.05% ETOH functions, is dependent on adequate concentration). All ERS controls contained physiological levels of estrogen. Results 0.05% ETOH). The most effective reported in the present study validate this concentration of 4-OH-A was determined to hypothesis. In addition, a new zebrafish be 5.0 × 10−5 M which resulted in S-M model we term ‘listless’ due to the absence degradation and less deaths than higher of S-M functions has also emerged from concentrations. In 4-OH-A groups, fish were these studies and will aid in the further dechorionated and treated starting at 24–48 understanding of estrogen’s role in nervous hpf and observed at 24 hour intervals for 3 system maturation. days, and subsequently fixed for light microscopic observations. Also, after treatment MATERIALS AND METHODS with the AI for 24–96 hours, it was washed out of the incubation medium with either Zebrafish preparation and analysis estrogen (10−5,10−6,or10−8 M) or ERS Pigmented zebrafish (Danio rerio) used in containing the diluent 0.05% ethanol to these experiments were obtained from the determine if S-M behaviors would appear breeding facilities of the Zebrafish over a 24–48 hour time period. International Resource Center at the University of Oregon, Eugene. After arrival, Estrogen only and estrogen the eggs were placed in an egg-rearing saline co-treatments (ERS) solution (0.004% CaCl2, 0.0163% MgSO4, 0.1% NaCl, 0.003% KCl) also The experimental response groups were containing antimycotic and antibiotics placed in either 10−8 M, 10−6 M, and 10−5 consisting of penicillin, streptomycin, and M solutions of estrogen (17␤ estradiol, amphotericin B (Sigma), which was added to Sigma), solubilized in ERS containing the the rearing medium at 10 µL per ml of diluent 0.05% ethanol. Control treatments solution. Developing embryos 24–48 hours reared fish in 0.05% ethanol in ERS post fertilization (hpf) were removed from (following Garcia-Segura et al. 2001). The their protective chorian at to allow for zebrafish were treated with the experimental greater exposure to the external treatment and control solutions for 24–72 hpf. Every 8 environment. Zebrafish were placed in a 2 to 24 hours the fish were observed for the mg/ml solution of pronase (Sigma) for five developmental emergence of S-M responses. minutes, which made the chorion brittle and The 4-OH-A and estrogen concentrations easy to remove. Control and experimental were combined in a co-treatment paradigm. groups, in 6-well dishes, 4 fish per well, were The 4-OH-A concentration of AI at 50 × 10−6 placed in a controlled-environment chamber M was combined with estrogen at 10−8 Mor maintained at 28.5° C and 12 hr light 10−6 M. These experiments were carried out cycles. Fish were prepared for observations to determine if the exogenous estrogen at at either 8 or 24 hour intervals. All 10−8 Mor10−6 M would be sufficient to procedures were in accordance with the NIH illicit neuroprotection in the zebrafish after its 52 New Horizons / April 2008 endogenous production of estrogen was abnormalities. Specifically, the zebrafish were inhibited by 4-OH-A and also illicit longer also examined for body curvature anomalies survival times. (a curving of the dorsal region) ranging from minute to severe. Cardiac sac or additional Analysis of the developmental blood vasculature abnormalities were also appearance of S-M behaviors, body noted over observations during the 24 to 72 anomalies, survival, and heart rates hour test period. Cardiac sac abnormalities focused on an enlargement of the sac and a The developmental emergence of the backup of blood within this structure. response to touch (TR), vestibular behavior (righting response, VR), pectoral fin Data analysis movements (FM), eye movements (EM), and the degree of their spontaneous swimming Proportions of subjects expressing S-M activity (SM) were recorded every 8 to 24 behaviors were compared among treatments hours throughout the study. Tactile using contingency tables with significance responses were determined based on the assessed at ␣ = 0.05. As these only indicate escape responses that zebrafish displayed to if a difference exists among all treatments, touch by a small metal probe as observed multiple pairwise treatment comparisons under dissecting microscope. The other S-M were subsequently completed using an behaviors were observed with a phase appropriate, Bonferroni-adjusted value of ␣ contrast microscope. Ten to twenty zebrafish (Samuels & Whitmer 2003). By convention, embryos were used in each experimental and with the use of a proportion analysis, the control group within the various error of the means are not normally experimental paradigms described above. indicated and are therefore not shown in the Each experimental study was repeated at a various figures. minimum of three times for statistical interpretation. The developmental emergence of S-M behaviors was calculated on a percent RESULTS of appearance in the control and 4-OH-A treatment prevents the experimental populations over a 3-day developmental expression of analysis period. The 3-day analysis period S-M behaviors was broken down into 24 hour observation points and in some experiments further Results from 4-OH-A treatments indicated broken down into 8 hour observation that the developmental appearance of S-M periods. The significance of the success of behaviors was inhibited. Specifically, 4-OH-A the various experiments was based on the treatment (at 100 × 10−6 M), beginning at fact that optimum AI treatment at 50 × 10−6 M 24–48 hpf either prevented or caused the adequately inhibited the developmental disappearance of the various S-M behaviors expression of the various S-M behaviors tested such as SM, FM, VR, and EM (Figure without significant death over 2 to 3 days, 1A). The lower dose (50 × 10−6 M) thus starting these observations from a near significantly reduced appearance of the S-M zero percent expression base. In addition, behaviors when compared to the ERS percent survival of treated fish over a control treatments (p < 0.001). However, as four-day analysis period was calculated. would be expected the higher AI Photomicrographs of control and concentration, 100 × 10−6 M, caused a experimental treated groups were taken with significant loss of S-M function than that of a Zeiss TS 100 phase contrast microscope the 50 × 10−6 M treatment. However, the attached to a Nikon DXM 1200F digital lower AI concentration was found to be camera. optimal since the higher concentration Photographs were used to examine body resulted in significantly more early deaths Nelson / Development of Sensory-Motor Functions in the Zebrafish 53

Figure 1. The effects of AI and estrogen dose-response treatments at 3 days of exposure (120 hpf), begun at 48 hpf, on the developmental emergence of the S-M behaviors: spontaneous swimming movements, SM; tactile response, TR; fin movement, FN; vestibular response, VR; and eye movements, EM. (A) This panel shows that one of the treatments was significantly different from the rest (p < 0.001). From this data it is possible to infer that the ERS is able to illicit normal S-M responses while AI treatment results in the significant developmental suppression of S-M expression, which creates the ‘listless’ condition. Figure key notations of AI = 50, 75, and 100 represents 10−6 M 4-OH-A treatments respectively. (B) This panel demonstrates that after three days of estrogen treatment (124 hpf) the pharmacological estrogen concentration at 10−5 M displayed a statistically significant difference (p < 0.002) in comparison to the two lower concentrations. Figure key notations of E1–E3 = 10−5,10−6, and 10−8 M estrogen treatments respectively. Note the 10−5 M estrogen treatment significantly diminishes the appearance of S-M behaviors much like AI administered in Figure 1 A. above. ERS represents the egg rearing control solution; hpf in the above caption stands for hours post fertilization. during the observation period. Thus, AI appropriate for future co-treatment and treatment created a new zebrafish developmental studies. Three initial estrogen developmental deficiency called ‘listless’ due concentrations were chosen, one in the to the absence of S-M functions. pharmacological range (10−5 M) and two The establishment of the appropriate AI within physiological parameters (10−6 and dose for creating the ‘listless’ condition led to 10−8 M). After three days of estrogen the question of what estrogen levels were treatment at these concentrations there 54 New Horizons / April 2008 was a statistically significant difference and the fish were in the ‘listless’ condition (p < 0.002) in one of the treatments (Figure which implies that one of the treatments had 1B). When the three estrogen treatments a significant affect on the behaviors than the were compared to each other, the data other two. From this information (Figure 3B) indicated that the 10−5 M treatment was it was concluded that the two co-treatments statistically different from both the 10−6 and were the ones different from the AI-only. 10−8 M treatments. Specifically, the 10−5 M The statistical analysis was applied to only the concentration of estrogen was determined to co-treatments and AI treatment to determine be a dose with deleterious effects in the if there was a significant difference between developmental emergence of S-M behaviors those three treatments. The ERS treatment and fish survival. In contrast, both 10−6 and served as a secondary control to make sure 10−8 M estrogen concentrations allowed for the fish were healthy and developed normally 100% expression of S-M behaviors. under normal circumstances. Therefore, from this information the 50 × 10−6 MAI treatment was sufficient to degrade the S-M AI to ERS washout results in responses via inhibition of endogenous resurgence of S-M behaviors estrogen production. In turn, the The results from the washout of AI with co-application of estrogen was able to ERS indicated recovery of the developmental overcome the AI inhibition, leading to the appearance of S-M behaviors in the developmental emergence and protection developing zebrafish. Specifically, if AI is from AI treatment. In addition, estrogen washed out of the incubation medium during co-treatment was able to protect the fish early development, at 48 hpf, normal S-M from abnormal body curvature and cardiac behaviors emerged over a 3-day time period sac anomalies (compare Figures 3 and 4). (Figure 2A). However, if AI treatment occurs Co-treatment also displayed that exogenous later in development, at 98 hpf, followed by estrogen was important in the long-term washout with ERS, the recovery of lost S-M survival of zebrafish. AI-treated fish displayed behaviors occurs more rapidly over an eight significantly higher mortality rates than hour time period (Figure 2B). co-treated fish (P = 0.016; Figure 5) presumably due to cardiac arrest and vascular collapse (data not shown) which was preceded AI/Estrogen co-treatments display by an enlarged cardiac sac (Figure 4C). the need for estrogen in the normal maturation of S-M behaviors and DISCUSSION protects from the formation of body anomalies and premature death The role of estrogen in CNS maturation is most evident in this study by AI inhibition of The AI and estrogen co-treatments were the developmental expression of TR, VR, utilized to if exogenous estrogen would FM, EM S-M behaviors and their recovery mitigate AI-induced S-M inhibition and lead facilitated by estrogen replacement therapy. to a resurgence and protection of these The evidence that physiological levels of functions. Exogenous estrogen was able to estrogen when added to AIs can initiate the allow for S-M recovery and protection emergence of S-M behaviors would strongly (Figure 3). By the start of the third day of indicate their developmental dependence on co-treatment (once sensory-motor functions estrogen. Indeed, there is a direct correlation were reduced by AI treatment; Day 0 in between the emergence of S-M behaviors Figure 3A) co-treated fish demonstrated a and the maturation of the corresponding significant recovery of all S-M behaviors brainstem and spinal cord neural circuitry (p < 0.0001). However, with AI treatment responsible for their expression (Bate 1999). alone there was no S-M functions exhibited Also, estrogen response systems have been Nelson / Development of Sensory-Motor Functions in the Zebrafish 55

