ttfcfciHK****** * <: # KANSAS LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL LEGISLATIVE KANSAS T T P STATE RESEARCH DEPARTMENT DEPARTMENT RESEARCH EERH REPORT RESEARCH 0 L I c E w i\i S T A T E POLICE

ANALYSIS OF EXISTING LAWS AND OF THE EXPERIENCE OF (.TIER STATES WITH SPECIAL APPLICATION TO KANSAS

RESEARCH REPORT

Prepared as a Basis of Discussion of Proposals Pending Before The Kansas Legislative Council November Meeting, 1934

RESEARCH DEPARTMENT, KANSAS LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL STATE OF KANSAS

LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL

Lieut. Gov. Charles W. Thompson, Chairman Speaker 7/. H. Vernon, Vice Chairman Franklin Corrick, Secretary

J. W. Blood, Representative S. C. BlosS, Representative II. S. Buzick, Jr., Representative C. V. Cochran, Representative Clyde W. Coffman, Senator Claude 0. Conkey, Senator R. A. Cox, Representative Jess C. Dcnious, Senator C. B. Dodge, Senator -. A. Doerschlag, Representative V'. G. Fink, Representative Matt Guilfoyle, Representative Claud Hanson, Senator Edmund 0. Kirchner, Representative Dallas V. Knapp, Senator Oscar ?. May, Representative John 0. Worse, Representative Joseph S. McDonald, Senator . Clarence G. N..vins, Representative Charier H. Palmer, Representative John H. Riddle, Representative Ralph G. Rust, Senator Thale P. Skovgard, Senator Ray Smith, Represc-ntativo Harry Tarrcn, Senator

Research Department

F. H. Guild, Director Cand.n Strain, Asst. Director This report has been compiled ps a bnsis for consideration of Proposal 11, now pending before the Legislative Council.

For information concerning th? actual operation of state police systems the chief source has been the offi­ cial reports of the departments concerned, supplemented by considerable correspondence. The offices of the Attorney General of Kansas, Adjutant General, and Legal Department of the Highway Gomnission have contributed information of importance.

Much material has been taken from the standard authorities, particularly v.horc facts were not available and it 7 ns necessary to rtly upon tha opinions of competent observers. Two books. The State Police, and Rural Crime Control, both by Bruce Smith, have been used extensively. The bibliography sufficiently indicates other sources, but detailed annotations are available in the files of the department.

Digests of state laws and texts of bills and proposals v.511 be found in State Police, a mimeographed report issued by the League of Kansas Municipalities, August 11, 1931.

The policy of the Research Department, for special projects, has ber-n to secure the services of the most in­ formed men available. This report is very largely the work of Donald H. Roney who had already compiled a very consider­ able amount of material in the field. He was added to the staff as research assistant to prepare the report under direction of the department.

F. H. Guild, Director November 3, 1931 Research Department TABLE OF CONTENTS

Subject Page

ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF STATE POLICE SYSTEM 1 1. The "Border Patrol" Period 1 Table 1. Significant Dates in the Development of State Police Systems 2 2. Beginnings of the Modern State Police System 3 3. "Reorganization and Expansion" Period 4 4. Period of Development 5 Present Status of the Movement 6 Map - State Police, as of September 1, 1934 7

GENERAL AUTHORITY OF STATE POLICE 8 1. Powers and Duties 8 Table 2. Special Duties of State Police 9 2. Restrictions upon Powers 10

RELATION TO OTHER POLICE AGENCIES 14 1. Relationship with Local Officers U Table 3. Authority cf State Police in Local Districts 16 2. Militia as State Police 17

GENERAL OPERATION OF STATE POLICE 21 1. General Activities 21 Table 4. Summary of Activities, , 1922-1932 21 Table 5-a. Classified Table of Arrests 23 Table 5-b. Classified Table of Arrests Reduced to Percentages 24 Table 5-c. Classified Table of Arrests: Typical State Police System 25 2. Communication Systems 26 New Jersey Police Teletype System 27 3. Transportation 32 Table 6-a. Patrol Mileage - New Jersey 33 Table 6-b. Patrol Mileage - New York 34 4. Criminal Identification 34

EFFICIENCY OF STATE POLICE 36 1. Evidences of Increased Law Enforcement 36 2. Insurance Rates - Bank Robberies 36 Table 7. State Police and Insurance Rates 37 3. Convictions and Arrests 39 Table 8 , Ratio of Convictions to Arrests 39 Section Subject pGge

VI ORGANIZATION OF DEPARTMENTS ,40 1. The departments of State Police 40 Organization Charts: I - Pennsylvania State Police /I II - 42 III - New Jersey State Police 43 IV - 44 V - Texas Rangers 4$ VI - (1927) 46 VII - " " «» (1934) 47 VIII - Michigan Division of State Police under Department of Public Safety 48 2. The Department of Public Safety 49 Organization Charts: IX - Massachusetts Dept, of Public Safety 50 X - Michigan Dept, of Public Safety (1927) . 51 XI - Michigan Dept, of Public Safety (Present) 52 XII - West Virginia Dept, of Fublic Safety 53 XIII - Proposed Texas Department of Public Safety 54

VII ADMINISTRATION OF DEPARTMENTS 55 1. The Administrative Head 55 Table 9. Tenure of Office of Administrative Head 56 Table 10. Qualifications of Chief Administrative Officers 58 2. The Direction and Control of Personnel 59 Tabic 11. Composition of Force 61 3. The Detective Bureau 64 4. Training Schools 65 Table 12. Special Administrative Facilities 66 5. Comparative Absence of Politics 67 6. Death, Disability, and Retirement Systems 68

VIII APPLICATION OF THE STATE POLICE IDEA TO KANSAS 70 1. Existing Facilities in Kansas 70 Table 13. Kansas National Guard - Mobilization to Preserve Peace and Order, 1919 - 1934 71 Table 14. Kansas National Guard - Police Duty 72 2. Cost of a State Police System 73 Table 15. New York - Appropriations, 1930-1933 75 Table 16. New Jersey - Expenditures, 1930-1932 76 Table 17. Connecticut - Appropriations, 1934-1935 76 Table 18. Massachusetts - Appropriations, 1930-1932 77 Table 19. Michigan - Appropriations, 1932-1935 78 Table 20. New Jersey - Returns AttribuTed to State Police Activity, 1930-1932 79 Possible Apportionment of Cost to Highway Fund 79 3. Possible Procedures for Kansas 80

BIBLIOGRAPHY 82 1

I ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF STATE POLICE SYSTEMS

It is a recognized fact that the influence of English institutions has been largely responsible for the lines of development taken by many of our own in­ stitutions, especially in the field of local government. Consequently we find the almost universal adoption in America of the English sheriff-constable system of law enforcement, transplanted without appreciable change. It is not surprising, there­ fore, to find that attempts to improve the machinery of lav/ enforcement both in America and the British Empire have followed very similar methods in both the prob­ lems of rural, frontier protection and the policing of thickly settled urban districts.

In all instances the method has been the same - essentially that of in­ creasing and extending the geographical limits of police jurisdiction, with a view to the co-ordination of police activities over a larger area than that represented by the English or American county. To meet the problem of frontier police protec­ tion in the British Empire there were established such organizations as the Royal North West Mounted Police, The Australian Troppers, and the Royal Irish Constabulary, all organized along military lines. To meet the urban problem, several of the larger, more thickly populated administrative counties of England developed highly organized county police systems.

In the similar developments have almost universally taken the form of state police systems. The history of the movement and the factors condi­ tioning it can be roughly broken up into four periods as shown in Table 1.

1. The "Border Patrol" Period

The earliest form of state police force to make its appearance was that represented by the Texas Rangers, estbalished in the days of the Taxes Republic, largely for military service on the Mexican Border. The General Council of the Provisional Government of Texas (1835) authorized three Ranger companies "who shall be subject to the orders and direction of the Commander-in-chief of the Regular Army." This function of border patrol, characteristic of this early period, has persisted to the present day, and although a certain amount of criminal investigation has been undertaken since 1904 the Rangers still retain much of their frontier character. General reorganization was effected by statute in 1874, 1901, and 1919. It is inter­ esting to note that there exists, side by side with the Rangers in Texas today, a highway patrol force similar to the one at present operating in Kansas. There has also been in Texas during the last few years considerable agitation for a general reorganization and consolidation of these forces into a Department of Public Safety.

In 1865 a few "state constables" were appointed in Massachusetts. While their chief function was the suppression of commercialized vice, they were also granted general police•powers to be exorcised throughout the st^te. Massachusetts may therefore be said to have been the first to establish a genercl state police force. The new body was rudimentary in its conception and organization, and became the subject of recurrent legislative revision. In 1879 this process culminated in the establishment of the Massachusetts District Police, a state detective unit, which in turn was absorbed by the state patrol force set up in the new department of public safety in 1920. 2

TABLE 1

Significant Periods and Dates in the Development of State Police Systems

1. The "Border Patrol" Period

1835 - TEXAS Rangers established. 1865 - MASSACHUSETTS "State Constables" established. 1879 - MASSACHUSETTS "District Police" organized; state detective force, primarily. 1901 - Rangers established; similar to Texas Rangers. 1903 - CONNECTICUT Police established; similar to Massachusetts District Police; vice control, primarily. 1905 - NEW Mounted Police; similar to Texas Rrngers.

2. Beginnings of the Modern State Police System

1905 - PENNSYLVANIA State Police established. 1917 - NEW YORK Department of State Police established; similar to Pennsylvania. 1917 - established; similar to Pennsylvania. 1917 - Rangers established; similar to Texas Rangers. 1919 - MICHIGAN State Police given permanent status.

3. "Reorganization and Expansion" Period

1919 - WEST VIRGINIA Department of Public Safety organized; similar to Pennsylvania State Police. 1920 - Massachusetts Department of Public Safety organized with uniformed patrol. 1921 - NEW JERSEY Department of State Police established; similar to Pennsylvania State Police. 1921 - MICHIGAN Department of Public Safety organized; similar to Massachusetts Department of Public Safety. 1923 - disbanded. 1925 - RHODE ISLAND Department of State Police established. 1927 - CONNECTICUT Department of St:to Police reorganized.

4. Period of Highway Patrol Development

1929 - Highway Patrol of MAINE given police powers. 1931 - OREGON Department of State Police established; similar to Pennsylvania State Police. 1931-1933 - Eight other states extend full police powers to Highway Patrol. 3

Following the inception of the Massachusetts system in 186$, there was a long period which witnessed no extension of the state police idea. In 1903 a small state force was established in Connecticut, modeled after the Massachusetts District Police of that day. Like the latter, the Connecticut force v/as chiefly intended for the more effective suppression of commercialized vice, but it was also charged with certain inspectional duties and with the investigation of suspicious fires. The force was too small to make any system of regular patrols possible. Its organiza­ tion was loose, and responsibility for administration was ill-defined. After ex­ periencing many vicissitudes, it was extensively reorganized in 1927, and began to exercise state-wide police duties as a major part of its functions.

The were established in 1901 and the New Mexico Mounted Police in 190$. Both v/ere virtually border patrol forces on the order of the Texas Rangers, and were disbanded a few years later, having apparently become involved in politics.

2. Beginnings of the Modern State Police System

The second period in the development of the state police idea in the United States may be said to have begun with the establishment in 1905 of the Penn­ sylvania "State Constabulary", as it is popularly known.

Hitherto, there had been no idea of rural police patrol and protection as we understand it today. Nor had this modern concept any particular influence on the early developments in Pennsylvania, which at that time was involved in a particu­ larly violent series of industrial strikes, especially in the coal and iron districts. The demonstrated incapacity of the local officers to cope with the situation had led to the- commissioning .of private "Cool and Iron" police, who were paid and controlled by the mining companies, and whose violence and partisanship exceeded even that of the strikers.

The consequent difficulties led Governor Pennypacker to describe his situa­ tion in supervising enforcement of the state's laws with a touch of exaggeration and no little humor. He said:

"In the year 1903, when I assumed the office of chief executive of the state, I found myself thereby invested with supreme executive authority. I found that no power existed to interfere with me in ray duty to enforce the laws of the state, and that by the same token, no conditions could release me from my duty so to do. I then looked about me to see what instruments I possessed wherewith to accomplish this bounden obligation - what instruments on whose loyalty and obedience I could truly rely. I perceived three such instruments - my private secretary, a very small man; my woman stenographer; and the janitor, a negro. So I made the state police." (Quoted from Justice to All, by Katharine Mayo.)

The Governor of Indiana found it necessary to order out the state militia to enforce a statute prohibiting race-track gambling. The governor of Colorado experienced a somewhat similar difficulty, declaring that:

"I am required by the constitution to enforce the laws. But there is not a sheriff or other county officer that is dependent upon me; he can defy me; he can say, 'I will not enforce those laws.* What is the efficiency of my office under those circumstances? The only power I have is to call out the militia to suppress something."