Figure 2. Recovery of S-M behaviors after AI washout in zebrafish embryos of various developmental ages. (A) These data indicate that, with the exception of the tactile response, the delayed developmental emergence of S-M behaviors in younger fish embryos (72 hpf) occurred over a 2–3 day period after AI washout. (B) This graph makes it possible to infer that upon AI washout all S-M behaviors recover from the ‘listless’ condition in older fish (124 hpf) that had already expressed these behaviors prior to AI treatment. These results also indicate that the AI may be quickly cleared in vivo since recovery occurs over an 8 hour time period which is much more rapid than in A above. Note that all S-M measurements overlap on the graph and thus there is no distinction between values. The S-M behaviors in the key are SM, spontaneous movement; TR, tactile response; FN, fin movement; and VR, vestibular movement. Figure 2A key notations: AI-6E washout refers to an AI treatment that has been replaced with 10−6 M estrogen; AI-ERS washout of refers to an AI treated fish that has been replaced with the control egg rearing solution. localized in both the brainstem and spinal to alter neuronal growth, direct synapse cord neurons of vertebrates (McEwen & formation, aid in the direction of cell Alves 1999; Sar & Stumpf 1977). These migration during development, and alter the observations also correspond to reports in electrophysiological state of neurons the literature where estrogen has been found (McEwen & Alves 1999; Wise et al. 2001). 56 New Horizons / April 2008

Figure 3. Graph demonstrating the effects of estrogen and AI + estrogen co-treatments on the rescue of the development expression of S-M behaviors and body curvature abnormalities in zebrafish embryos with treatments starting at 48 hpf which is equivalent to day zero on A. belowandday3inB.is equivalent to 140 hpf. (A) After a twenty-four hour pulse of AI most S-M functions were suppressed which set up the experimental baseline for the co-treatments. Also, body anomalies such as extreme curvature (Curve) were minimal at day 0 of the co-treatment. (B) These data indicate that after 3-days the co-treatments of 50 × 10−6 M AI with either 10−6 or 10−8 M estrogen fish were able to significantly (p < 0.0001) recover their S-M functions. However, AI treatment alone significantly inhibited the developmental emergence of these behaviors. Also, note that extreme body curvature (Curve) was absent in the presence of co-treatments. However, in the AI only group all of the fish exhibited this body anomaly. The S-M behaviors evaluated in this study were: SM, spontaneous swimming movements; TR, tactile response; FN, fin movement; VR, vestibular response. Figure key notations: AI-6E, and AI-8E refers to results after AI co-treatment with either 10−6 or 10−8 M estrogen, after AI washout; AI represents a 50 × 10−6 M treatment only; and ERS represents control egg rearing solution treatment only.

Most importantly, co-treatment of AI and again supports the conclusions that estrogen estrogen experiments revealed that is a requirement for proper sensory-motor exogenous estrogen was able to illicit the development (Krause et al. 2006). recovery and protective S-M and survival In addition, estrogen also appears to be affects. From these data and previous necessary for proper body development. literature reviews this current investigation Specifically, the body anomaly as seen in the Nelson / Development of Sensory-Motor Functions in the Zebrafish 57

Figure 4. Photomicrographs (15× magnification) demonstrating the body shapes and cardiac sac anomalies of various treated zebrafish embryos at 3 days post treatment (124 hpf). (A) Developing zebrafish with control ERS treatment. Note that the zebrafish has a normal-sized cardiac sac (CS), as well as, a straight body orientation (E represents the eye). (B) AI treatment (50 × 10−6 M) results in an abnormal “C”-shaped body curvature at 2–3 days of treatment. (C) Zebrafish exposed to AI concentrations of 50 × 10−6 M illicit an enlarged cardiac sac (CS) (D) Co-treatment with AI + estrogen prevents the appearance of body curvature and cardiac sac anomalies.

C-shaped curvature problems in this study PNS as well as abnormal development could be attributed to numerous mechanisms (Krause et al. 2006). Estrogen is also of actions whose normal development may necessary for proper release of be inhibited during AI treatment such as in neurotransmitters, especially ACh, GABA, the notochord, muscle, and cartilage body and Ca2+ (Krause et al. 2006). Too much compartments. estrogen can then result in neuronal Mechanisms that may be responsible for hyper-excitability (leading to over firing and the AI generation of the ‘listless’ condition death) or hypo-excitability (too little firing and include the collapse of developing synapses, possible death) and the proper nervous the improper release of neurotransmitters, system signals would not be transmitted. Too changes in ionic concentrations, and the lack little estrogen has also been shown to result of protection of axons. Estrogen has been in the degeneration of the axon. Such a loss shown to be protective of neuronal synapses. would lead to a progressive degradation of If those synapses do not receive the proper neuronal signals which could lead to amount of estrogen then they may innervate degradation of neuromuscular systems end organs improperly or not at all, leading leading to the ‘listless’ fish condition. to miscommunication between the CNS and These results indicate that AI treatment 58 New Horizons / April 2008

Figure 5. Graphic data demonstrating the rescue effect of exogenous estrogen in AI co-treated embryos that prevents premature death due to cardiac arrest. Note that the co-treatment (Cotreat. = 50 × 10−6 M AI/10−6 M estrogen) resulted in greater survival over a four day treatment period when compared to the AI (50 × 10−6 M) only treatment. does result in sensory-motor loss and the helping me when I needed it. Also, special resulting ‘listless’ fish condition. The recognition goes to Mr. Ted Grigorieff for methodology employed in this study teaching me the art of fish husbandry and for demonstrates the ‘listless’ condition can be maintaining the zebrafish facility. used to study the role of estrogen in the development of the nervous system in an intact organism. Exogenously-administered REFERENCES estrogen was able to compensate for the loss Bardet, P-L., Horard, B., Robinson-Rechavi, M., of endogenous estrogen production, resulting Laudet, V., Vanacker, J-M. (2002) in neuroprotection and recovery in impaired Characterization of oestrogen receptors in embryos. These results also point to the zebrafish (Danio rerio). Journal of Molecular crucial role played by estrogen in the Endocrinology 28:153–163. development, health, protection, and Bate, M. (1999) Development of motor behavior. maintenance of the brain, spinal, and Current Opinions in Neurobiology 9:670– peripheral networks. 675. Beatty, W.M., Holzer, G.A. (1978) Differences in stereotyped behavior in the rat. Pharmacology, ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Biochemistry, and Behavior 9:777–783. Beyer, C. (1999) Estrogen and the developing I would like to extend my special thanks to mammalian brain. ICLE 99:379–390. Dr. James E. Turner, my mentor on this Callard, G.V., Tchoudakova, A.V., Kishida, M., project for the last three years. His guidance Wood, E. (2001) Differential tissue distribution, has contributed greatly to my research. I developmental programming, estrogen would also like to thank the VMI Biology regulation and promotor characteristics In Department and the Undergraduate cyp19 genes in teleost fish. Journal of Research Initiative Office for funding. Special Steroid Biochemistry and Molecular Biology thanks are also extended to my fellow 79:305–314. undergraduate zebrafish researchers for Drapeau, P., Saint-Amant, L., Buss, R.R., Chong, Nelson / Development of Sensory-Motor Functions in the Zebrafish 59

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Emergency Underground Communication Using Seismic Waves

Cadet George W. Flathers III and Cadet Jared E. Starin Faculty Advisor: Dr. James C. Squire, Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering

ABSTRACT Despite the unparalleled technology advancements of our century, mining continues to be one of the most dangerous industries in America (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2002). Currently, following a mine collapse, all communication is cut off; landlines are instantly severed by the force of the collapse, and radio signals are absorbed in the conductive earth. The purpose of the Extremely Low Frequency Seismic Detector (ELFSD) is to improve mine safety by communicating directly through the overburden to emergency services on the surface. An underground transmitter and portable topside receiver have been developed that allow trapped miners with a limited supply of oxygen and potentially in need of medical help to communicate their condition to the outside world. Similarly, the system allows emergency personnel to detect and locate survivors. When activated, the transmitter continually transduces a signal into the ground as seismic energy. The receiver collects and processes the ground signal. The presence of a valid signal indicates survivors. The transmitter, built from a 12” speaker and a 275 watt amplifier, generates a continuous, tunable, extremely low frequency (40 to 200Hz) sine wave. The wave is transduced as seismic P-waves into the ground using a modified voice coil and spider springs. Geophones in the topside receiver collect the signal from the ground and a high-Q bandpass filter removes noise around the desired frequency. The signal, however, remains 100,000 times weaker than the ambient noise. The computer integrates the signal over a relatively long period and uses Fourier Transforms to extract it from the overpowering noise. A MATLAB application has been created to perform the transforms, log the data, and graphically display the result in realtime. The prototype system has been successfully tested surface-to-surface at a range of 200 feet. The ELFSD concept can be expanded for two-way communication, multiple bit messages, and mobile transmitters.

PROBLEM problem is not confined to America; mining tragedies affect families all over the world. Mining is one of the most dangerous China, which produces over one-third of the industries in America [1]. A string of recent world’s coal, especially suffers from mining mining disasters—particularly the Sago Mine accidents, ranging from collapses to floods. collapse in West Virginia—have highlighted In 2003, China reported over 6000 mining the risks miners accept every day. The fatalities [2]. The dangers of a roof collapse

63 64 New Horizons / April 2008 are always present, and even the “best appearing roof has some potential to fall,” according to the Virginia Department of Mines, Minerals, and Energy [3]. Although many efforts have been made to improve safety, one critical element remains elusive: the ability to communicate through the overburden1 to the surface following a collapse. Current communication systems and many proposed systems require an unobstructed path to the surface. Landlines are instantly severed by the violent forces of the collapse, and radios are useless, due to the earth’s shielding effects. Even specially-adapted miners’ radios can only transmit through 10 feet of earth [4]. With a limited supply of oxygen and possibly in need of medical help, trapped miners are completely cut off from the outside world. Figure 1. Seismic transmitter. The seismic Similarly, emergency personnel have no way sending device being secured into the ground. of knowing if there are any survivors; they Although in this photo it is being tested topside, are effectively blind to the conditions the sending unit is designed to work either immediately beyond the collapse. The highest topside or underground in a battery-powered priority in any mine rescue is to drill an air configuration. shaft and begin pumping oxygen to the miners. The choice of where to drill is currently underground. An emergency seismic generator a best-guess decision. These emergency is power-limited by its battery source, so the teams are forced to manage the risks and received signal is a small fraction of the resources associated with the time-critical simultaneously-collected environmental noise. rescue without any concrete knowledge upon The signal can be extracted from the noise which to base their judgments. using a communications system that can operate in the presence of an extraordinarily SOLUTION low signal-to-noise ratio with low error rate by using a very low baud rate (e.g. 1 bit per The purpose of the Extremely Low 10 minutes). Experimental data shows Frequency Seismic Detector (ELFSD) is to received signal power declines as 1/r2 with improve mine safety by using an underground the distance from transmitter, as would be transmitter (Fig. 1) and portable topside expected from Gauss’ Law. Given the receiver to communicate directly through the project’s success at detecting a signal at 300 earth. When activated by trapped miners, the feet in 2 minutes, we therefore expect to be transmitter will continually transduce a able to collect a valid signal 600 feet above seismic energy signal into the ground at a ground from the transmitter in 8 minutes. frequency specific to their particular safe For comparison, the Sago Mine collapse in haven. The receiver unit uses Fourier West Virginia occurred 260 feet underground. Transforms to integrate frequency-specific seismic power from the transmitter over minutes to hours depending on the depth Project management The ELFSD is a multi–discipline project 1 The overburden refers to the layers of earth that includes three students and three above the mining tunnel. advisors from the Civil, Mechanical, and Flathers and Starin / Emergency Underground Communication Using Seismic Waves 65

signals over 85Hz. The signal is then

amplified to 175Wrms and transduced by the speaker. The speaker’s aluminum voice coil is connected to a baseplate (not shown, but approximately 2 ft2) that is anchored to the ground. The movable voice coil is connected to the fixed baseplate through the rubber voice cone and radial spider springs. Vertical motion produced by the speaker is transduced to seismic energy in the form of longitudinal P waves, tuned to a frequency at which earth attenuation is minimized. This is far more efficient than thumping the soil as is done in seismic exploration when power is not an issue, as thumping creates impulses of broad Figure 2. Underground transmitter. Note the three “spider” springs that flexibly couple the frequency spectrum. The tension on the heavy permanent magnet speaker base at the top three spring arms can be adjusted to support to the three mounting brackets. The three vertical the speaker in the neutral position. In the mounting brackets are mounted to the same rigid production version, the transmitters will be metal base (not shown but at the bottom of the hardened against environmental factors CAD model) as the speaker cone. In operation, including moisture, as well as those involved the voice coil moves the heavy permanent magnets in disasters, such as severe shock. that by inertia produce an oscillating force against the steel base. The base is anchored into the soil by several hand-placed augers, thereby transducing the Receiver oscillating force into the ground as longitudinal The receiver, shown in Fig. 3 as a block P-waves. The majority of the power is expended moving the earth. Since the earth is relatively stiff, diagram, is used by emergency services there is little net motion and therefore negligible personnel to collect and analyze the ground power loss to acoustic energy. signal. Because of its small size and light weight, the receiver can be deployed when needed. The presence of a valid signal Electrical Engineering fields. The project has indicates there are survivors in need of been divided into five primary work groups: rescue. Transmitter location can be determined transmitter design, receiver design, software by assigning each underground transmitter a development, system integration and testing, unique frequency. It should be noted that the and business and marketing. The student current system is limited to communicating author is the principal investigator, directing the presence or absence of survivors and project management, electronics design, their location only. A future stage of this fabrication, system integration, and testing. project will explore ways to expand its Transmitter abilities. The receiver is composed of four stages: the geophone, analog filter with The seismic transmitter, shown in Fig. 2, integrated DC offset removal, amplifier, and is constructed from a speaker mounted in a data acquisition device (DAQ). A computer rigid frame. A continuous, low frequency (40 performs the final digital filtering, analysis, to 85Hz) sine wave is generated by a custom and display. software application. These frequencies were The seismic signal can be detected and chosen because large environmental noise collected on the surface through a standard sources were found below 40Hz and it was geophone. A geophone, in its simplest form, discovered that the earth severely attenuates can be thought of as an underground 66 New Horizons / April 2008

Figure 3. Receiver layout and design. This sub-system collects raw signals from the ground and prepares them for computer analysis. The receiver includes the geophone, amplifiers, filters, and data acquisition device. Highpass filters prevent small offset voltages originating in the active filters from being amplified by the high gain final amplifier. microphone. At this stage, the signal is commercial-off-the-shelf DAQ, at a sampling approximately 100,000 times weaker than rate of 10 Hz to 5 kHz as needed. A full ambient noise also collected by the schematic of the receiver circuitry is shown geophone. Specifically designed analog filters in Fig. 4, and the corresponding Bode plots and amplifiers remove about 90% of in Fig. 5. The assembled receiver is shown in unwanted noise, and a 60Hz notch filter Fig. 6. reduces the omnipresent 60Hz noise. Noise power still exceeds signal power by roughly Analysis software 10,000 fold. The remaining signal, including noise, is digitized and collected on a laptop Custom MATLAB software with a graphical computer for Fourier analysis using a user interface performs a Fourier Transform

Figure 4. Receiver circuit. This circuit accepts signals from the geophone and filters and amplifies it for computer analysis and data-logging. Flathers and Starin / Emergency Underground Communication Using Seismic Waves 67

Figure 5. Bandpass and notch filter frequency response. The analog active filter in the receiver is composed of one fourth order bandpass and one second order notch filter. Early frequency sweep experiments indicated the least near-surface signal attenuation occurred between 45 and 85Hz, so these frequencies were chosen as the bandpass corner frequencies. A 60Hz Twin-T notch filter was required to reduce capacitively-coupled 60Hz noise. The high Q design permits the use of signal frequencies very close to the notch frequency.