Three considerations, then, seemed to stimulate the organization of state police forces during this period: the first was the need for a general executive arm of the state. The second was closely related to the disturbed industrial con­ ditions in the coal and iron regions, and the demonstrated incapacity of sheriffs, constables, and the organized police forces of small communities to contend v/ith them successfully. The third arose from a realization that the sheriff-constable system had broken down and the rural districts were left exposed without adequate police protection.

Other agencies and devices for maintenance of the peace and the protection of life and property had been painfully evolved— for centuries in the case of sheriffs, constables, and city police\ and for several scores of years in the case of the earlier state police forces. But the Pennsylvania force was not evolved in any strict sense of the term. It was "made", and in the making, whether from acci­ dent or design, there waS a sharp break away from established tradition. Schemes of organization and control which had become embedded in accepted police practice were ignored in the formation of this new body. Its establishment in 1905 narked the beginning of a new ere in rural police administration.

The distinguishing characteristic of this force consists in the extensive administrative powers granted to the superintendent of state police, who is respon­ sible to the governor of the commonwealth alone. From the very beginning it has operated as a mounted and uniformed body which, using a widely distributed system of troop headquarters and substations as a base of operations, patrols the rural and semi-rural portions of the entire state even to the little-frequented byways and lanes. In its highly centralized scheme of structural organization, and its policy of continuous patrol throughout the rural areas, the Pennsylvania state police constituted a distinct departure from earlier state practice.

The war gave considerable stimulus to the state police movement. In 1917 the agitation which had been going on in New York for a decade or more took definite and successful form. The department of state police created in that year very closely followed the pattern first laid down in Pennsylvania. Even such minor rearrangements as were affected were prompted largely by experience in the latter state.

The Michigan state police was hurriedly organized in the same year as a war measure, largely for the protection of the war industries from communist and I.W.W. activities, and in 1919 was accorded permanent status by the legislature, being later consolidated with a state department of public sefety, as in Massachusetts. The Colorado Rangers owed their creation in the same year (1917) to similar conditions. They were, however, organized along the pattern of the Texas Rangers, and were dis­ banded in 1923 after a political campaign in which they were a leading issue.

3 . "Reorganization and Expansion" Period

Beginning in 1919, another period is characterized by rapid extension of the state police idea, reorganization of the existing forces, and expansion of their duties. In it also lie the beginnings of the "Department of Public Safety", first instituted by West Virginia in 1919. However, despite the broad administrative 5 implications of its name, this body in West Virginia was devised solely for general police work. Though this feature was patterned closely after the Pennsylvania plan, the scheme of organization provided a wide departure by introducing a bipartisan board of commissioners who divide with the superintendent responsibility for the control of personnel, but have no active participation in other administrative matters in the department.

In 1921 New Jersey established a department of state police, the statu­ tory basis of which is very similar to that of Pennsylvania and New York. Since that time it has undergone extensive expansion and today enjoys a prestige and position practically equal to that enjoyed by the older systems.

Michigan, likewise in 1921, organized a department of public safety, consolidating therein its state police, fire marshal, and a number of regulatory and inspection agencies. Rhode Island in 1925 organized its department of state police, patterned largely after Pennsylvania, and Oregon, in 1931, followed a similar course.

Meanwhile, some of the older state police forces were undergoing extehsive revision. In Massachusetts, v/hich had originally led the way in establishing the practice of state police protection, there was effected in 1920 a complete consoli­ dation of all state agencies in any way related to the administration of the public safety function. Coincident with this was the establishment of a statewide, uni­ formed, patrol force v/hich was patterned closely after the Pennsylvania model. Connecticut likewise abandoned its loose scheme of overhead organization, involving general direction and control by a police board composed of ex officio members, and in 1927 completed a scries of major changes which brought the Connecticut state police into line with Pennsylvania and the other states which had followed its lead.

4. Period of Highway Patrol Development

During this period of extensive expansion of the state police idea, other rudimentary state police forces were being organized in the form of "state highway patrols", usually as subordinate units of the department of highways, of the com­ missioner of motor vehicles, the public service commission, or of the attorney- general department.

State Highway Patrol forces had been developed for the primary and specific purpose of enforcing the motor vehicle laws on state highways. The begin­ ning of a new movement in the development of state police is marked by the gradual expansion of these functions to include all highways within the state, and as in Maine in 1929, the extension of the powers and functions of the patrol to include the maintenance of general police patrols and the conduct of criminal investiga­ tions throughout the state. By the end of 1933 there were no less than twenty-eight of these forces, of which nine had been clothed with general police powers.

On the whole such general police powers have not been exercised exten­ sively enough to make these forces directly comparable with those adhering to the Pennsylvania system. There are also other differences. Thus, by the very nature of their constitution, these nine forces are not directly responsible to the governor of the state alone. More significant than all else, they do not partake of the true state police tradition. Political considerations still play an important role in their recruiting policies; their training programs are defective; their discipline uncertain; and the volume of general criminal work which they perform is relatively 6

so small as clearly to distinguish them from the older state police forces vhich en­ force tho provisions of the penal law as a day-to-day obligation.

At best, therefore, these nine forces which have cautiously advanced from specialized traffic control units, are bub an intermediate stage between the state police proper and the more recent highway police organizations.

Present Status of the Movement

The map following shows the present status of state police and highway patrol systems in the United States. There are at present twelve "state police systems" in operation, nine of which are organized as Departments of State Police, and three as units of Departments of Public Safety. (For a discussion of the structural differences in these two types of organization see Section VI.)

Twenty-eight states maintain highway patrols, nine of which have been given full police authority.

Three states (South Dakota, Tennessee, and Wyoming) have provision for the organization and operation of some type of reserve or special force for emergency purposes. Two of these states (South Dakota and Tennessee) also maintain highway patrols.

Four states (Alabama, Louisiana, Nevada, and South Carolina) have a "State Sheriff". Two of these states (Louisiana and South Carolina) also have highway patrols.

It is interesting to note that Pennsylvania and Texas have both a state police and a highway patrol.

8

II GENERAL AUTHORITY OF STATE POLICE

1. Powers and Duties

The powers of state police may be divided into two classes: general powers and special pov/ers.

The general powers of the state police are universally those of all sher­ iffs and peace officers in criminal jurisdiction, (in Michigan they may also serve civil process), and are limited in territorial jurisdiction only by the state boun­ dary. There arc, however, certain statutory and self-imposed restrictions upon the exercise of this power noted bo]or in Section II, 2, "Restrictions upon Powers," and Section III, 1, "Relations with Local Officers." These general powers are self- explanatory, including, in brief, power to arrest, upon warrant, or without warrant if the crime is committed in their presence, to turn the apprehended person over to the proper authorities, to collect evidence, and appear as witness in court.

Besides these general powers and duties, there have been imposed by stat­ ute in practically all states a number of special duties. Because the state police are widely distributed throughout the entire state and its members are in close and daily touch with local conditions, it is but natural that other administrative de­ partments snould turn to thorn for assistance. Thus far the state police have been eager to aid and to cooperate with other state departments in performing duties which are not directly concerned with the enforcement of criminal statutes. This'is particularly true of the forces which have been under heavy attack from organized labor, and in one or two cases there is good reason to believe that they have followed this policy as a means of strengthening their positions in the state govern­ ment, and thereby becoming, so far as possible, indispensable to its administration. As a result, it is common to find the state police burdened with a number of special duties essentially foreign to police work, which may seriously handicap them in the performance of that prime function.

Nevertheless, certain of these duties are not essentially inimical to police work, and may logically be included. Typical of these are fire, fish and game warden duties, and certain types of motor vehicle control duties.

Nine states designate the state police as fire wardens. In that capacity they may command the services of cny person in extinguishing forest fires. (Connec­ ticut, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jersey, Wow York, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Fast Virginia.)

Seven states designate them as state fish and game wardens. In that capacity they may search game bags without warrant and arrest for violation of the fish end game laws. (Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Michigan, Oregon, Penn­ sylvania, and West Virginia.)

In eight states the state police have boon specifically charged by statute with the enforcement of various motor vehicle laws, particularly those of a regulative or preventative nature, such as the examination of brakes and lignts, or the exami­ nation of applicants for drivers’ licenses. (Connecticut, Massachusetts, fdichigan, Maine, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and West Virginia.) 9

TABLE 2

Special Duties of State Police

1 — Fish • Motion Out­ Wts. ! 1 High­ and Fire­ Explo­ Pic­ Pawn-j1 ------r Pris- door Amuse. and State way Fire Game arms sives tures snops'Health:oners Adv. 'Parks M e a s . ------j Conn. X X X X X x . ’ X | X X 1 Maine x ! i | i 1 1 i *Mass. X X X X X 1 X X X 1 X — 1 ! *Mich. X X X X X x •j ; N. J. X X 1 1 i J 1 U. Y. X X 1 ____ L _1 I I i ! • 1 Oregon X X X ______i•______i i_____ i - i i j i Penn. | x X X X ... i X ______1 i R. I. | x X i i i ! 1 ! } i 1 Texas — 1 1 | W. Va. j x X X i 1 ■ ______!______!______1_____ !_____

Other Duties: New York and Pennsylvania - Inspection of Public Halls and Theaters V/est Virginia - Naturalization Propaganda *

* Massachusetts and Michigan have "Departments of Public Safety." Consequently, certain types of special duties, notably inspectional, are somewhat expanded. While some of these duties are handled by special agencies in the department, nevertheless the patrol forces share a certain amount of responsibility for their enforcement. In these tvo states the state police have supervision of the transfer of prisoners and, in Michigan, of the paroled prisoners. 10

In view of the continuous rural patrol vhich these forces perform and their direct and continuous responsibility to higher authority, it would appear reasonable to include in the functions of state police, duties of this nature,as coming sufficiently within the normal category of police duty. States vhich have granted these powers to their state police have found that such delegation has not seriously impaired their efficiency in their purely police duties, and that* on the whole, their execution of these special functions has been very satisfactory. The practice, according to Bruce Smith, holds no concealed dangers.

On the other hand, there are certain other types of functions which the state police- have been required to perform vhich ere inspecticnal or regulatory in their nature, end which do impair their efficiency in patrol and criminal apprehen­ sion work. For example, a large percentage of the time of the Connecticut State Police is taken in the examination of applicants for drivers’ licenses. To them has also been delegated the inspection and regulation of outdoor advertising, weights and measures, amusement parks and pawnshops. In Pennsylvania and Massachusetts they are designated as health officers, and as inspectors of motion picture houses in Massa­ chusetts and Connecticut. Massachusetts and Michigan delegate to their forces the duty of transferring prisoners, New York and Pennsylvania the examination of public halls and theaters, and V.Test. Virginia ncs even gone so far as to make them respons­ ible for the circulation of naturalization propaganda. In four states, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Michigan, and Pennsylvania, they maintain a system of firearm regis­ tration, and in three states, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and Michigan, enforce rules regarding the ctoragj and use of explosives.

However closely allied these activities may be, and however important their effective enforcement from the standpoint of state administration, the fact remrins that they cannot be performed to any considerable extent without the danger of seri­ ously reducing regular end systematic patrols. All signs nevertheless point to a continuance of the pressure for an extension of such regulatory and inspectional work. If a distinction is to be drawn between the various types, Bruce Smith be­ lieves it might wo11 be recognized that only those duties should be delegated to the state police, as a patrol force, vhich can reasonably be performed as a routine matter in the ordinary course of patrol. Whenever a special squad becomes necessary, or men are regularly diverted from patrol duty in order to serve other state depart­ ments, the process of patrol dispersion has commenced. The police sphere is already so wide as to make it but a short step to add functions which are foreign to police duty. The danger lies ir. the tendency to bit by bit increase the scope of the patrol force’s duties, particularly with quasi-police work, without making any provision for additional personnel and facilities adequate to har.ale the additional rosponsibility. Hence it is the cumulative effect rather than the individual accretions which threat- * ens seriously to diminish the number of active patrolmen and to divert the attention of the reminder from wliat must always be the fundamentals of police work.

On the other hand, the department of public safety is definitely organized to include the performance of these special duties. The ’’state police," under such a department, is organized as a special division for purely police v.ork, and the other duties are performed in large part by specialized divisions, and only to a small degree by the state police.

2. Restrictions upon Pov:ers

Although state police are universally given by statute the powers of sheriffs and peace officers generally, two types of restrictions must be considered. In nearly all states there are imposed by statute restrictions upon the use of the 11 state police in certain regions or under certain circumstances. In addition to these statutory restrictions there are many self-imposed restrictions of the de­ partment, either in the form of department rules or general practice.

Many of the statutory restrictions of a general nature are without special significance and constitute merely assurances that the force shall be employed in a proper and a legal manner, or declarations of a policy to that effect. Thus in West Virginia the state police ore enjoined not to "interfere with the rights or property of any person except for the prevention of crime" and arc prohibited from acting as election officials or detailing or ordering any member to duty near any voting precinct. Most of the restrictions are merely a reiteration of the general restrictions upon nil peace officers.

Of far more importance than these general restrictions are those statutory limitations upon the exercise of statewide power with respect to riots and disorder. Quite without exception these have been introduced to meet the demands of organized labor and as a formal disavowal of any intention to interfere arbitrarily with the lawful rights of participants in industrial conflicts.