(using the Fast Fourier Transform algorithm) of time that the received signal is measured and graphically displays the emerging signal increases, Fourier Analysis permits the resolved in realtime. Fourier analysis integrates the bandwidth to shrink to about 1/(total time power received into frequency-specific energy received), reducing the noise energy. The bins. This enhances the received signal to seismic energy signal is not reduced by limiting noise ratio in two ways. First, the percentage its bandwidth since it is frequency-locked by of total received noise energy that exists a quartz crystal to essentially zero bandwidth. within a particular frequency bandwidth is Second, any noise component from a proportional to the bandwidth. As the length zero-mean additive white Gaussian source has an RMS energy that grows as the square root of time, but the received signal has an RMS energy that grows linearly with time. As Fourier Analysis is continuously performed on the received signal over the course of several tens of minutes, the signal to noise ratio increases by a factor of nearly one million (Fig. 7). The processed output has an extremely low probability of a type-one error, that is, falsely indicating a survivor signal.

System integration & testing Since its conception, the ELFSD has Figure 6. Receiver sub-system. A two-layer undergone several design revisions. One of printed circuit board was designed using the most significant revisions involved PCBExpress software to reduce the capacitively coupled environmental noise and to protect the redesigning the transmitter. The original components from shock. The receiver sub-system device was simply a loudspeaker secured was packaged within a waterproof case. The red facedown to a flat baseplate in the ground. device is the geophone, and the blue box is Unfortunately, this design relied on air to the DAQ. conduct the signal between the voice coil and 68 New Horizons / April 2008

Figure 7. Processed experimental data. Experimental data in Fig. 7 after 2 seconds (left) and 2 minutes (right) of collection time using a 75Hz signal at 200 feet. The received signal is not immediately measurable against the background noise, but becomes unmistakable after 2 minutes. Note the effectiveness of the 60Hz notch filter, and what appears to be a deterministic contaminating noise source at 90Hz. ground. The difference in density between range of frequencies (50 to 150 Hz) and the compressible air and compacted ground distances (25 to 300 ft). During testing the was an impedance mismatch, causing most transmitter was powered by a 12V DC of the signal power to be reflected off the power supply derived from an AC source, ground and wasted as acoustic noise. This although a battery supply would be used problem also influenced the first receiver when fielded. design by causing overestimation of the optimal frequencies for earth conduction, FUTURE PLANS AND since the receiver was actually responding to BUSINESS & MARKETING the signal transmitted through the air. Once the improved transmitter and receiver Experiments in March 2007 will involve were tested, the effect of capacitively-coupled testing the ELFSD from a mineshaft to the 60 Hz noise became apparent. This noise surface through 100–600 feet of rock at was particularly invasive because it was Natural Bridge Caverns, Virginia. The data sinusoidal steady-state, was of greater from this vertical configuration is expected to magnitude than the survivor signal, and was be at least as promising as the in the middle of the optimal frequency range. currently-collected surface transmission data This noise could not be simply removed by since the denser compacted earth should digital filtering because its magnitude caused permit more efficient signal transduction. saturation after signal amplification. Reduction After the full-scale vertical mineshaft tests, of gain to prevent saturation caused the the project will be presented to the Virginia amplitude of the transduced signal to become Department of Mine Safety in order to close to the minimum quantized resolution of fund further development. From this the A/D converter. To reduce 60Hz noise proof-of-concept design, there is potential to and still maintain the maximum possible develop the ELFSD to allow two-way bandwidth, an active second order Twin-T communication, multiple-bit messages, and notch filter was added to the receiver. mobile transmitters. The current design iteration has been There are current plans to determine if the successfully tested surface-to-surface over a invention is commercially viable. To do this, Flathers and Starin / Emergency Underground Communication Using Seismic Waves 69 the Virginia Military Institute’s (VMI’s) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Business and Economics Department used The author wishes to express appreciation the ELFSD as a case study for their to Dr. Squire for conceiving the idea and entrepreneurship course. Over the course of encouraging its research, as well as to Dr. the spring 2007 semester, the class Sullivan and Mr. Childrey, who helped design developed a three-part product development and build the transmitter. Dr. Erchul provided plan. They first created a marketing plan that a geologist’s expert insight in the project. Dr. analyzed the market, potential customers, Baker’s enthusiastic participation has been and advertising strategies. Following the instrumental in marketing this project. marketing plan, they developed a financial Finally, Mr. Starin was a critical part of the plan, projecting and mapping the first five team, and assisted in receiver fabrication and years of the final product. Finally, they system testing. performed a risk assessment, looking into the development, investment, and intellectual property risks. Based on their findings, the REFERENCES ELFSD was disclosed to VMI’s Intellectual [1] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2002, “The 10 Property Officer for patent consideration. most dangerous jobs in America,” http:// moneycentral.msn.com/content/invest/ extra/ CONCLUSION P63405.asp [2] Congressional-Executive Commission on In the months following the Sago China, 2004, “Coal mine safety in China: can Mine disaster, the West Virginia state the accident rate be reduced?” One Hundred government passed a flurry of legislation Eighth Congress, second session. requiring more safety technology—in [3] Milici, R. and Gathright, T., 1985, “Geologic particular, communication devices [5]. Other features related to coal mine roof falls: a guide states have passed similar resolutions, and for miner training,” Commonwealth of there are several federal congressional bills Virginia, Department of Mines, Minerals and pending to do the same. The ELFSD is a Energy, Division of Mineral Resources. novel solution to improve mine safety and [4] Young, V.,and Erndle, D., 2006, Interview with L3 Communication’s S. Y. Coleman, address these government mandates by Energy Virginia Conference, October 17, allowing transmission directly through the 2006. overburden. When implemented, this system [5] CNNMoney.com, 2007, “Chronology of can be an integral part of the challenging mine safety legislation,” http://money.cnn. and continuing effort to improve mining com/news/newsfeeds/articles/newstex/AFX- safety in our state, nation, and world. 0013-13232992.htm. New Horizons ᭜ Volume 2 ᭜ Number 1 ᭜ 2008

Thermoacoustic Cooling Stack Prototyping and Design

Cadet Paul A. Childrey, ’08 Faculty Advisor: Dr. Jon Michael Hardin, Department of Mechanical Engineering

ABSTRACT Current thermoacoustic stack construction methods are slow and inefficient; the objective of the current research was to determine whether a simple and effective stack could be manufactured using rapid prototyping techniques. By automating the process, it was theorized that a better thermoacoustic stack consisting of very small parallel passages could be produced rapidly and inexpensively. By building a thermoacoustic tube and testing various manufactured stacks, it was thought that a size and shape of a rapid prototyped stack could be determined. Being able to easily manufacture stacks presumably would lead to thermoacoustic cooling being used more often in industry and niche cooling applications. Several stack lengths were tested, but all rapid prototyped stacks failed to provide a temperature gradient when tested. This study essentially identified one method of stack construction that was ineffective. Knowing this, other methods can be studied and refined.

INTRODUCTION hydrochlorofluorocarbons (HCFCs). Therefore, thermoacoustic cooling provides an Glass blowers have known for years that a environmentally-safe alternative to vapor- red hot piece of glass is capable of producing compression cycles. Also, thermoacoustics a sound. This phenomenon is the principle can be operated variably just by turning behind thermoacoustic cooling. If a difference down the sound volume, unlike current vapor in temperature can produce a sound from a compression systems which are either on or hollow tube, then it is likely that a forced off. Thus far, the highest efficiency a sound frequency might produce a temperature thermoacoustic cooler has reached is 40% difference. This idea has only recently been Carnot Efficiency. In comparison, high end investigated by such companies as Ben and compression cycles can achieve 60% Jerry’s and Pennsylvania State University [1]. efficiency. However, it is expected that with However, initial efforts have shown that continued research thermoacoustic cycles will thermoacoustic cooling has many real world rival the efficiency of conventional systems. applications. Thermoacoustics have the capability to reach One of the primary benefits of thermoacoustic as low as cryogenic temperatures or maintain cooling is that it is environmentally safe. a more reasonable range suited for Thermoacoustic cooling uses no harmful refrigeration or life systems. Some