Experience shows that tne opposition of organized labor to state police forces rests largely upon two contentions. The first is that state police are pri­ marily intended for strike duty and that all other services and activities are subordinate to it. Whether or not this be true, the facts show that riot duty has not been a frequent function of the state police, except in three states, Pennsyl­ vania, New York, and West Virginia, and that in these states it has over a period of years consumed only a small fraction of their time.

A second contention is that the state police employ harsh and sometimes brutal methods in dealing v;ith strikers and certain specific instances are cited in support of this charge.

Police brutality is a familiar charge, and one which has been verified by court decisions, official and private investigations, and by numerous authorities on police administration. Perhaps the outstanding expose of such brutality is "Our Lawless Police" by Ernest Jerome Hopkins, formerly a police reporter for a New York newspaper. Although his book is almost entirely concerned v.ith metropolitan depart­ ments and not with state police, the charges substantiated therein by him are illus­ trative of some of the charges of brutality which have been attributed even to state police officers. Mr. Hopkins, in a personal communication to the writer, states that his actual observation of state police systems has been very slight. In so far as he has observed the operations of state police he says:

"I have found no record of third-degree and false-arrest abuses in such systems as exist; but cannot claim that I made more than casual inquiry in that direction."

Owing to the prominence which has been given Mr. Hopkins’ study and its authoritative character, it is of considerable interest to note that he is defi­ nitely in favor of the extension of state police systems. He continues:

"Not only do I consider the development of state police systems a con­ structive tendency, but I would like to see this development continue until municipal departments become absorbed into a state overhead or central system that would enable plain clothes detectives to be shifted around freely from city to city - removing the present barriers to their jurisdiction, keeping them free of local political and underworld influences, 12

giving them the aid of state central bureaus of identification and of standardized state training schools to better their technique, and - which is very important - helping to conceal their identity from too- ready recognition by professional criminals. It seems to me very il­ logical in any case that state penal statutes should be confined to municipal enforcement, with large territorial gaps where enforcement hardly exists."

While no such extensive expansion of the state police idea has yet oc­ curred, nor even seems remotely contemplated, Mr. Hopkins' statement expresses in general the opinion held by authorities on police administration.

In Pennsylvania, in particular, during a series of violent industrial strikes in the coal and iron districts, many accusations of brutality were made against the state police. These were compiled an'3 published by the Pennsylvania State Federation of Labor in a volume entitled "The American Cossack." Mr. J. C. Groome, the Superintendent of the Fennsylvania State Polic-.- at the time, answered there charges in a volume entitled "An Answer to The American Cossack." An im­ partial investigation conducted later by a spec!aL deputy attorney general at the instance of the governor of Pennsylvania revealed such a mass of conflicting testi­ mony as to make an accurate statem nt of what actually happened virtually impossible. A Massachusetts commission m: de a similar e;:anunatio.j of the charges ana counter­ charges which were laid before it Ly the opposing parties in Pennsylvania. Its conclusions, while balanced by reservations, were on the wncle favorable to the state police. Similarly, the Hnited States Commission on Industrial Relations, while condemning the use of undue force in industrial strikes, ga\e a qualified approval to the state police principle, as being preferable to the "present hap­ hazard method of policing strides."

Inconclusive as these statements are, they seem to represent the only official observations on the subject which are based on special inquiries. Conse­ quently no satisfactory conclusions can be drawn.

There remains the unquestioned fact that local communities are inclined to resent the use of outside force for the suppression of local disturbances. If local authorities were able no maintain order regularly without other a5d, the question night easily and satisfactorily be solved. Experience has shovn, however, that actual and flagrant disorder has frequently required the interposition of the military power of the state or of the nation. Wlr.re state police forces have been established the state government has naturally employed them whenever local condi­ tions seemed to require its intervention. In view of the above considerations, there has been enacted in nearly all states restrictions upon the use of the state police under such circumstances.

The beginnings of limitations upon the use of state police in strike duty may be seer* in the Pennsylvania practice. It is interesting to note that this prac­ tice was self-imposed and not statutory. From thu beginning the police found them­ selves engaged in rather frequent strike duty. They also found that many of the local officers were rather too prompt in demanding aid from the state police when the gravity of the situation did not warrant it. Some local officers, at least, were glad enough to thus avoid a duty which was always unpleasant, and upon occa­ sion both politically and personally hazardous. It, therefore, became the invariable custom of the superintendent to require a statement from the local authorities that the situation was beyond their control end asking for the assistance of the state force. If such statement was supported by the findings and reports of the local state police detachment, and if the governor gave his approval, the necessary de­ tachments were mobilized at the point of disorder and took charge, 13

Provisions based on the Pennsylvania practice have been incorporated in the statutes organizing several other forces. New York, New J

The charge is al3o made that, the arrival of the state police sometimes in­ flames the strikers to provocative acts, and precipitates u riot which the leaders are anxious to avoid. This contention seems altogether reasonable, end suggests the desirability of drawing some distinction between a "strike" and a "riot" in defining the sphere of the state police. Nevertheless, this objection r.av be said to apply equally, if not to o greater degree, to the use oe the militia. Exorcise of the right to quit work when collective bargaining fails does not necessarily demand the intervention of the state. Consequently, a striker is not "ipso facto" a rioter, nor are strike-rioters necessarily strikers. Massachusetts gor-s to the root of the problem by requiring that the state police shall not be used unless actual violence has bev.n committed.

From the standpoint of the ordinary citizen, not himself personally in­ volved in an industrial conflict, a provision of this nature '"ould seen satisfactory for preservation of the general public interest. For by committing an cct of vio­ lence a striker, a strike sympathizer, or a strike-breaker automatically bucon.es a rioter and a violator of state law. Labor organizations, from their rather bitter experience of the past, m y be inclined to oppose the use of state police, as they would probably oppose the us of any outside force in connection with strikes. In tho opinion of Bruce Smith, however, complete elimination of state police inter­ ference in strikes would be a mistake. In his "Rural Crime Control" he says:-

" ...... Certainly tho absolute prohibition of the use of the state police under such circumstances is a futile gesture, for if the police arc. not used, the militia must b«. - unless the government abdicates. Of the two, the state police, trained in the art of law- enforcement, is much to be preferred." Ill RELATION TO OTHER POLICE AGENCIES

1. Relationship with Local Officers

There is, however, another aspect to the problem other than the purely statutory relationship discussed in Section II, 2, "Restriction upon Powers." It is concerned principally v.ith the maintenance of comity and cooperation between the state police and the local sheriffs and municipal police forces*.

The primary function of the state police is and has always been the pe­ troling and policing of the rural areas. Two problems therefore have arisen. First should the state police include in their patrols municipalities maintaining organ­ ized police forces? Second, what should be their relationship to the sheriffs ana constables into vnose jurisdiction they come with concurrent powers?

In the last analysis, tho day-to-day r 'lationship of the state police with local police authorities resolves itself into ~n avoidance of affront to the latter or irjury. to their sensibilities. In most cases, the statutes enjoin the state police to cooperate with all other police bodies, both urban and rural. Such pro­ visions sound well but moan little or nothing of themselves. For by its very nature the work of tho state police o-erlaps that of the sheriffs and constables, and the moment the state officers step within city limits, they face further and more serious danger of conflicting professional pride and interest.

In a few cases the state police may exercise certain powers with respect to sheriffs and constables in tim s of grave public emergency. As a general rule, however, their police jurisdiction is coordinate with that of local officers, and is distinguished from theirs only by its state-wide character. There have been instances whore friction between state and local police officers has assumed serious proportions in tho handling of major criminal cases, and every state police force in the country is face to face with tho problem in some degree or other. Nev.’ York makes a conscious effort at minimizing the difficulty by keeping contact with county officials through frequent visits by troop officers. Probably this method serves a useful purpose by providing some sort of substitute for purely professional rela­ tions, but that it is not altogether successful is attested by the conflicts which still arise. There would seen to bo no formal method for disposing of the diffi­ culty once and for all, since tho definite subordination of either party to the other raises still more serious questions, and the definition of mutually exclu­ sive jurisdictions would severely limit both in their capacity as general law enforcing agencies.

The question of state police rcla.tions with city police departments has received more consideration. Without exception, the administrative heads of the state police have adhered closely to the manifest intent of the legislatures, and have confined the normal work of the force to the rural districts. But this does not obviate the necessity for pursuing offenders into the cities or the service of criminal process there. The usual and most effective method for dealing with such situations is to require the state policeman to present himself at the city police headquarters, state his errand, and ask for the assistance of the local department.

Conflicts between the state and city police seem nevertheless to arise in spite of these precautions and for the most part a^ise in connection with the laws prohibiting the various forms of commercialised vice. Almost every state has at 15 least a few cities which are known as "wile open towns,n and the governor who has a state police force at his command is very 1ikely to direct it to intervene and to conduct raids over the heads of the city police. This practice is especially com­ mon in Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and Michigan, where the real purpose underlying such action consists in exposing vice conditions as a means of stimulating the local authorities to action, and of arousing public sentiment to the point where it will demand continuance of such activity. A similar policy has been pursued in West Virginia where the small numbers of the city police haVG made the relatively large state force a factor of preponderating influence, jit ~:r.s found, however, that this policy hindered the work of the state oclice when it was desii'ablc- to cooperate with tho city forces in felony eases. In the interest of more effective functioning in general criminal law enforcement, therefore, the practice of intervention in West Virginia cities has recently been abandoned.

Although the Connecticut statute prohibits the state officers from includ­ ing incorporated olaccs within their patrols, and there seems to have been no snecial activity in tho suppression of vice, they hove nevertheless exercised the state-wide criminal jurisdiction accorded their, oy responding to ail complaints without regard to corporate boundaries. Substantially the same is true of Pennsylvania, although the cities of Philadelphia and Pittsburg are customarily avoided.

New York and New Jersey have been disposed to avoid intervention in the cities. This is expeciaily true of the New York force, v.hicn from the very beginning has greatly emphasized the ru~al patrol feature. On a few occasions this body has acted independently in various cities, in cases not involving strike duty, but al­ ways at the request of the proper lo^al authorities. The fi~st general departmental order issued to the fore-, was "Stay out of the cities." The term "city" as used in some of these states, however, would include only first and second class cities in Kansas.

Opinion based upon experience has not as yet sufficiently crystallized to produce a general and consistent policy in this field. The two factors involved very nearly balance one another. On the one hand, there is the state’s responsi­ bility for law enforcement and the generally unquestioned right of the governor to employ the state force without regard to corporate boundaries. Opposed to this is the view of most state police administrators to the effect that this right with its attendant responsibility is not sufficiently recognized and understood, and ohat its exercise only ucnds to impair the effectiveness of the state police in irijcr cases in which the aid and assistance of the city police is occasianally indispensable.

The frequent intervention of tho Ringers in communities where law enforce­ ment had collapsed was vigorously defended by Covcrnor Neff of Texas in an address delivered in 1922 in which he said:

"There is no such thing as local self-government in regard to violations of the law .... Every crime that- is committed is a crime against the state. The state enacts laws, not the counties. When county officers protest against the state sending her Rangers .... to enforce tho law, tho protest is always made for the benefit of the criminals ard not the law-abiding people."

Certainly *>\en the most ardent advocate of exclusive local responsibility could not deny the r^ght and the duty of intervention in the situation which arose a few years ago in the city of Hamtramck, Michigan. This industrial city has a population of fifty thousand, of which only about two thousand are of native stock, and is completely surrounded by the city of Detroit. Allegations that certain muni- TABLE III

Authority of State Police in Local Districts

Connecticut May request assistance. Must have consent of local governmental authority to have local officer serve outside district. In case of riots, may intervene cn approval of governor after preliminary warning to rioters.

Massachusetts May require assistance of Metropolitan Park Police. In case of riots, may intervene on order of governor only after violence has occurred.

Michigan May demand assistance of peace officers on approval of governor.

New Jersey In oity, may intervene only on request of local governing body and approval of governor.

New York In city, may intervene on order of governor, or on request of mayor and approval of governor.

Oregon May intervene on order of governor. Complete power of posse coramitatus.

Pennsylvania Practice is to avoid cities if possible but respond to all complaints. In case of riots, may intervene on statement of necessity frera local authorities with approval of governor.

Rhode Island May intervene on request of mayor or chief of police with approval of governor.

Texas May accept services of volunteers.

West Virginia May take command of local officers and posse commitatuc on request of sheriff or order of governor. 17 cipal officials were conspiring to violate the federal and state prohibition acts led to their indictment, trial and conviction. In a period of three months a detachment of Michigan State Police conducted raids on 275 vice resorts in Ham- tramck, and "follow-up" raids were made upon 60 of them. Of the judicial warrants which authorized these searches, 225 were secured on information obtained through the unaided efforts of two members of the investigation bureau.

Similarly, commercialized vice violations became so flagrant in the "oil- town" of Mexia, Texas, in 1922 that it was found necessary to impose martial law in Freestone and Limestone counties before norma3. conditions could be restored.

Similar as the experience of these states may appear to bo, there is a. certain distinction to be drawn between them which may serve to define the limits which considerations of expediency impose upon executive action. In Michigan the power of the state has been invoked in a single outstanding instance in which there was no hope for any local sentiment making itself felt on behalf of law and order. In Texas, and even more coraronly in Pennsylvania, on the other hand, the state po­ lice have come to be used as the most convenient and reliable agency for the exe­ cution of state functions, r.ot merely as a temporary expedient, but as a continuing and apparently permanent policy. In consequence, however, a dilemma is created. On the one hand, if there is no intervention, a situation must be tolerated vhich in fact contravenes public peace end order. On the other hand, intervention threat­ ens to arouse the jealousy cf the local enforcement officers, making future co­ operation difficult, and also to injure the local pride of some communities, creat­ ing a prejudice against state police. There seems to be no appropriate and effec­ tive way of enforcing a policy of moderation in the use of the state police in these cases. In the end, this must be left to the judgment of the governor and the super­ intendent who must shoulder responsibility for due restraint in their use.

The numbers of the state police are not sufficient and probably never can be sufficient to take over completely the suppression of commercialized vice in the cities. Municipal police forces may from time to time be influenced by local senti­ ment for the toleration of vice, but ever, in those states where tho state police have been most active in vice suppression, the real purpose has consisted in expos­ ing conditions in the hope that local sentiment would the more easily be aroused. Although the purpose is commendable enough, there is real danger that municipal forces may in the end shift all responsibility for vice conditions upon the state police, in which event the sum of the efforts made in the suppression of vice will be diminished rather than increased.

This broad question of jurisdiction represents the most difficult problem with which the state police have hid to contend and one which as yet holds little promise for early solution. Y/hile it is not as yet sufficiently serious to handi­ cap most of the forces in their day-to-day operations, even the most fortunate of them have reached a point where some definite decision must be made. Certainly a long step will have been taken if the state police can establish themselves as a connecting link between urban and rural police agencies, but there seems to be little present likelihood that the city forces will suddenly cease to resent raids which are conducted by outside authorities, no matter how desirable such action may appear to be in an abstract cense.

2. Militia as State Police

In many states the militia has often been used to police riots precipitated by industrial disturbances. There are two serious disadvantages, hov/evor, to their

4 IB use for such purposes. In the first place, there is always a great deal of expense end delay attendant upon mobilization. Furthermore, the military training of the militiaman does not, in most cases, fit him for police duty.

In Pennsylvania, in the year 1902, several years before the establishment of the state police, anthracite coal strikes forced the state to call out her en­ tire division of National Guard, at an expense of $996,052.55. In the spring of 1916 it was necessary to augment the state police force, which was occupied with patroling other sections of the state in which trouble had broken out, with several units of the National Guard. Four troops of cavalry and two regiments of infantry were mobilized to police the Pittsburg district where several cases of rioting had occurred during industrial strikes. These troeps were kept on duty from May 2nd until May 19th at a total cost, for the seventeen days, of about $77,000.

The wide differences in the training and primary purpose of the police and the militia are indicated by the testimony of John C. Groome, himself a former guardsman and for fifteen years tne superintendent of the Pennsylvania State Police. Testifying before the Federal Industrial Re3.ationc Commission, Colonel Groome de­ clared that "it takes a certain amount of experience to know how many bricks to let a man throw before you attempt to defend yourself, * * * and just how much abuse you will stand before you make i move."

The difference in arms and equipment of +he two agencies must also be con­ sidered. The Massachusetts Special Commission which investigated the subject in 1917 found that the militiaman with his rifle "in ninety-nine cases out of a hun­ dred * * * is overarmnd, and his weapon acts chiafly as an irritant to the fighting instinct in a mcb. Carrying a rifle he cannot make an effective arrest.; discarding it he may in turn be mobbed. The militiaman, by reason of his training and equip­ ment, uses either too much or too little force. It is difficult to say vhich of the following instances furnishes the better illustr;. tion of the worthlessness of the militia in strike vork, - the case of the New Hampshire mili daman who plunged a bayonet into the stomach of a woman strike-sympathizor, or the case of the Phila­ delphia guardsman in the car strike who had his rifle taken away and his uniform stripped from his body. You cannot make a professional policeman out of an amateur soldier."

The difficulty seems always to lie between these two alternatives - the use of too much or of too 15ttle force. For prompt and vigorous action, but with only sufiicient force to accomplish the desired result, and applied at the proper time and under the proper circumstances, - for this the militia, in the opinion of several authorities, seem to be unfitted in organization, by training,and from the very nature and purpose of their constitution.

Recently the National Guard has been used for police duty other than strike patrol. The Adjutant General of Kansas, for example, has been using the Guard on numerous occasions to assist in the capture of bank robbers, escaped con­ victs, or other criminals known to be at large. In most cases they have been used as guards,rather than as patrol units, their purDose being to try to block avenues of escape, especially main highways and bridges. The difficulties of such a system are apparent. In a state such as Kansas, with an almost universal section-inile road system it is almost impossible to attemot to block a sufficient number of road3 to effectually prevent the escape of crimiiials travelling by automobile. While the blocking of river bridges is quite effective, a glance at the map of Kansas will show that practically all the rivers flow in an easterly or south­ easterly direction. Consequently the blocking of bridges cuts off escape in only two directions. There is always the danger, also, that over-zealous guardsmon, 19

untrained in police work, may lire upon innocent parties, who, net understanding the circumstances, might refuse to stop.

The problem of communication is also difficult of solution. In several instances ol banx robberies in the last year or so the Adjutant General has not been notilied ol the robbery until some time had elapsed. Add to that the lime necessary to mobilize the units and the possibilities of apprehending the crim­ inals become very much reduced.

Nor are the members of the guard particularly anxious to perform police duty. In many cases, possibly thu majority of them, the members are business men, clerks, or laborers who are loathe to leave their work on a moment's notice for duty that is at bast not particularly pleasant, and often occasioning considerable expense not only to themselves, but also to the state.

In 1916 Auditor-General A. W. Powell, of the Pennsylvania National Guard, made the following statement, quoted in Katharine Kayo's "Justice to All":

"Since its release by the state police from the burden of police duty,the National Guard of Pennsylvania has enjoyed a resultant increase in the number of enlistments and a raising of the standards of both offi­ cers end men. Tho personnel has improved from 25% to 50$$ since the creation of tho state police . . . . "

In June, 1915, Governor Walsh of Massacnusetts appointed a Special Com­ mission on Military Education and Reserve to study the problem of reserve forces, their personnel, morale, a«id training. Their report, rendered in December, 1915, contains the following passages:

"There must always be a sufficient force to maintain peace at all times, but the militia is not a body fitted to perform police duty. The situation at time of civil riots, especially accompanying strikes, is so tense that it can be handled only by highly efficient and thor­ oughly disciplined men who arc professionals in their duties. The militia is not a body either armed or trained to handle such situations well. Moreover, the fact that the militia may be called upon to perform police duty is one of the reasons for the difficulty it has in securing enlistments. Police duty of this sort should be performed by a trained and efficient state mounted police, and if such are not sufficient the regular army should to called upon before any militia or similar i*orce. It has been proved again and again that the former bodies are able to perform strike and riot, duty with a maximum of efficiency and with a minimum of friction and cost. They are far superior for this purpose to any body of occasional soldiers. The Commission rncommends tho organization of a state force of mounted police."

Katharine Mayo, in "Justice to All," a book devoted to the story of the Pennsylvania State Police, from her long observation is of the opinion that:

"No fewer than nine times in the last decade the National Guard of Pennsylvania must assuredly have been mobilized for riot service but for the little handful of state police."

It is not to be- assumed, however, that the more existence of a state po­ lice force precludes the necessity for the use of the militia in times of emergency. The state police forces are at best small in numbers, designed for regular patrol work and criminal investigation and apprehension rather than riot duty.______20

Nevertheless, while the state police r.re not intended as substitutes for either the rural peace forces or the militia, the strongest features of the former, namely, their training, equipment and organization, are the weakest points in the two older agencies. Consequently, the state police can give aid to those forces in the places it is most needed, and try to supplement rather than supolanl the existing agencies.

Because of the prominent position occupied by the Pennsylvania State Police in all discussions of labor disputes there are given below the figures compiled by Bruce Smith covering the period in which that force was at times heavily engaged in strike duty. These figures would seem to cover one of the most troublesome labor periods in the state which has made +h«- greatest use of state police as substitutes for the state militia. The figures are therefore probably maximum .and not at all typical. They are presented here to give the picture which has undoubtedly been in the mind of labor organizations over the country when they h: ve opposed the organization of state police because of fear that such a force would be used extensively in policing strikes. The percentage is based upon the total number of men on the force during the year, the number en­ gaged in strike duty during each year, and the time for which they were so em­ ployed .

1906 - 21.59% 1 9 U - 12.30% 1907 - 9.51% 1915 - 9.35% 1908 - 8.33% 1916 - 55.665b 1909 - 12.75?o 1917 - 0.50% 1910 - 35.25% 1918 - 0.00% 1911 - 34.7751 1919 - 11.40% 1912 - 23.57% 1920 - 1.60% 1913 - 16.±6% 1921 - 0.0027% Annual average 1706 - 1921 - 16%

These figures would appear to have no significance for Kansas.(See discussion and table 1? in Section VIII.) There have been very few strikes of any importance in Kansas for the past generation. The Kansas National Guard has not been called out for strike duty since 1922, and has been used for such duty only three times in the last fifteen years.

If it be assumed that tho strike-duty of the National Guard could be taken as an indication of similar v.a*» of state police, this would load one to conclude that had there been a state police force in Kansas in 1919, the total possible average time on strike duty from 1919 to 1934 would have been less than 3 7%. For the past twelve years that percentage would have b^en zero. 21

IV GENERAL OPERATION OF STATE POLICE

1. General Activities

Sorae idea of the routine activity of the state police can be drawn from the relative number of arrests, complaints, warnings, cooperations, and the like which enter into the complete picture of the activity of any one system. The fig­ ures in Table 4 are taken from the report of the New Jersey Department of State Police for the year 1932, and cover the total activity, in rough classification, of that system for the preceding ten years. These figures cited for New Jersey are typical of figures reported by similar systems in other states.

TABLE 4

Summary of Activities

New Jersey State Police, 1922-1932

Arrests — 27 450

Number of complaints, telephone 11 580

Number of complaints, verbal .... 2 910

Number of warnings ----- — — - - 131 774

Number of interviews — ------370 461

First a i d ------745

Cooperations ------10 291

Number of accidents. - 4 750

Forest fires ------73

Aids to travelers ------.- 1 1 682

Celebrations 2 636 22

This tabulation shows clearly that the activity of state police is not confined to the warning or arresting of offenders, but also covers a wide range of •.vhat might be called "service" activities, such as tho administration of first aid, or of assistance to travelers, the fighting of forest fires, the reporting of acci­ dents, the policing of celebrations, etc. Nor is this list all-inclusive. It does not contain any summary of the work of the training schools, the identification or communication bureaus, either in their service to the state police or to other agencies. Each of these bureaus, which are discussed in detail later, perform many services not only for the state police, but also for other state departments, for local police officers, and sometimes for other states, and constitute a very im­ portant part of the work of the police system.

Although the actual arrests constitute only a small part of the total ac­ tivity of the state police, ar. examination and classification of the various types of charges upon which arrests are based present on interesting picture of the nature of this phase of their work. Tables 5-a and 5-b present such an analysis of the arrests of state police of selected states for recent years. The classification em­ ployed is the one found in the report of the Massachusetts Department of Public Safety for 1933. Table 5-b is merely the reduction of the figures listed in Table 5-a to a percentage basis. With a few exceptions, these percentages show a high degree of uniformity. In Table 5-c those figures have been computed on a "typical',1 not necessarily an "average" basis, in an attempt to show the distribution of the arrests of a typical, hypothetical state police system.

Several trends are quite apparent fron these tables. Probably the most significant trend shown is the uniformly high percentage of arrests for automobile violations, which, with the exception of West Virginia and Pennsylvania, averages close to 60 per cent. This seems to indicate that the essentially routine work of the state police in their patrol is still primarily concerned with the highway laws. Therefore, on this basis, it rould seem to be reasonable to assume that a highv?ay patrol is already performing more than fifty per cent of the work of a state police, assuming a comparable personnel. However, it must be remembered that the activity of a police cannot be measured by the number of arrests. It is no doubt true that while arrests for highway violations constitute almost 60 per cent of the total, they do not represent a proportionate amount of time or effort, being made "on the spot" in nearly all cases. Such arrests, therefore, take on a more routine nature, as compared with the more technical aspects of "crime control."