71 72 New Horizons / April 2008 prototypes are already being used for the because the process happens many times a liquefaction of nitrogen: one model was second, and on a microscopic scale, near recently sent into space to test an Carnot efficiency can theoretically be aeronautical application and one is currently achieved. The main downfall to the being used to cool a radar array on a US thermoacoustic refrigerators has been the warship [2]. inefficiencies involving the heat exchangers. However, thermoacoustic cooling continues THEORY to show a great potential as a safe alternative The name Thermoacoustics gives the to vapor compression-based cooling systems. impression that the device is based on sound Typical thermoacoustic cooling systems waves. This, in fact, is only partially true. consist of a resonator tube, driver and stack The principles behind thermoacoustic cooling (Fig. 1). Conventional heat exchangers are really revolve around pressure waves. At used to remove heat. Stack construction normal atmospheric pressure, pressure waves typically consists of a roll of 35mm film with produce sound. But in the thermoacoustic each layer of the roll separated by nylon environment, pressure waves are used as the fishing wire of the appropriate diameter to driving force to contract and expand give the correct wall spacing, or channel individual gas molecules. In most cases, when width, when the film is rolled into a cylinder. a substance is expanded, it drops in The film provides a rigid sidewall while temperature, and when it is compressed the maintaining its flexibility to be rolled. temperature rises. These principles are To determine the channel width, the thermal already in use with vapor compression penetration depth (␦ ) of the air must be cycles. When a refrigerant drops in pressure k determined. The thermal penetration depth through an expansion valve, its temperature is directly related to the thermoacoustic also drops. A thermoacoustic cooler works cooler stack. It defines how far heat can be on the same principles but on a microscopic transferred during the time it takes for a scale. Within the thermoacoustic environment, wavelength to pass through the medium. The a pressure wave oscillates through a medium. channel width must be between one thermal As the pressure rises, the molecules in the penetration depth and four (4␦ )tobe medium are compressed, and as the pressure k ␦ decreases, the molecules expand. When effective. The equation used to determine k k molecules are constrained axially, such as in ␦ = ͱ was k: ␲и и␳и where k is defined a thermoacoustic stack, the pressure rise f cp caused by the motion of the acoustic as the fluid thermal conductivity, ␳ is the pressure wave through the stack causes a density of the fluid, cp is the fluid’s specific rise in the temperature of the molecules heat, and f is the frequency of the wave in within the stack. This rise in temperature is the tube. To find the length of a wave, the transferred via adjacent molecules to the far c equation: L = was used where c is the ‘hot’ side of the stack. f As the acoustic pressure wave recedes, the speed of sound, L is the frequency wavelength, molecules expand and absorb heat from the L and f is the frequency. The equation SL: = opposite ‘cold’ end of the stack. This process 2 is repeated hundreds of times per second, was used to find the effective tube length that depending on the frequency of the oscillating was used for the experiment. Dividing the acoustic wave. Conventional heat exchangers wavelength by two creates a half wavelength are then used to remove heat from the stack. resonator. There were an infinite number of It is interesting to note that the T-s diagram frequencies that could be used just by for a molecule of gas is the same as for any changing the effective length of the stack. other heating or cooling process. Another The frequency chosen was based on the benefit to thermoacoustic cooling is that Kettering demonstration model [3] and Childrey / Thermoacoustic Cooling Stack Prototyping and Design 73

Figure 1. Cycle restricted by practical tube length. Another reflected. This type of wave can be made by consideration was the possibility of phase reflecting a wave at half its wavelength. This shifting caused by the stack and its air produces a standing wave (Fig. 2) with high resistance in the tube. Since in other and low pressures at half the length of the previous research a temperature gradient had tube. Reflecting the wave after one full been achieved without taking phase shift into wavelength produces two high/low pressure account, phase shift in the design was points. ignored. Also, to be able to get the high and The second classification of wave is a low pressure needed, very large amplitude traveling wave (Fig. 3). It would be reflected was required. The louder the sound, the at a different point along its period to greater the pressure wave amplitude, and produce a nonsymmetrical wave whose crest therefore the effects of the thermoacoustic appears to move on an oscilloscope. stack can be amplified. The speakers were pushed to their limit of EXPERIMENTAL METHODS 140 W input electrical power in these The resonator tube and box were built experiments. The power equation P: = I2 · R, according to previous research by Kettering where R is resistance (⍀) and I is current University [3] during which a desktop (Amps), was used to keep the wattage below the maximum rating. The frequency must create a standing wave in the tube to be effective. A standing wave can be described as a wave whose crest appears to be stationary when looked at on an oscilloscope. If a wave is reflected at a certain point in its period, it will mirror itself, producing high pressure on its forward path and low pressure at the same place when it’s Figure 2. Half-Wave (Standing) 74 New Horizons / April 2008

Figure 3. Traveling Wave demonstration model of a thermoacoustic tube was built using the rolled film method. A thermoacoustic tube was built by using a length of acrylic tube. One end of the tube protruded through a flat Plexiglas faceplate to which the driver (speaker) was attached. The other end of the tube was capped using Figure 4. Speaker Box a 1.43 inch section of steel bar stock with a diameter of 1.25 inches. This bar stock could line would keep the film partitioned correctly be slid higher or lower in the tube so that the to give the desired channel width. Sometimes effective tube length could be changed easily. multiple lengths of film were needed to get The tube was built using a 19 inch long the desired diameter roll. This process was section of clear acrylic tubing with an inner time-consuming and difficult. diameter of 1.254 inches. This diameter was The experimental method was to build the a standard tube diameter and did not have an stack using a rapid prototyping technique. In effect on the tube operation. order to be effective, the channel width ␦ A Plexiglas box (Fig. 4) was built to needed to be between k = 0.0052 inches ␦ encompass the speaker. Side walls were and 4 k = 0.02 inches. A solid model of the constructed around the speaker using 5 stack was constructed using Autodesk pieces of 1/8th inch Plexiglas. These side Inventor and then exporting as a .stl file for walls were joined together using 1⁄4 inch construction. aluminum square stock for support. This An example of the thermoacoustic stack focused the pressure waves from the tested is shown below (Fig. 5). The design speaker, thus keeping escaping pressure constraint of the wall thickness was waves to a minimum. dependent on what the rapid prototyping The weakness of the thermoacoustic machine could produce. Each layer of plastic cooling technique is the stack construction. the head of the machine deposits is Currently it is difficult to manufacture a stack approximately .01 inches thick. However, with small enough channel widths to be since the machine must then deposit a filler effective. This research explored a new way material and another layer of plastic, it was to manufacture the thermoacoustic stack. For determined that two layers of plastic were a project this small, the only previous needed to give the walls the rigidity they method was to manually create a stack from needed to support the filler. Each stack was a celluloid film roll, to draw the film out, and made with a diameter of 1.253 inches to to glue 1 inch sections of fishing line at give a tight fit in the tube. There are intervals the length of the film strip. The approximately 540 parallel spaces for the strip would then be rolled up and the nylon medium to oscillate in. Childrey / Thermoacoustic Cooling Stack Prototyping and Design 75

on top of the support material. This procedure produced very clean stacks with the smallest channel width possible through the entire length of the stack. Three stacks with the same lengths were produced using this method. Each stack was tested in the thermoacoustic stack using practical testing methods (Fig. 6). The effective tube length was set at 17.5 inches as calculated. A high fidelity amplifier was used along with an analog frequency generator to produce the desired 385 Hz sinusoidal waveform. Two multimeters were set up, one to monitor true frequency and the other to monitor amp drawn by the speakers. 140 W max Pioneer 4 ohm automotive type speakers were used, so monitoring power draw was important to avoid damaging the speakers. Using the formula already discussed for power, the Figure 5. Stack amperage was kept to 5.5 amps. This gave 121 watts of power to the speaker. Two The wall thickness in this particular stack is thermocouples, Type T, were used to .02 inches as is the wall spacing. The rapid monitor the temperature on either side of prototyping machine then built the the stack. Temperature was monitored using experimental stack using ABS plastic and a Lab View instrumentation software. Ambient soluble plastic as support material. Some temperature was between 23.75°C and problems occurred during the construction 24.50°C depending on the day and stayed process. First, it was unknown whether the constant for each day’s tests. For construction machine could build this part to the tolerance method 1, three trials lasting 20 minutes needed for the cooling device to work. The each were run for each of the 3 stacks from rapid prototyper had a layer resolution of the first batch. For construction method 2, .01 inch, but creating a .01 inch channel the the same testing method was used. After length of the stack had never been tried. The these tests were completed, the frequency default build path called for the machine was changed by 20 Hz above and below the head to outline every rectangular section 385 Hz target frequency and tested again, instead of laying a single plastic bead across although only two trials were run for each the diameter. This posed a problem for the stack design this time. The frequency change machine as it built the part from the ground was done in case there was phase shifting up. This first prototype had problems with affecting the results. Ear protection was used spacing because the plastic compressed since the frequency and amplitude of the test slightly as the machine moved higher. The materials were potentially harmful. stacks were produced using this method for testing, a .75 inch stack, a 1 inch stack and RESULTS a 1.5 inch stack. The problem was fixed by Construction Method 1: Using the first rotating the part 90° in the workspace. This vertically made stacks and following the rotation caused the machine to build the part testing procedures, there were no usable on its side, laying first an entire wall section, results. After steady testing of the .75 inch then building partitions and support material, stack, the 1 inch stack was tried. The second and finally laying another entire wall section stack did not yield any temperature difference 76 New Horizons / April 2008