Significant also is the almost complete absence of arrests for violations of the election laws. In fact, only six of the 137,000 arrests considered therein are for such cause, five of them occurring in one state. 7/est Virginia shows an extremely high percentage of arrests under the liquor lavrs, and Pennsylvania is somewhat above the other states in this respect. Oregon shows by far the greatest activity in the enforcement of the fish and game laws, and Pennsylvania the greatest activity in the enforcement of the laws protecting persons and property. 23

TABLE 5-a

ClcSwifi o

Mass. Mich. M. J. W. Va. Ore. H.Y. Pa. Tyue of Offense (1933) (1933) (1932) (1931) (1933) (1932) (1932)

Offenses against the Person 351 ‘ 325 1 000 1 263 189 1 596 1 495

Offenses against Property Committed rith Violence 353 310 459 709 203 83 8 2 194

Offenses against Property Committed without Violence 740 578 1 194 796 787 3 794 1 949

Malicious Offenses against Property 219 26 79 76 55 449 410

Forgery and Offenses against Currency 25 24 290 240 63 256 104

Offenses against the License Laws 56 7 — 7 — 27 8

Offenses against Chastity and Morality 198 68 278 117 34 212 551

Offenses against Public Order 2 423 1 751 5 331 1 901 753 f> 948 3 697

Offenses against the Liquor Lav^s 331 621 997 5 895 104 357 1 915

Violation of the Election Laws - 1 - - - - 5

Violation of the Firearm Laws 32 51 58 178 37 102 268

Violation of the Fish and Gams Laws 24 90 292 43 1 758 535 174

Automobile Violations, Including Aircraft 8 160 6 462 16 288 2 430 5 029 30 281 529

Offenses not Included Above 837 927 1 084 586 404 1 410 1 059

Totals 13 749 11 241 27 450 14 241 9 416 46 805 14 358 24

TABLE 5-b

Classified Table of Arrests (Reduced to Percentages)

M a s s . Mich. H.J. W. Va. Ore. N.Y. Pc. Tyoe of Offense (193:) (1933) (1932) (1931) (1933) (1932) (1932)

Offenses against the Person 2.5 2.9 3.5 9.0 2.0 3.4 10.5

Offenses against Property Committed wi th Violence 2.5 2.8 1.7 5.0 2.2 1.8 15.2

Offenses against Property Committed without Violence 5.4 5.1 4.5 5.6 8.4 8.2 13.6

Malicious Offenses

r against Property 1.6 .2 .3 • s .6 1.0 2.9

Forgery and Offenses against Currency .2 .2 1.1 .7 .7 .5 .8

Offenses against the License Laws .4 .1 - .1 - .1 .1

Offenses against Chastity and Morality 1.5 .6 1.0 .8 .4 .5 .3

Offenses against Public- Order 17.5 15.6 19.4 14.4 8.0 15.6 26.8

Offenses against the Liquor Laws 2.4 5.5 3.5 40.4 1.1 .8 14.8

Violation of the Election

Laws ------.1

Violation of the Firearm Laws .2 .5 .2 1.2 .4 .2 1.9

Violation of the Fish and Game Laws .2 .8 1.1 .3 18.7 1.2 1.3

Automobile Violations, Including Aircraft 59.5 57.5 59.9 17.9 53.3 66.4 3.8

Offenses not Included Above 6.1 8.2 4.0 4.1 4.2 3.0 7.9 25

i

TABLE 5-c

Classified Table of Arrests:

Typical Sti-.te Police System

Type of Offense Per Cent

Offenses against tho Person...... 3.0

Offenses against Property commited with Violence 2.5

Offenses -gainst Property committed without Violence . 6.0

Malicious offenses against Property ...... _l.o

Forger/ and Offenses against Currency •*_...... _ ... 1.0

Offenses against Chrstity and Morality______1.0

Offenses against Public Order...... 15.5

Offenses against the Liquor Laws ------5.0

Violation of the Fire-.rm Laws — ______1.0

Violation of the Fish and Game Laws.- ______1.0

Automobile Violations, including Aircraft------57.0

Offenses not Included Above. — ...... _ .... 6 . 0 26

2. Communication Systems

The earliest systems of state police communication were simply the usual methods of the day - telephone, telegraph, and the mails. Pennsylvania early de­ veloped a system of communication with the troops and patrol officers, that operated fairly effectively in coping with the conditions they had to meet. The entire state was divided into four troop zones, with a troop headquarters in each. Each zone was subdivided into districts, each with a substation, manned by a sergeant or corporal, and several patrol officers. Patrol routes were planned throughout each district, and schedules planned for each route. Farmhouses along the route were equipped with signal flags and instructions for calling the troopers. When a substation desired to get in touch with one of the patrol officers, the officer in command would, by consulting the route and schedule of that particular patrol, determine the approximate position of the patroling officer. Then he could communicate by telephone with farmers or other persons in that vicinity end instruct them to stop the patroling officer rand have him call the substation. Needless to say, this method was at times uncertain and often too slov. to be of practical use, especially after the advent and extensive use of the automobile.

In the last few years such a method of communication has become obsolete in police work. To supplant it, other more rapid systems have been developed. The state police are using two cf these methods, either singly or in conjunction! radio and teletype.

* The relative advantages of the two systems are controversial. Of course, the ideal system would be a combination of both, as is the case in Massachusetts. Teletype has the advantages of absolute secrecy, an accurate written record, de­ pendability, and selectivity. Radio has the advantages of constant communication with all patrol cars and substations, and greater coverage, but has the disadvantage of undependable service due to weather conditions or "dead spots," end lack of secrecy. Of the two methods, radio is probably the least expensive over a period of years. The installation cost is higher than is the case with teletype, which equipment is usually merely leased, but lower operation costs more than offset the difference.

In choosing between tho two systems many factors should be considered. It would seem that teletype is the more practical in states of relatively small area in proportion to their population which have a large number of outlying sub­ stations v/hich are in close communication with their respective patrol units. In Kansas it is rather doubtful that it would be expedient to create a sufficient number of substations to make the extensive use of teletype the efficient system of communication which it is in a number of eastern states. On the other hand, it is doubtful that the entire state of Kansas could be covered effectively by a single radio broadcasting station. That could be determined only after investi­ gation by competent techniccl engineers.

Michigan probably makes more effective use of radio than does any other state. Their state police radio system was established in 1929, and was considerably improved in 1922. Receivers were installed in most of the patrol cars, in the various substations, the headquarters of many city police forces, and many sheriff offices in the lower part of the state. Since its Installation, two-way communica­ tion with ten major cities in the state has been established. The Michigan station operated on the same frequency as docs the Massachusetts station, and each is in constant reception with the other, so that they might yield the channel to the other in case of emergency. It has also been found that the reception of the Michigan station is better in certain parts of Massachusetts than is that of the Massachu- I * setts station. Consequently, many messages of the Massachusetts station are re­ layed ^ to patrol cars in that district through the Michigan station. The outgrowth of this inter-comn.unication has been the development of an inter-state communica­ tion system whereby Michigan can communicate through Massachusetts with several hundred cities in the east that are connected through a police teletype system. It also enables Massachusetts to communicate through Michigan with all Michigan cities, and a number of communities in Ohio by radio. The principle benefit from this has been the closer cooperation between the police agencies of the several states.

The operation of police teletype is well described in a manuscript furn­ ished by an officer of one of the eastern systems. Since the preparation of this manuscript, which is reproduced below, Rhode Island has installed a teletype sys­ tem which has been connected with the interstate hook-up he describes.

NEW JER3FY POLICE TELETYPE SYSTEM

(A Unit in the Five State Police Teletype System)

The establishment of Teletype as a police communication method in New Jersey resulted from the increasing need for the dissemination of police alarms and police information to all police departments and the failure of existing communica­ tion methods to efficiently solve this problem.

The State Association of Police Chiefs in conjunction with the Regional Planning Commission, after many months of study and experiments, decided on tele­ type as the solution of the problem. They submitted their findings and recommenda­ tions to the State Legislature which enacted a law creating a basic system under the supervision of the superintendent of state police.

In October 1930, the New Jersey Dell Telephone Company completed the in­ stallation of a staV-wide police teletype alarm system and turned it ever to the superintendent of the New Jersey State Police, Colonel H. Norman Schwarzkopf.

The reason for placing this network under State Police supervision was that the Headquarters, Troop Headquarters, and substations of the state police were so strategically located as to moke a fine network for the basic systtm and a con­ venient state-wide distribution of wiring for local police departments to connect to.

Just what is a teletype system? Technically, it is a typewritten communi­ cation service involving the transmission of o printed message by means of a tele­ phone typewriter.

This telephone typcvTiter or sending machine is connected by means of a Switchboard to various receiving machines, which machines may be located in the same building, in the seme city, or in different cities. The sending machine can send to one machine, a group of machines, or all of the machines in the system.

When a letter is touched on the keyboard of the sending machine, electri­ cal impulses are created which are distinct and individual for each letter in tho alphabet and for each numeral and character. These impulses travel from the key­ board into the sending machine. They also travel with the speed of electricity to every receiving machine connected to the sending machine by means of the switchboard so that the same identical message that is typed on the sending machine is repro­ duced on the receiving machine, and on all of the machines connected through the switchboard. 28

The basic network of the New Jersey system was connected with the Penn­ sylvania state system via Philadelphia and with New York City’s system via New York police headquarters.

The four sending stations are controlled by the master station in Trenton and the zone sending stations in turn control receiving stations in four zones. Every message sent out by a zone sending station is automatically received in Tren­ ton. Trenton by means of a seizure key can reach every station in any one, two, or three zones or in all zones, simultaneously. Without the use of the seizure fea­ ture, Trenton can send to one or all zone sending stations individually. By means of a switching device in the master station, zone sending stations can also communi­ cate with one another.

Since its inception in 1930, tho New Jersey system has shown a rapid ex­ pansion. At the start, only State Police stations were equipped with teletype re­ ceivers. Eighty-five receivers in county, municipal and bridge police departments have since been connected. Every police department in Hudson, Essex, and Union Counties have teletype receiver machines. The city of Newark has its own system, consisting of a sending machine with receivers in each of its precincts. This system is an integral part of the state system, being connected with the Newark zone sending station. Atlantic City is also equipped with both a sending and re­ ceiving machine.

The foregoing indicates the internal growth of the teletype system in the State of Nev; Jersey. The external growth of teletype ns a police communication method within and between states has been far reaching.

In September, 1931, the State of New York established a police teletype system which connected with the New Jersey system via New York City and Newark, N.J. and with the Pennsylvania system via Sidney, IJ.Y. and Wyoming, Pa. The three states then formed what was known as the Tri-state Police Teletype Alarm System.

In the spring of 1932, Massachusetts installed a state teletype system connected with the already established Connecticut system and then tied in with the New York system via Albany. We thus find the states of New York, Mew Jersey, Penn­ sylvania, Massachusetts, and Connecticut joined together in a comprehensive tele­ type network of approximately 700 teletype sending and receiving machines, devoted exclusively to police communication. This network is commonly called "The Five State Police Teletype Alarm System."

Now just what type of material is sent out over the police teletype? First, and most important, are police alarms. Police alarms cover a variety of crimes such as murder, manslaughter, hold-ups and robberies, escapes, larcenies, burglaries, etc. Police alarms also contain such items as stolen cars, stolen property, missing persons, and police information; i.c., reports of arrests of criminals; unidentified dead and unidentified recovered property.

An alarm can be sent to all the receivers in a zone— this is called a zone broadcast. It can be sent to every receiver in the state simultaneously— this is called a general broadcast. It can be sent to every receiver in the five state system— this is called a five state broadcast. The importance of the alarm and the value of the information contained therein, determines the extent of the broadcast.

Next in importance are information requests. These requests usually originate in individual police departments and concern the obtaining of data on ft 4 29 automobile registration numbers, drivers’ licenses and descriptions, criminal records from the State Bureau of Identification and other information contained in the files of state departments located in the State Capitol. Information requests are also sent to other State Capitols and received from police departments in the other states in the five state system.

Finally, miscellaneous messages, which are individual messages between police departments, either within the state, or to and from police departments in the five states. These messages cover a variety of police matters such as extra­ dition, exchange of records on criminals, investigations, notifications of rela­ tives in death, injuries, and arrests, etc.

Information requests and miscellaneous messages sent by teletype natur­ ally obviate the use of telephone, telegraph, and other means of communication with a resultant economy to all concerned.

What results can teletype show as to its efficiency and practicability? Each alarm is numbered and classified according to crime. Alarms are cancelled by number when an arrest or recovery of stolen property is made by a police department. Now, many of these arrests and recoveries would result without the existence of teletype, but what we are interested in are those arrests and recoveries which are directly and tangibly the result Qf teletype. We have, therefore, requested each police department when making a cancellation to advise whether the arrest or re­ covery is directly and tangibly the result of receiving the information by the teletype. We then mark the cancellation ”R T”, result of teletype. The following statistics on "R T ’s" (result of teletype for the month of September, 1933) gives some idea of the batting average of teletype in the State of New Jersey alone.

2 alarms on Wanted for Murder were cancelled, subjects apprehended. 2 alarms on Wanted for Holdup and Robbery. 13 alarms on Wanted for Escape. 4 alarms on Wanted for Larceny. 2 alarms on Wanted for Burglary. 1 alarm on V.ranted for Embezzlement. 1 alarm on Wanted for Atrocious Assault and Battery. 2 alqrms on Wanted for Hit and Run. 1 alarm on Wanted for Forgery. 1 alarm on Wanted for False Pretense*. 6 alarms on Wanted for Investigation. 1 alarm on V.’antod for Hi-jacking. 1 alarm on Wanted for Passing Counterfeit Money. 1 alarm on Wanted for Desertion and Non-support, 1 alarm on Wanted for Leaving Scone of an Accident. 1 alarm on Wanted for Taking Car Without Owner's Consent. 3 alarms on Stolen Property. 19 alarms on Missing Persons. 76 alarms on stolen cars. U alarms on police* information.

In ail of the aforementioned cancellations, the criminals were apprehended or the property recovered and returned to its rightful owners. So, you see tho teletype system is returning dividends of satistaction to the police departments, and through them to tho citizens of our Commonwealth. 30

A feature cf police teletype is tho fact that records arc created and built up in all police departments. Files of wanted persons, missing persons, stolen cars, stolen property, etc. can be maintained in each police headquarters, precinct or state police substation.

At the master station in Trenton a cony of every alarm on wanted or missing persons is filed in the State Bureau of*Identification. This file, together with the photograph and finger prints of criminals, is available to all police departments in any state.

The State Police Auto Bureau in Trenton receives a copy of all alarms on stolen cars or stolen property, a copy of all alarms in which the registration number of a motor vehicle is mentioned and a copy of each information request for motor vehicle data. The Auto Bureau keeps a most efficient and comprehensive file on registration numbers, serial numbers and motor numbers, as obtained from stolen car alarms and information requests.

The Auto Bureau also files manufacturers numbers on stolen and lost fire­ arms, watches, jewelry, typewriters, safes, adding machines, motor boat engines, etc. This file is also available to all police departments and it is being con­ stantly referred to via teletype with satisfactory results.

At one time in police circles, discussion of police communication methods usually resulted in the argument of teletype vs. radio. Tho increasing use of both methods of communications has indicated the fact that each of them has its place in » the police communication field. Radio supplements teletype. Teletype can reach all#police department headquarters leaving a printed record. Radio can reach mobile police units from police headquarters.

It is the opinion of the most police authorities that one method cannot supplant the other and as stated previously, the use of one is supplementary to the other. The largest police department 5n the United States finds it necessary to use telephone, teletype, radio, ana the police signal box system to solve its police communication and alarm problem.

One of the officials of the Federal Radio Commission stated in an address to the International Association of Police Chiefs, "Radio assignments should not be expected to replace wire communications and signal systems. At best, radio can only supplement them for emergency communication when speed is necessary to points where land wires cannot be."

In closing may I add, that the use of this system is not confined to those police departments which arc a part of the system, but is available to every police department in the State of New Jersey, and they may make use of its facilities by simply communicating with any sending station, at any time during the day or night.

Below arc* some examples illustrating the utility and efficiency of the teletype system of police communication reproduced from the 1933 annual report of the Commissioner of Public Safety of Massachusetts.

(a) On July 24, 1933, at 12:27 a.m. a message was received from the Chelsea Police that that department held a warrant for a man wanted in connection with the larceny of $1000 in currency. From reports received in Chelsea this man fully intended to start for South America the following day. This information was sent to the New York City Police and a reply received at 3:35 a.m. stating that this man had been apprener.ded and nil the money had been recovered.

(b) On Seotember 5, 1933, at 6:35 u.m. a message was received from W3Ilianstown relative to two men who broke jail there and who had also broken into a garage, taking a car, and the direction in which they headed was unknown. This information was sent out on a five-state general broadcast; included was a descrip­ tion of the men and the registration of the stolen car. On the following day a message was received from the Philadelphia Police Department stating that the above mer. and car had been apprehended.

(c) On August 25, 1933-, at. 1:24 p.m., a telephone call was received from a manufacturing company at Syracuse. New York, stating that they had an important message for one of their salesmen who was traveling in this state. This message was sent out or. a general broadcast and at 2:20 p.m. on this same day, officers from our Monson station reported that this man had been stopped and notified to call his home office immediately.

(d) On July 15, 1933, a regular report of a stolen car was received on the suburban machine and transmitted to all our stations in the state through the general broadcast. The following day word was received from the Albany, New York police department that this particular car, together with the occupants who stole the car in Eos ton, had been apprehended and v/ero in custody.

The Boston police secured the necessary papers to bring the prisoners back to answer to the charges, but vie were notified that these men had broken jail in Albany, stolen a car. and were headed back into Massachusetts. This car con­ tained t?/o or three guns ana a quantity of ammunition. All our western stations were notified to have all roads leading from New York state carefully guarded. Word ras soon received from the Pittsfield police that thi3 car had been seen going through that city at a high rate of speed and that one of their officers had at­ tempted to stop this car but was unsuccessful. The search ended in the town of Russell when men from this department forced the car to a stop, arresting the occupants, ?/hc were both armed, and seizing the car.

Below nre some examples ol' the use of radio in police communication, also reproduced from the above mentioned report.

(a) On August 30, 1933, word was received at Troop C headquarters at Holden that a man for whom several warrants on breaking and entering charges were held was supposed to be staying at the home of a friend in Crosswell, Michigan.

A teletype message was sent at 8:03 p.m. to W.M.P. radio station at Framingham requesting a message to tho Michigan state police radio station W.R.D.S. giving them the information and asking that an attempt be made to locate the man. At 8:31 p.m., or 28 minutes after our teletype message was sent to Framingham, a teletype message was received at Holden from Framingham stating that the Michigan state police had reported by radio that the man had boen located, arrested, and was being held for us at their St. Claire barracks. He was later extradited to Massachusetts.

(b) During the recont period of differences between the cranberry growors find employees in southern Massachusetts the uSe of radio in directing the movoment of patrol cruisers was particularly effective. Sixty men assigned to duty with ■twenty cruiser cars were able to keep order in tho nine towns which comprise the cranberry growing section by instructions given them by radio from Troop D head­ 32

quarters at West Bridgewater. Owing to the large area to be covered it was diffi­ cult to anticipate points where disturbances were likely to arise. Arrangements were made for reports to Troop headquarters of any disorder and cruiser cars were contacted by radio at points nearest to the scene. In practically every instance officers in cruiser cars were on the scene of disturbances in from three to five minutes. This work was greatly facilitated by the use of our mobile radio unit station Vt.P.E.V. which had taken station at V’aroham and aided in the distribution of calls by re-broadcasting all information and instructions received from our station W.P.E.L.

(c) On Saturday, December 23, 1933, a plane of the American Airways Inc. which had left Albany, N.Y., at 7:52 p.m. carrying passengers and mail was reported half an hour overdue at Hartford, Connecticut, on route to Boston. Officials of the company requested our Troop B headquarters at Northampton to make a search for the ship. A message was broadcast from our state police station W.P.E.W. to all cruiser cars and a few minutes later officers attached to a crui3or car reported a plane flying above the clouds over .the Jacob’s Ladder road between Wheatfieid and Pitts­ field. Three minutes later officers of another cruiser reported a plane over North­ ampton. Troop B headquarters immediately notified the American Airways company at Albany who in turn flashed the information to Chicago where a radiophone message was flashed to the pilot Thomas Halpin of Albany acquainting him with his correct posi­ tion and enabling him to proceed by compass direction to Hartford. A letter of thanks from the American Airways Inc. to the State Police explained that the direc­ tion finder on the plane had frozen so that the pilot was unable to get the radio beam. Owing to a heavy overcast he was unable to land and was duly appreciative of the assistance rendered by the state police. (d) When in May, 1933, Margaret McMath, age 12, was reported missing from the school which she attended in the tov;n of Harwich under circumstances indicating kidnaping, the state police were called upon to investigate. In this investigation a number of the department automobiles were in use in various sections of the cape district. To facilitate communication with these cars our mobile transmitter was moved to Harwich and was set up as a message distribution centre. By means of this service the officers detailed with these cars were kept in constant touch with a temporary headquarters located in Harwich. Within four days of the disappearance of the child, she had been located, the kidnapers arrested and ronson money amount­ ing to $70,000 recovered.

(e) On November 25, 1933, at 7:20 p.m. a hold-up was reported as having occurred at a gasoline filling station on the Boston Post Road in 7/ayland. At 7:21 p.m. a message was broadcast from station V.'.M.P. to all cruiser cars, giving a description of the robbers and the ’*egistration number of the automobile in which he had left the scene of the crime. This message was immediately received by two patrolmen of Troop C at a point on the Boston Post Road west of the scene of the reported hold-up. Proceeding east they encountered the wanted car and arrested the occupant who thereupon admitted the crime. He was found to be armed with a loaded automatic pistol and had the proceeds of the robbery on his person. The Troop C officers reported the arrest by phone to their hoadquartors at 7:40 p.m., nineteen minutes after the radio broadcast was received.

3. Transportation

In general, three methods of transportation are used by the state police: horse, motorcycle, and automobile. The relative utility of each method is dctei- raihed by the topographical nature of the country patrolled and the nature of the work. 33

In the early years of the Pennsylvania state police all troopers were mounted on horseback. Much of the v;estern portion of the state could only be patrolled effectively by this method, and tho automobile of that day was not suf­ ficiently developed for patrol work in the sections of the state more favorable topographically. Nor was there in that day the present necessity for speed, either in transportation or communication. There was also another consideration— the adaptability of the horse to strike and riot duty. Under such circumstances a man on horseback is particularly effective, while a man on foot is practically helpless, and an automobile or motorcycle is almost impossible to maneuver. Pennsylvania is now using motor patrol extensively in the more open sections of the state, while the horse remains the principle method in the rougher regions.

The motorcycle is quite adaptable for certain types of work, particularly traffic patrol in heavily congested regions. In Kansas for all practical purposes the automobile would be adequate.

Today the automobile is almost universally U3ed for patrol purposes, particularly in the rural regions. Usually two men are assigned to a car, and central repair and service stations are provided, either directly by the department, or contractually with private parties. In Michigan and Massachusetts the patrol cars are radio equipped, and ire in constant reception of the central transmitting station.

Besides the regular methods of transportation, others, notably rail, are sometimes ueed. Michigan maintains a patrol boat and New York na3 recently added airplanes to their regular equipment. The possibilities of this nev; method of police transportation are being watched with interest in police circles.

Following are tables showing the patrol mileage of two typical states, Nev/ York and New Jersey. It is interesting to note the steady increase in the number of mr'les patrolled.

TABLE 6-c

Patrol Mileage - New Jersey

Method______1929______1230______1221______1222

Mounted 2$ 330 30 633 25 100 33 769

Cycle 859 880 1 080 202 1 566 604 1 802 996

Troop Vehicle 1 353 055 3 244 631 3 663 150 3 967 190

Rail 40 187 54 157 13 3.30 17 490

Other Vehicles 1 225 522 1 659 579 838 597 1 150 499

Dismounted 17 302 29 557 34 393 . 29 018

Total L, 021 276 6 098 759 6 141 174 7 000 962 34

TABLE 6-b

Patrol Mileage - New York

Year Mounted Motor Total

1918 333 039 433 239 766 278

1919 243 232 705 206 948 438

1920 242 647 721 022 963 669

1921 286 850 1 217 014 1 503 864

1922 247 589 X 590 983 1 838 572

1923 310 028 1 768 130 2 078 158

1924 235 044 2 547 297 2 782 341

1925 222 582 3 219 813 3 442 395

1926 228 275 3 587 696 3 315 971

1927 230 619 4 882 513 5 113 132

1928 208 56/, 5 161 702 5 370 266

1929 221 148 5 313 715 5 534 863

1930 171 888 6 458 430 6 630 318

1931 142 212 6 832 819 6 975 031

1932 82 052 8 269 130 8 351 182

15 years 3 405 769 52 708 709 56 114 478

4. Criminal Identification

Progress in criminal identification was relatively slow before 1920. Since that time, there has been a definite movement over the country 1 or the estab­ lishment of identification bureaus. The state police provides a logical focusing point for the collection and dissemination of such information and neither the state police nor the local officers have been slow in recognizing this fact. Today, all state police maintain some system of criminal identification, either directly in their department, or in some allied department.

Further stimulus was given this movement by the establishment in 1924 of a Division of Identification in the Department of Justice at V. ashing -on. Si c that time the collection has grown from slightly over 81^ ^ ° n law over 4,000,000 cards today. Its services are available free of cost to all law 35

enforcement agencies in this country and abroad.

The system has thus far probably been the most extensively developed by Michigan. Its collection of 1,250,000 criminal records of actual current value a n d -1 ,500,000 name index cards is now the largest and most complete group of fingerprint records of current value in existence outside of the National Bureau at Washington.

Nor does Michigan lead only in the extent of their fingerprint records. Other methods of criminal identification have been adopted by them until their service is among the best in the United States.