Figure 6. Layout either. Finally, the 1.5 inch long stack was optimum operation in air could not be made tested. Again there were no usable results. using the rapid prototyping machine. Construction Method 2: To test the second Celluloid film is .005 inches thick. This is 4 horizontally make stack, the same procedure times thinner than the rapid prototyping was used. The .75 inch, 1 inch, and 1.5 inch machine is capable of producing. If the stacks were all tested. There appeared to be channel width in the film stack and no variation in temperature. The error in the prototyped stack were held constant, there thermocouples caused an error of .5° would be 8 times more channel widths in the Celsius. A much larger temperature swing film stack. Using the relationship Q: = V · A was expected, one that could be easily where Q is volumetric flow, V is velocity of recorded with the thermocouples. fluid, and A is cross-sectional area, it can be This project’s purpose was to explore a new seen that a smaller cross-sectional area would stack manufacturing procedure. Unfortunately, have impeded flow and pressure changes the results for this experiment were through the stack. The suspected cause of inconclusive. The thermocouples registered the test failure was that high airflow an unnoticeable change in temperature on resistance in the channels caused large either side of the stack. During the testing, frictional losses and pressure drops. Since three speakers were rendered useless by the previous research proved that a simple excess power; the first from over current and thermoacoustic stack can be build using the the other two from extended use close to materials and frequencies tested, the only their maximum wattage. variables were the stack construction method and channel dimensions. Simply testing the resistance of the stack by blowing air through DISCUSSION it revealed the presence of flow resistance. Although the researcher did not get the This resistance may have caused a phase results expected, valuable information was shifting; as the wave passed through, it could collected about manufacturing techniques and have caused the high/low point to shift or it design. It was found that a stack with could have reduced the pressure of the wave extremely small channel widths necessary for enough to cause the temperature gradient to Childrey / Thermoacoustic Cooling Stack Prototyping and Design 77 be unnoticeable. The length and diameter of could be done to determine the difference in the tube was not a failure cause. The resistance between the film stack and the diameter does not affect the wave prototyped one. propagation and length could be adjusted using the stopper for different frequencies. REFERENCES Since the length could be adjusted easily with [1] Lucas, O, and Meeuwissen, K., 2001, “Design the slideable stopper, the standing wave and Construction of a Thermoacoustic Device,” could sometimes be found just by moving the Department of Mechanical Engineering, stopper up and down and listening for the University of Adelaide. http://www.mecheng. deadening of sound as the waves crossed and adelaide.edu.au/courses/undergrad/projects/ checked using wavelength calculations. level4papers2001/lucas.pdf . Kettering University measured a 16°C [2] Penn State: Graduate Program in Acoustics, gradient using their demonstration model. “SETAC project: Shipboard Electronics The researcher expected to see a Thermoacoustic Chiller,” http://www.acs.psu.edu/ temperature gradient not as large as theirs thermoacoustics/refrigeration/setac.htm. but still very measurable. With 1/8 inch [3] Russell, D. A., and Weibull, P., 2002, “Tabletop channels in the prototyped stack, it was Thermoacoustic Refrigerator for Demonstrations,” Science and Mathematics Department, Kettering expected that the temperature gradient to be University, http://www.kettering.edu/∼drussell/ reduced significantly. Even if the temperature Publications/ThermoDemo.pdf. gradient was reduced by a factor of 8, a 2° [4] Bioacoustic Research Lab, 2007, Acoustic Celsius variation in temperature would still Equations, Chapter 2, University of Illinois render the thermoacoustic tube successful in Urbana-Champaign, http://www.brl.uiuc.edu/ creating a temperature difference. The Downloads/sakai/SakaiChapter2.pdf. researcher also expected the hot side of the [5] VALR Team, 2007, “Heat Generated Cooling,” acoustic stack to show the greatest National Renewable Energy Laboratory, US temperature change from ambient. Like all Department of Energy, http://www.nrel.gov/ refrigeration cycles, which are not perfectly vehiclesandfuels/ancillary_loads/. efficient, there should have been more heat [6] Centre for Analysis, 2006, Scientific Computing and Applications, 2007, “High-amplitude rejected than absorbed from the cold side. oscillatory gas flow in interaction with solid boundaries. P.H.M.W. in ’t panhuis,” http:// CONCLUSION www.win.tue.nl/casa/research/casaprojects/ panhuis.html. The experiment did not get conclusive results for one main reason: there was a APPENDIX significant difference in cross sectional channel area in the typical stack compared Thermoacoustic Equations: to the prototyped stack. This was a design thermal conductivity consideration; however, it was expected that there would still be a significant temperature BTU k: = .0138 gradient. The construction material should hr и ft и R not have been a diminishing factor in the density experiment since the purpose of the stack is to confine the air molecules, not to transfer lb ␳: = .077 и heat from one side to the other through the ft3 stack walls. Revisions to this research project would be to make a stack using the current specific heat method with Celluloid film strip. This would BTU provide a control so the researcher could get c : = .235 и p lb и R a working thermoacoustic tube before ␦ Յ Յ ␦ implementing changes. Wind tunnel research k wc 4 k 78 New Horizons / April 2008

Channel width constrain Channel width constrain

␻ : = .02 in ␻ = c c: .02 in k = k и 16 f1: 2 = ␲и␻ и␳и f2: 2 c cp ␲и␻ и␳и c cp = f1 24.276 Hz = f2 388.41 Hz thermal conductivity c = 769 mph c = 769 mph BTU k: = .0138 и f: = 385 Hz f: = 25 Hz hr и ft и R c c density L = L = f f lb ␳: = .077 и = = ft3 L 35.154 in L 541.376 in specific heat L L SL: = SL: = 2 2 BTU c : = .235 и p lb и R SL = 17.577 in SL = 270.688 in New Horizons ᭜ Volume 2 ᭜ Number 1 ᭜ 2008

Modeling Combustion and Flow in the SR-30 Turbojet Engine

Cadet Matthew A. Kania and Cadet Raevon M. Pulliam Faculty Mentor: Dr. Matthew R. Hyre, Department of Mechanical Engineering

ABSTRACT In a turbojet engine, efficiency is a key component to engine performance when trying to get a maximum output of thrust. In an attempt to analyze performance, the SR-30 Turbojet Engine owned by the Virginia Military Institute was used to create a computational model of the turbojet engine. The model was created and analyzed using Inventor, Gambit, Harpoon, and FLUENT by combining a previously-made combustion model with a model of the compression side. The compressor model was made by using scaled pictures of the actual components. Once this model was created, it was checked against the actual turbojet engine for accuracy. This fundamental model can be used as a platform to optimize fuel to air mixture, and modified nozzles can be created and installed on the turbojet to see if actual performance is improved. To enhance the instructional use of the SR-30, several interchangeable nozzles can be created so that engineering students can observe how the fuel to air mixture affects the thrust of the engine.

INTRODUCTION to input into the computational model and to validate the model after results were The SR-30 turbojet engine is a acquired. In order to gather this data, two self-contained, small-scale turbojet engine [1, data loggers and several pieces of equipment 2]. It was purchased in the Mechanical were needed. After essential equipment was Engineering Department with the intention obtained, the engine was run until of using it in a hands-on laboratory setting to steady-state operation was achieved at supplement undergraduate courses such as: 45,000 revolutions per minute (rpm). thermodynamics, flight mechanics, and Experimental data can be seen in Table 1. energy conversion. Before releasing it in a laboratory setting, it has been used as a research tool in order to enhance its COMPRESSOR SIMULATION educational potential. With the completion of the geometry ACQUIRING EXPERIMENTAL DATA creation and meshing of the compressor side of the turbojet engine, the next major The first step in this project was to acquire component of the project was setting up for actual data from the SR-30 Turbojet Engine calculations in the commercial computational

79 80 New Horizons / April 2008

Table 1. Experimental Data

Nozzle Exit Pressure 0.465 PSIG 3206.1 Pa Compressor Inlet Temperature 532.5 R 295.8 K Compressor Exit Temperature 635 R 352.8 K Compressor Exit Pressure 5.65 PSIG 38955 Pa Turbine Inlet Temperature 1370 R 761.1 K Turbine Inlet Pressure 5.7 PSIG 39300.1 Pa Turbine Exit Temperature 1310 R 727.8 K Turbine Exit Pressure 0.885 PSIG 6101.6 Pa Exhaust Gas Temperature 1552 R 845.6 K Fuel Flow Rate (at room temp) 0.00395 lbs/s 0.00179 kg/s RPM 450000 45000 Mass Air Flow Rate 0.251 lbs/s 0.114 kg/s

fluid dynamic software FLUENT. Using runs in FLUENT to analyze the air flow FLUENT, the air flow through the nozzle, through the combustor. The complexities of compressor, and diffuser was analyzed. The the runs were gradually increased to complexities of the runs were gradually ultimately include the operational properties increased to ultimately include the and performance parameters of the engine. operational properties and performance A total of eight trial runs were completed parameters of the engine. A total of six trial before a model that depicted the behavior of runs were completed before a model that the engine emerged. depicted the behavior of the engine In order to analyze the flow through the emerged. combustor, a steady solver was selected, the Four primary test parameters were altered energy equation was turned on, and a throughout the project until the model was two-equation K-␧ viscous model was chosen. considered to be complete and as accurate as Initial preparation also included defining time would allow. The four varying species and discrete phase models in order parameters were the boundary conditions to model the interaction of the kerosene and which were comprised of the compressor, air as well as the chemical reactions the nozzle inlet, and the diffuser outlet as occurring during the combustion. The well as the material properties. In the final species model was set to “transport and simulation of the compressor side, the reaction” so that a combustion table could be compressor blades were assigned a rotational created for the non-premixed combustion velocity of 4,712.4 rad/s (45,000 rpm), the with inlet diffusion that occurs in the nozzle inlet was set as a mass flow inlet with combustor. The boundary condition of the 0.114 kg/s of air entering at 300K, the species model was set for the air and fuel diffuser outlet was set as a pressure outlet coming into the combustor. The discrete with a gauge pressure of 38,955.38 Pa and phase model was set up to track the particles a backflow total temperature of 353K. The of fuel entering the combustor. The discrete material properties of air can be seen in phase model was set to “interaction Table 2. continuous phase,” updating every five iterations, which means that the particles of FLOW ANALYSIS OF fuel were updated every five iterations. The THE COMBUSTOR tracking was set to a maximum number of steps of 10,000 at a length scale of 0.01 m, With the completion of the geometry which were the FLUENT suggested settings creation and meshing of the combustor side for non-premixed combustion. of the turbojet engine, the next major The final configuration produced a component of the project was setting up converged solution with combustion, consisting Kania and Pulliam / Modeling Combustion and Flow in the SR-30 Turbojet Engine 81

Table 2. Material Properties of Air

Density ␳ kg/m3 Ideal gas Calc. by FLUENT Specific Heat cp J/kg-K Constant 1006.43 Thermal Conductivity k W/m-K Constant 0.0242 Viscosity µ kg/m-s Constant 1.7894 × 10−5 Molecular Weight MW kg/kmol Constant 28.966

of air entering at 650K and 0.114 kg/s, fuel was accurately predicting real-time results. entering at 650K and 0.00179 kg/s, and Two methods of validation were employed in turbine blades spinning at the operational this project, and both showed that the model 45000 RPM (4712.4 rad/s). The temperature was sufficiently accurate in predicting actual profile through the combustor in this run can engine behavior and performance. The first be seen in Fig. 1. validation used was a direct comparison of experimental and computational compressor COMBINING COMPRESSOR AND outlet temperatures and exhaust gas COMBUSTOR MODELS temperatures. By this initial comparison, the maximum percent error was 7.9%. The This step completed the model by taking second method of validation was through a the two halves and combining them into one thermodynamic analysis on the system using complete model. A final model was run with both computational and experimental results. the exit conditions of the compressor serving This validation further showed that the model as the inlet conditions to the combustor. was an accurate representation of what was Profiles of velocity, temperature, pressure, happening in the engine. and turbulence were exported from the results of the compressor run and imported as inlet conditions for the combustor run. EXPERIMENTAL VALIDATION Figure 2 shows a temperature plot of the combustor and turbine area of the engine. In an effort to validate the computational Since this project was heavily model using experimentally collected data, computational, it was important to have a two main state point temperatures were method of validation to ensure the model compared, and a thermodynamic analysis

Figure 1. Temperature Profile in Combustor 82 New Horizons / April 2008

Figure 2. Temperature Plot of Combined Model (Combustor) Figure 3. Computational Value of Compressor Outlet Temperature was performed on the cycle. The probe. A plot of the computed exhaust gas temperature for the compressor outlet and temperatures is shown in Fig. 4. the exhaust gas temperature were compared Upon comparing the temperatures and for initial validation. In comparing the attempting to quantify the effects of adding experimental and computational compressor the backflow pressure to the compressor, it outlet temperature, a percent error of 7.9% was decided to do a thermodynamic analysis was calculated. The compressor outlet on the system. The system was assumed to temperature predicted by the computational be operating at steady-state. This was a valid model was 325 K whereas the experimental assumption from both the experimental and temperature was 352.8 K. The results from computational aspects. Experimentally, the the computational model of the compressor engine had been stabilized at 45,000 rpm are shown in Fig. 3. before data was recorded. Computationally, In addition, the computational and it was decided to run the model as experimental exhaust gas temperatures were compared and a percent error was calculated to be 3.5%. The exhaust gas temperature predicted by the computational model was 875 K whereas the experimental temperature was 845.6 K. The exhaust gas temperature was chosen for comparison for two primary reasons: one computationally driven and the other experimentally driven. The exhaust gas temperature thermocouple is located on the exterior of the engine, so its placement is easily viewed. As with all of the temperature probes, the reading is heavily dependent on the location of the probe. Computationally, the exhaust gas location has little discontinuity in the temperature profile, so the value was easily read and did Figure 4. Computational Value of Exhaust Gas not rely precisely on the location of the Temperature Kania and Pulliam / Modeling Combustion and Flow in the SR-30 Turbojet Engine 83 steady-state, which was ultimately consistent compressor to find an adjusted exhaust gas with the collection of experimental data. It temperature. This was done because work was assumed that the only load on the was put into the compressor in the model by turbine was the compressor, signifying that forcing flow through the inlet up to a higher the work of the turbine and compressor were pressure (the backflow pressure) and had to equal and opposite. The process was be removed from the system. After removing assumed to be adiabatic, since there were no the work that was put into the compressor major sources of heat loss in the system. by forcing a backflow pressure, the percent Pressure loss through the combustor was error between the adjusted computational considered to be negligible. With the mass exhaust gas temperature and the flow rate of fuel (0.00179 kg/s) so much experimental exhaust gas temperature was smaller than the mass flow rate of air (0.114 calculated to be 0.713%. kg/s), the mass flow rate of fuel was assumed to be negligible. Since the mass CONCLUSIONS flow rate of fuel was assumed to be negligible, specific heat data of air was used With the completion of combining the to approximate the combustion of gas in the compressor and combustor side of the engine. model, a “complete” SR-30 computational The first part of the thermodynamic model was constructed. This model included analysis was completed using experimental accurate re-creations of the SR-30 nozzle, values of temperature and mass flow rate. compressor, combustor, and turbine. The Using experimentally collected compressor data that was output from the final inlet and outlet temperatures and mass flow computational run was validated from rate, the work of the compressor was experimentally-collected data. These results calculated. Next, using the experimentally were also used to perform a thermodynamic collected turbine inlet temperature, and validation of the system. With the completion setting work of the turbine equal and of this model, there are several opportunities opposite to work of the compressor, a to continue research in this area including: predicted turbine outlet temperature was developing computational methodology to calculated. This theoretically-predicted value extract energy from the gas as it passes was compared to the actual experimental through the turbine, computationally altering turbine outlet temperature and a percent nozzle geometries for optimum fuel/air error of 2.7% was determined. mixture in the combustor, and experimentally The second part of the thermodynamic testing nozzle designs developed in CFD analysis involved using values for compressor simulations and upgrades to the DAS. inlet and outlet temperatures and velocities found through computational techniques. REFERENCES This part of the analysis took velocity effects into account, when the previous one [1] Turbine Technologies, 2007, “Gas Turbine Lab/MiniLab [Summary of Product].” assumed them to be negligible due to lack of [2] Witkowski, T. W. S., Duenas, C.O., experimental data. Following the same Strykowski, P., and Simon, T., 2003, general procedure as before, the work of the “Characterizing the Performance of the SR-30 compressor was calculated. However, in this Turbojet Engine,” Proceedings of the 2003 analysis, it was decided to use the American Society for Engineering Education computationally acquired exhaust gas Annual Conference & Exposition, American temperature and subtract the work of the Society for Engineering Education. New Horizons ᭜ Volume 2 ᭜ Number 1 ᭜ 2008

ABOUT THE CONTRIBUTING EDITORS

J. Tyler Dickovick received his M.P.A. and Ph.D. degrees from the Woodrow Wilson School at Princeton University. His research is on democratic institutions in Latin America and Africa, and his published works include articles on decentralization and federalism. He has conducted research in Brazil, Peru, Senegal, and South Africa, among other countries, and he was a Peace Corps volunteer in Togo from 1995 to 1997. Dr. Dickovick is an Assistant Professor of Politics at Washington & Lee University.