The science of "moulage" identification is being developed there quite extensively. It is essentially the science of the reproduction in cast form of physical objects, and serves for a number of purposes much better than photography. In connection with this science a large collection of tire treads is being made, to assist in the identification of automobiles used by criminals.

In 1930 Michigan created a new division, that of "Forensic Ballistics." Today it may be set down as a post-war discovery and a scientific fact that there are not two revolver or pistol barrels in the v/orld alike - none that ever leave exactly the same kind of marks upon a bullet passing through them - any more than there are two fingerprints alike; and that it is nov/ possible to link the bullet to the weapon in almost every instance. This is know as "Forensic Ballistics," which means the science of missiles or projectiles in motion, involving evidence ir. legal proceedings or public discussions and debate. It is a science, as infallible, as practicable, as revolutionary, and almost as valuable in criminology as finger­ printing itself. To facilitate the study of ballistics, the laboratory has a reference collection of all calibers, makes, and types, fired from guns of nearly every known variety; a collection of sample bullets, primed shells, and loaded cartridges in every pistol size by every American manufacturer, plus a great number of foreign samples; a mass of revolvers, single shot pistols, repeating and auto­ matic pistols (in all numbering close to one thousand guns) of a myriad makes, calibers,and patterns, from every part of the world, and samples of all types of powders entering into the manufacture of American snail arms ammunition.

In addition, Michigan has a photographic laboratory which has been very extensively equipped for all types of police photography. A few years ago there was also added a Hand writing Section, for the detection of forgery, and the identifLan tion of typewritten or longhand messages.

Such an extensive development of identification facilities would be im­ possible except over a period of years. Nevertheless, it is an accepted fact that some system of identification is essential to the successful operation of any police system, especially those operating in large geographic areas.

The Committee on Uniform Crime Records of the International Association of Chiefs of Police has prepared a draft of an act establishing a bureau of Crimi­ nal Identification, which is reproduced at length in the report on "State Police," issued by the League of Kansas Municipalities, bulletin No. 101, August 29, 193^. 36

V EFFICIENCY OF STATE POLICE

!• Evidences of Increased Lav/ Enforcement

There is no single, satisfactory method of measuring or evaluating the activity of a state police, or of any other police system. No two systems employ exactly the same methods, nor do any two operate under identical cir­ cumstances. Consequently their activities cannot be reduced to any common denominator for purposes of comparison and evaluation.

ior example, the total number of warnings issued will vary somewhat from state to state, depending upon the policy and history of the particular system. Also in many cases there is the possibility that an arrest should have been made instead of a mere warning issued.

A critical analysis of Table 4, in Section IV, 1, reveals some in­ teresting facts. It is significant that almost five times as many warnings are issued as there are arrests made. This would seem to indicate an attempt to correct or prevent practices by "educational” methods, particularly in the field of motor vehicle control, which, over a period of years, would undoubtedly be reflected in better and more careful driving on the highways.

Significant also is the large number of interviews - thirteen and one- half times the number of arrests. One possible explanation of the large number of interviews compared to the number of actual arrests would be to assume a thoroughness of investigation preceeding arrest rather unusual in police circles, especially in view of the fact that arrests for violations of the motor vehicle laws, which are almost invariably made "on the spot", constitute almost sixty per­ cent of the total. (See Table 5 a, b, and c.)

Probably the most important contribution of any police system to the cause of lav; .and order is not the apprehension of violators of the law, but rather the prevention, insofar as they are able, of such violations. Because of its great importance in the evaluation of the efficiency of a police system, it is unfortunate that this deterrent effect upon crime is almost incapable of accurate measurement. Nevertheless, it is generally agreed that the mere presence of a police forco has a strong deterring effect upon crime, just as a patrolling force has r deterring effect upon reckless driving on the highways, as the experience of the highway patrols would seem to indicate.

It is possible, however, to select a few figures which would seem to have some significant bearing on the problem of analyzing tho efficiency of state police systems. They are discussed in the following sub-sections.

2. Insurance Rates - Bank Robberies.

One test of real significance is the bank robbery insurance rate. Normally the rate which insurance companies calculate as necessary to cover the risk assumed may be taken as a fairly accurate measure of the degree of risk in­ volved.

The rates considered are those applying in towns having a population of less than 10,000. One of the particular reasons for advocating a state police 37

TABLE 7

State Police and Insurance Rates

Bank Robbery Insurance Rates in Cities under 10,000 Population (Rate on First $10,000)

Rate States

S1.2CI NEV' YORK

$2.00 CONNECTICUT MASSACHUSETTS Vermont Delaware New Hampshire Virginia MAINE PENNSYLVANIA WEST VIRGINIA •-‘■Maryland RHODE ISLAND

$10.00 Florida Nevada South Carolina Wyoming Georgia NEV.' JERSEY TEXAS Kentucky North Carolina Utah MICHIGAN -**0REC0N Washington

$15.00 Alabama Louisiana Tennessee Arizona Mississippi Montana Idaho New Mexico

$20.00 Iowa Nebraska South Dakota Colorado Kansas North Dakota Wisconsin .Illinois Minnesota Ohio ^ I N D I A N A Missouri Oklahoma

LEGEND; CAPITALS - Show states having State Police systems. * Has a highway patrol. See text. ** State Police toe recently Prepared by the RESEARCH DEPARTMENT established to have their of the KANSAS LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, influence reflected in the from the official rates of insurance rates. (Oregon - 1931; ns of April, 1934, as furnished by Indiana - 1933.) the KANSAS BANKERS ASSOCIATION. 38

system has been the protection of these smaller cities from the depredations of criminal groups from the outside. And interest has frequently centered upon the protection of the local banks against robbery.

Rates are not revised annually, but in cycles, whenever the situation seems to warrant such revision. Consequently, it is held on authority that several years must elapse before the establishment of a state police system would have tangible efiects on the robbery rates. The state of Maryland has a highway patrol force which has now been given full police powers, and which has operated for a number of years as a state police due to the fact that the majority of the members of the patrol had been deputized by the sheriffs of the various counties. Therefore Maryland has been included as a "state police" state. Mo attempt has been made at a correlation between the rates and the existence of highv/ay patrol forces due to tho fact that these forces are of very recent organization, and consequently the pro­ tection they afford has not os yet been reflected in the rates.

There seems to be a rather close correlation between the bank robbery rates in the various states and the extent of rural police protection as evidenced by the existence or nonexistence of a state police.

Table 7 shows that the rate on the first $10,000 for insurance against bank robbery varies from $1.20 to $20.00. No state which has had a state police forci for two years or more has a rate nighcr than $10.00, although twenty-three states have rates of $15.00 or $20.00. The majority of states having a state police have rates of $2.00 or less.

Of the twelve states listed in the first two classes, ($1.20 and $2.00), seven have state police systems which have been in operation before 1931. One other state, Maryland, has a highway patrol which has been operating as a stato police :uncc’19?l,a majority of the members of which had been deputized by the sheriffs. The entire force has since been given full police powers. Of the remaining four states, two (Delaware, and Virginia) have highv'ay patrol forces which have full poli< power. The other two, New Hampshire and Vermont, have highway patrols with restrict- ed police power. All four of these states are also almost completely surrounded by states having highly developed state police or highway patrol forces.

Of the thirteen states in the third ($10.00) group, only three (Michigan, New Jersey and Oregon) have state police. It is held on good authority that the rates in Michigan will be reduced in the near future, and there is some possibility of a reduction in the case of New Jersey. The Oregon state police force was established too recently (1931) for their activity to be reflected as yet in the rates. The Texas force has always been too small to effectively cover a state the size of Texas.

In tho fourth and fifth group there is only one state having a state polict force (Indiana). This force, like the Oregon force, was established so recently (1933) that its activity has not as yet been reflected in the rates.

The average rate for all states if $11.81.

The average rate for all states now having a state police force which was in existence in 1930 or before (Maryland included) is $4.11.*

The average rate for all states not now having state police forces which were in existence in 1930 or before (include the state police states of Oregon and Indiana) is $ H . H . 39

3. Convictions and Arrests.

Another test frequently upplied to police work is the relationship between arrests and convictions. It is however difficult to evaluate the significance of the percentage of convictions secured since there are so many con­ ditioning factors. A high percentage might indicate an efficient or exacting judicial system. Or, it might indicate that arrests are made only when the con­ ditions are such that a conviction is inevitable, and that in many cases when the party was actually guilty no arrest was made because the evidence against him was not invulnerable, although it would have been sufficient to warrant holding the man.

A more logical conclusion is that a high percentage of convictions is indicative of care in making arrests, in preparing the evidence, and in following tl case through the. courts. If that conclusion is correct, then, on the basis of per­ centage of convictions secured as a result of their arrests, the state police have much to commend them.

The following figures nro taken from the official reports of the various departments of State Police and of Public Safety for random years. The number of rjrrests used is the number of arrests made less the number of cases pending, which figure represents the net mumber of cases trie-d during the year.

TABLE 8

Ratio of Convictions to Arrest

STATE YEAR ARRESTS CONVICTIONS PERCENTAGE

Mich. 1933 11,038 9,108 82.5

N. J. 1921-1932 143,411 127,571 89.0

Mass. 1932 13,747 12,818 93.2

N. Y. 1931 54,847 51,391 93.7

Penn. 1928 11,879 9,502 82.0

R. I. 1932 821 805 98.0

A more proper test of efficiency may be the celerity and certainty with which the criminal is brought to justice. The general public is more inclined to judge from the results in a few cases of major importance rather than from the numerical magnitude of routine minor cases. Moreover the chief test after all may be the prompt and uniform enforcement of state law and the increased observance of the law which usually follows continuous efficient enforcement. None of these can t tested statistically. The prevailing opinion of observers seems to be that state police c.re highly efficient as judged by those standards. AO

VI ORGANIZATION OF DEPARTMENTS

1. The Departments of State Police

The general schemes of organization of the various departments of state po­ lice show a striking similarity. It is interesting to note that every department which has been organized since the organization of the Pennsylvania force in 1905, has followed the so-called '*Pennsylvania system," which is essentially administrative responsibility for direction of the department by the superintendent, who is ap­ pointed by, and responsible to the governor.

The only force not employing this system is the Ranger force in Texas,which was organized many years before the modern movement for state police began. Their organization is essentially on an ex-officio basis, and seems to lack the administra­ tive responsibility characteristic of the later systems. The Ranger forces of Colo­ rado, New Mexico, and Arizona, which were abandoned after a few years, wore patterned after the Texas plan. There seems to be at present a movement in Texas for a re­ organization of the Rangers, and their incorporation into a Department of Public Safety, which would also include a division of state police. Both Texas and Penn- sulvania in addition have at present a highway patrol operating in the state, with authority to arrest for violations of t.he highway law.

The following charts attempt to show, as graphically as possible, the gen­ eral organization of these departments. Appointment is indicated by the solid line, confirmation of appointment by the dash and dot line, and the dotted line indicates direction and supervision. In many cases the latter coincides with appointment and only the solid line is shown. In the case of Texas the appointment linos may be confusing. Appointments are technically made by the governor acting through the Adjutant General. The forces of Indiana, Maine, and Rhode Island show no signifi­ cant structural variations, and have been omitted.

The general plan followed in the drafting of these charts v/ill be found in Bruce Smith, "The State Police," which was published in 1925. The charts have been corrected from that date as accurately as possible, both with regard to statutory provisions and administrative practices where they could be determined.

In the first three charts the various divisions of state police into troops has been shown. These have been omitted from some of the following charts for the purpose of simplicity. Whether the state has two or more troops or subdivisions depends largely upon tho conditions and geography of the particular state and con­ sequently is not significant l'or comparative purposes.

Aside from this inclusion of troop divisions, Pennsylvania, as stated be­ fore, serves as a rough guide to most of the other charts. However, it is to be noted that Pennsylvania also has a separate division for fire assistants, one of the special duties discussed in Section II. See Table 2.