Timothy C. Dowling received his doctorate from Tulane University after completing a master’s degree at the University of Virginia. He is the author of The Brusilov Offensive (Indiana University Press, 2008) and the editor of Personal Perspectives: World War I and Personal Perspectives: World War II (ABC-CLIO). He is the associate editor of the Encyclopedia of the Cold War (6 vol., ABC-CLIO). Dr. Dowling is an Associate Professor of History at the Virginia Military Institute.

Dennis M. Foster received his doctorate from the Pennsylvania State University. His areas of expertise include the domestic politics of American foreign policy and terrorist and counterterrorist strategy. His work has been published in International Studies Quarterly, Foreign Policy Analysis, and Conflict Management and Peace Science, and he serves as book review editor for the Journal of Conflict Studies. Dr. Foster is an Assistant Professor of International Studies and Political Science at the Virginia Military Institute.

Matthew R. Hyre received his Ph.D. in Mechanical Engineering from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. His areas of research include computational biomedicine, numerical modeling of manufacturing processes, and environmental technologies. He has spent the past ten years incorporating virtual design techniques into industrial applications. He is an Associate Professor of Mechanical Engineering at the Virginia Military Institute.

Christopher S. Lassiter earned a Ph.D. in Genetics from Duke University. His research interests include the effects of steroid hormones in embryonic development as well as the effects of environmental mimics of steroid hormones. He is currently an Assistant Professor of Biology at Roanoke College where he also sponsors the Biology Club.

J. Holt Merchant holds a Ph.D. in American History from the University of Virginia. His teaching and research interests focus on the history of the South, especially the Civil War period and the generals of the Confederacy. He is the co-editor of Ending with a Flourish (Mariner, 2007) and has published numerous book reviews. Dr. Merchant is Head and Professor in the Department of History at Washington & Lee University.

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Malcolm Muir, Jr. holds a Ph.D. in History from Ohio State University. He directs the John A. Adams ’71 Center for Military History and Strategic Analysis and has also held the Secretary of the Navy’s Research Chair in Naval History and visiting positions at the U.S. Military Academy and the Air War College. His publications include 87 articles, encyclopedia entries, and essays; 52 book reviews; and several books, including Iowa-Class Battleships (Sterling, 1991) and Black Shoes and Blue Water: Surface Warfare in the U.S. Navy 1945– 1975 (Blandford, 1987). Dr. Muir holds the Henry King Burgwyn Jr. Boy Colonel of the Confederacy Chair in Military History at the Virginia Military Institute.

Eric W. Osborne received his doctorate from Texas Christian University. His research interests include world history, modern European history, imperialism, and military history. He is the author of numerous encyclopedia entries and four books dealing with subjects in foreign policy and military history: Britain’s Economic Blockade of Germany, 1914–1919 (Frank Cass, 2004), Cruisers and Battle Cruisers (ABC-CLIO, 2004), Destroyers (ABC-CLIO, 2005), and The Battle of Heligoland Bight (Indiana University Press, 2006). Dr. Osborne is an Assistant Professor of History at the Virginia Military Institute.

Christopher Russell, JD holds degrees from Dartmouth College and Notre Dame Law School. He is the Commonwealth’s Attorney for the City of Buena Vista, Virginia, a position he has held since his election in 2004. Mr. Russell is an Adjunct Professor at the Washington & Lee University School of Law and an Adjunct Instructor in the Department of International Studies and Political Science at the Virginia Military Institute.

Gerald A. Sullivan holds a Ph.D. in Mechanical Engineering from Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute. His areas of research include underground sound transmission, machine design, and rapid prototyping. He is an Associate Professor of Mechanical Engineering at the Virginia Military Institute. New Horizons ᭜ Volume 2 ᭜ Number 1 ᭜ 2008

UNDERGRADUATE RESEARCH AT VMI

ew Horizons represents the latest facet to departments, faculty, and cadets through a Nof the VMI Undergraduate Research variety of programs. Initiative (URI), established in 2002 by The URI laid the foundation for directive of the Dean of Faculty, Dr. Charles undergraduate research at VMI through its F. Brower, IV (Brigadier General, U.S. Army Department/Program Innovation Grants Retired). The goal of the URI is to provide for Developing Programs. Innovation cadets with meaningful undergraduate Grants provide funding to departments and academic research experiences through programs offering capstone research one-on-one interaction with faculty mentors experiences with the following priorities:1) both inside and outside the traditional those without a capstone research classroom environment. Over the course of experience in their curriculum, but proposing its five year history, URI efforts to promote to develop and implement one; 2) those cadet research have focused on the following already having a plan for a capstone objectives: research experience, but needing funds for implementation; 3) those already having a ᭜ Revision of the curriculum and elevation fully functioning capstone research of cadet standards and expectations experience, but seeking funds to improve it; making cadet participation in research 4) and those already having a fully projects a typical part of the VMI functioning capstone research experience, academic experience. but seeking funds to reward participating ᭜ Solidification of faculty support through: faculty mentors. 1) incentives merited by the additional Cadets seeking research funds may apply responsibilities of supervising individual to the Wetmore Cadet Research Fund,a cadet research projects and 2) the competitive grant process which allows them allocation of additional faculty positions to purchase supplies, to travel to symposia in designated areas of expertise. focused on their thesis research, to continue ᭜ Expansion of institutional support to with the previous summer’s research, and/or cadets involved in research and their to conduct field studies. Wetmore funds are faculty mentors. allocated by academic session and are available throughout the year. URI Cadet Since its inception, the VMI Undergraduate Research Resources also subsidize travel, Research Initiative has expanded in many allowing cadets to present their project directions, thanks to ongoing administrative results at meetings/symposia or to conduct support, the generosity of alumni field research in preparation for completion organizations, cadets’ intellectual curiosity, of research leading to an honors thesis and faculty enterprise. Currently, the URI during the academic year or summer sessions. funds various grant programs and symposia One of the most successful initiatives of in support of cadet research made available the URI, the Summer Undergraduate

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Research Institute (SURI) provides funding was the 2005 National Conference on on a competitive basis for cadet-faculty Undergraduate Research, jointly sponsored research teams representing almost every by VMI and neighboring Washington & Lee academic department at VMI. Each cadet University. Two thousand undergraduate receives a cash award along with free tuition, researchers, along with three hundred room, and board for ten weeks, while each professors and administrators representing faculty mentor receives a stipend. Cadets also three hundred colleges, attended the three-day earn 6 academic credit hours for their work. conference held on the hosting campuses. In addition to the mentored research An unexpected outcome of URI-supported projects, the Summer Institute sponsors an undergraduate research activities has been orientation session, guest speakers, and the creation of cadet-developed intellectual social functions. Cadets present the results of property. Currently the URI is assisting their project in a research symposium held in several cadet teams through the process of September. obtaining patent protection for their All cadets are invited to submit a proposal to inventions. Additionally, we have used the the Undergraduate Research Symposium real-world examples of these cadet inventions (URS), held annually in April. Cadet as case studies in an academic classroom presenters at the URS discuss the results of setting, specifically as the subject of a their research in a poster exhibition hall marketing and business plan development in (informal demonstrations) or in a formal a course on entrepreneurship. session (lecture format) as part of a special The URI is led by Dr. James E Turner, campus-wide day of events. Invited faculty Director of Undergraduate Research, and members from other colleges and universities Professor of Chemistry/Biology, who was assist in the evaluation of cadet presentations. appointed to this position in 2001 by the The three top-rated cadets in each academic Dean of Faculty. As Director of Undergraduate division (science, engineering, and humanities) Research, Dr. Turner chairs the URI are honored at an awards dinner in the Committee, which includes representatives evening. from all VMI academic departments, and is The evaluation of cadets’ work and responsible for the management and constructive feedback we have received from operation of the various undergraduate our colleagues from other campuses have research programs and activities, as well as helped us to improve the Symposium strategic planning of the URI. Professor each year. As an added benefit, the Turner, by virtue of his position, is a member interactions between VMI faculty and the of the Dean’s extended staff and reports to external judges have laid the groundwork for that office in all URI matters. future, inter-institutional collaborations on undergraduate research. Source. Dr. James E. Turner, Director of Perhaps the most significant cooperative Undergraduate Research, Virginia Military effort in support of cadet research to date Institute