In some states departmental organization is set forth in the statutes in considerable detail; in others it is left largely to the discretion of tho adminis­ trative officer. Consequently, the segregation of a service into a formal division is not necessarily a measures of the relative importance given it. In this respect the charts may be somewhat misleading. For example, in the case of New Jersey, Chart HI, the headquarters staff is definitely organized into the divisions shown, while in New York und Pennsylvania the work is carried on either by the headquarters staff or by the division of records without the formal subdivision into separate offices. The same will be found to be true in the case of identification bureaus, domraunica- tion systems, and other services. ______Organization Chart I - PENNSYLVANIA STATE POLICE

Legend _____ Appointment u Removal ----- Confirmation of App*t Organization Chart II - NEW YORK STATE POLICE

Legend Appointment & Removal Confirmation of App*t Immediate Direction & Supervision TO Organization Chart III - NEW JERSEY STATE POLICE

GOVERNOR SENATE

SUPERINTENDENT Term - 5 Yoarj

HEADQUARTERS STAFF Civilian Employees Temporary and Expert Assistants Deputy Adjutant 9. of Sup* t Ident

Medical Veterinary Division Hdqtors Attendant Attendant of Troop 1 Year 1 Year Supply TRCOP A TROOP 5

N.E. S.W* |S.E. W. N. Middle] S. Zone Zone (Zone Zone Zrne Zone Zone | Zone

Legend ______Appointment & Removal ______Confirmation of App't ...... Immediate Direction & Supervision Organization Chart IV.- OREGON STATS POLICE

Legend Appointment and Removal Confirmation of Appointment Organization Chart V - TEXAS RANGERS

Legend Appointment & Removal Confirmation of Appointment Immediate Direction & Supervision Organization Chart VI - CONNECTICUT STATE POLICE (Showing Eoard System Abandoned in 1927)

* Lx Officio Sup't. of Weights & Measures ______Appointment a Removal ______Confirmation-of Appointment

o Organization Chart VII - CONNECTICUT STATE POLICE (present Organization)

Legend

Appointment & Removal Confirmation of Appointment Organization Chart VIII - MICHIGAN DIVISION OF STATS POLICE Under Department of Public Safety

Appointment £ Removal Confirmation of Appointment Immediate Direction & Supervision 00 2. The Department of Public Safety

Thus Tar state police have been considered as organized in an independent bureau or as a separate department. Three states, however, Massachusetts, Michigan, and Vest Virginia have adopted a rather different organization, setting up a depart­ ment of public safety to include a number of existing services more or less closely related to general public safety. The West Virginia department, while bearing the more inclusive name, consists, in fact, solely of the state police. In the other two states, the new department is not a variation of state police but is rather a method of organization, for purposes of administration of the various public safety agencies of the state in which the state police force is included, but only as a part of a larger whole.

The first department of public safety was created in Massachusetts in 1920, and has probably readied its highest development in that state. On first glance, its organization seems to be very involved. Ho7/evor, analysis shows that the department consists primarily of three divisions, those of Fire Prevention, Inspection, and State Policu, together with several smaller bureaus concerned largely with registration and inspection services. Although the boxing commission is included in the department it provides no problem of administration.

It will be noted that with the exception of the State Fire Marshal, the Chief cf the Division of Inspections, and the Boxing Commission, the appointment power of the Commissioner is complete in the department. Thus in actual adminis­ tration the principle of responsibility for supervision and control by the admin­ istrative head is not violated.

The Michigan department of public safety was organized in 1921 around the State Police, and in general followed the plan of the Massachusetts department, which had been organized a year before. In 1927 the Athletic Board and the Fire Marshal bureau were removed from the department. Consequently the organization at present resembles the "State Police Department" rather than the "Department of Public Safety."

It is significant that in both the above cases the organization of the department focuses on the state police, and that in both states some form of state police had been in existence before the organization of the department.

The organization of such a department of public safety has thus far been an outgrowth of a department of state police, rather than the attempted simultaneous development of all public safety functions. For a complete recognition of the state' public safety function, such a department may be the best solution. But mere con­ solidation of existing or anticipated agencies may not produce the desired result, especially if the focal point of the department, in this case the state police, is in anticipation rather than in existence.

The following charts show the administrative organization of these de­ partments. Organization Chart IX - MASSACHUSETTS DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC SAFETY

Legend A-Fire Preven.(Boston) F-Bd.of pol.Commrs. K-Expert Assts. B-Fire Inspection G-Training School L-Identification — Appointment & Removal C-Detective Bureau H-Sxplosives £ Infls M-Bd.of Elevator Reg. ------Confirmation of App't D-Crew,State police Boat I-Storage of Liquids N-Bd.of Boiler Rules ...... Immediate Direction E-otate Police Patrol J-Sunday Censorship 0-Boiler Inspection and supervision P-Building Inspection O rf Ex-cfficio Chm. Boxing Com. Organization Chart X - MICHIGAN D2PARTM2NT OF PUBLIC SAFETY

(Organization until 192?)

Louend

------Appointment « Removal A - Firo Prevention & Insp* D - Paroled Friscners -- Confirmation of App't 3 - Criminal Investigations .1 — Transfer of Prisoners ■...... Immediate Direction C - Criminal Idontificati.cn F - Oil Inspection and Supervision Organization Chart XI - MICHIGAN DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC SAFETY

(present Organization)

Appointment & Removal Confirmation of Appointment

... Immediate Direction & Supervision Organization Chart XII - WEST VIRGINIA DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC SAFETY

Legend ----- Appointment — -— Confirmation Suspension & Removal (Concurrent) jj Trial and Appellate Board Organization Chart XIII - PROPOSED TZXAiS Di2PARTt2KT OF PUBLIC SAFETY (1933)

Appointment & Removal Confirmation of App't 55

VII ADMINISTRATION OF DEPARTMENTS

1. The Administrative Head

In the more technical aspects of police work, such as fingerprinting, ballistics, or investigation, there is today in almost all police systems, munici­ pal or otherwise, a fairly strong tradition of continuity of tenure. In so far as this continuity has been achieved, those systems have been able to build up and en­ rich the sum total of knowledge with respect to practical police methods. But while police practice and procedure have gradually been developed, the science of police administration has not advanced at as rapid a pace.

Most police specialists find the reason for this condition in the fact that we have seldom sought to provide security of tenure for the police administra­ tor. In most of our cities the titular head of the police department is a political officer who is affected by every shift of a variable public sentiment and whose attention is continually diverted from the real business of his office by the ne­ cessity for meeting this or that popular demand. It cannot be said that this re­ sult was unforeseen. In fact, it wr.s consciously sought after as a means of assur­ ing the subservience of the police to the popular will. It is not at all uncommon for a city administration to replace the chief of police one or more times during its own brief tenure of two to four years; and for the chief to retire with the administration which appointed him has become the almost universal rule. Conse­ quently, each chief of police has little time or opportunity to leave behind him much impression on the administration of the department to mark his brief incum­ bency .

In the case of the state police the practice has been otherwise. State administrations have changed repeatedly without raising any serious suggestion that the superintendent of state police should make way for the political party coming into power. (See Table 9, Tenure of Office of Administrative Heads.)

It is interesting to note that this significant result has been secured vdthout the aid of those involved statutory arrangements with which the "merit system" has customarily been surrounded. Appointment is made by the governor, usually for a fixed term of four or five years, although in a few states the head of the force holds office at the pleasure of the governor. (See Table 10.) There are no special safeguards for tenure of office, but in most cases provision is made for notice and a hearing prior to removal.

With this very moderate statutory support a tradition of continuity of service has been developed which promises to prove a more important factor in pre­ venting administrative changes for partisan purposes than the most exacting statutes. In the state police forces here under review, the administrative head has never been removed for any cause whatever or displaced upon expiration of his term of office, and in only one instance has a removal been attempted through anything even re­ motely connected v/ith partisan motives. This occurred in New Jersey in 1923. Assembly Bill No. 251, if passed, would have legislated both the superintendent of state police and the deputy superintendent out of office. 56

TABLE 9

TENURE OF OFFICE

OF ADMINISTRATIVE HEAD

No. of State Name Years Years

Connecticut T. F. Egan 1903 - 1921 18 D. T. Hurley 3921 - 13

Massachusetts A. F. Foot 1919 - 1927 8 Daniel Needham 1927 - 7

Michigan Roy Vandercock 1917 - 1923 6 Harry Jackson 1923 - 1925 2 Alan R. Straight 1925 - 1929 A Oscar Glander 1929 - A

New Jersey H. N. Schwarzkopf 1921 - 13

New York G. F. Chandler 1917 - 1923 6 J. A. Warner 1923 - 11

Pennsylvania J. C. Groor.s 1905 - 1920 15 L. G. Adams 1920 1A

West Virginia Jackson Arnold 1919 - 1925 6 Robert E. O'Conner 1925 - 1928 3 H. L. Brooks 1928 - 1930 2 L. L. Osborne 1930 - 1932 2 S. D. Singleton 1932 - 2 57

The practice thus established is so thoroughly out of line with the ex­ perience of municipal forces that the question is raised as to the causes which underlie it. Statutory provisions serve to some extent as a deterrent to political removals, but this does not explain the case of Colonel Groome in Pennsylvania, who was repeatedly reappointed without question. The frequently declared willingness of state executives to ignore political considerations in their control of the state police is also in itself an insufficient explanation. It would seem that the chief reason for this condition, which is altogether extraordinary in the history of America police administration, is to be found in the fact that the superintendents of state police have almost without exception avoided political considerations in the conduct of their departments and have therefore not been subject to partisan retaliation. The only charges of partisan entanglements which have ever been raised have occurred in two of the three states which hove been controlled by administrative boards, and in these cases the charges were leveled at the members of the boards themselves and not at the titular head of the force.

At the present moment there is nothing to justify an assumption that the conditions surrounding the tenure of the administrative head will not continue to be highly satisfactory. Traditional practice in the states which have established these police forces is proving far more efficacious in this respect than legislative pronouncements have been. Whether the experience of other states which adopt the state police idea will be equally successful remains to be seen. At all events there would seem to be no harm in supplementing tradition by establishing suitable , safeguards against purely partisan attacks on the office of the administrative head. Current political practice with respect to the police indicates that the general attitude toward partisan removals, though rapidly changing for the better, does not by any means even remotely approach perfection. On the other hand, there is the very real danger that security of tenure may be purchased at too great a price and official incompetency protected against vigorous and responsible executive inter­ vention.

Unlike the city charters, a number of state police statutes prescribe cer­ tain positive qualifications which are prerequisites to the appointment of the administrative head. In West Virginia, the formal requirements are confined to an age restriction of not less than thirty nor more than fifty-five years at the time of appointment. Connecticut imposes a direct and positive professional qualification to the effect that the superintendent must be a "practical police officer." The original New Jersey statute introduced an altogether nover requirement. It provided that appointees to the office not only of superintendent, but of deputy superintendent captain and lieutenant, also, "shall have served nt least two years as an officer in the army of the United States." There seems to be no precedent in American police history for an eligibility requirement of this nature, nor sound basis for such a rigid limitation. It was quickly amended at the succeeding legislative session in such manner as to apply only to appointees who were without experience as members of the state police force.

It may fairly be questioned whether statutory enactments, which are necessarily rigid, really provide a suitable and effective method for determining the qualifications of directing personnel. The ultimate purpose being to secure proper appointments, it would seem to be of little concern what the statute may provide so long as proper standards

TABLE 10

Qualifications of Chief Administrative Officers

AJDMINISTRATIVE HEAD DEPUTY* State Title Term Selection Bond Qualifications Title Selection

Conn. Comm'r A yrs. Gov. and t25 000 Citizen No deputy — Senate

Maine Chief Indef. Gov. and 5 OCO — Deputy Chief and Council Chief Gov. and Council

Mass. Comm'r 5 yrs. Gov. and — Citizen Executive Comm'r Counci 1 Secretary

Mich. Comm'r Indof. Gov. and — Citizen and Deputy Governor Senato resident 2 yrs. Comm'r

H.J. S u p 11 5 yrs. Gov. end — Citizen, 2 yrs. Deputy Sup't Senate in army, Lieut, S u p ' t. or above u.r. S u p 11 Indof. Gov. and 25 000 Citizen Deputy S u p ' t Senate Sup't

Oregon Sup* t L yrs. Gov. and 20 000 Citizen and Deputy Sup't and Senate resident S u p 11 Governor

Penn. Sup't i yrs. Gov. and — — No deputy — Senate

R*I. Sup't U yrs. Gov. 10 000 Citizen Captain Sup* t

Texas Adjutant Indof. Gov. ana — Citizen and Senior Governor General Senate resident Captain

W. Va. Sup11 U yrs. Gov. 10 OCO Citizen Deputy Sup't and Sup't Governor

* In all cases, the term of the deputy is indefinite, and his qualifications are the same as for tho administrative head, Maine requires that tho deputy post bond of $2,000 and Oregon requires $20,000. In the last analysis the standards of eligibility fall under three general heads, if purely personal considerations be excluded. The first is edu­ cation, which in its proper sense cannot be measured by any yardstick relating to formal institutional instruction. Second, there is experience, but experience of what sort? This is a question often asked by appointing authorities, but one vhich has yet to be more than tentatively answered. The third is specific training for the job. The absence of residential requirements in many states leaves the way open for the selection of a head for its police force from other and similar organ­ izations.

The objection will be raised that this practice places the selection of state administrators practically where the cities have left it. As a matter of legislative control this is true, but in point of established practice and ripening tradition the control of state police has already surpassed the reasonable possi­ bilities involved in statutory regulation. Almost without exception the state police have been commanded in the first instance by men with military experience. Lacking intimate knov/ledge of practical police work at the time of their accession to office, few of them have since acquired it to any marked degree. But they have brought to police administration certain things in which the latter has usually been deficient. They have introduced sound organization principles wherever con­ sistent with statutory provisions; in several cases introduced a merit system free from outside influence; consistently avoided political considerations; and enforced a sound discipline. Aptitude in handling men has been one of their prime qualif- cations.

With respect to the place occupied by deputies and other immediate assistants of the administrative head there is a ccrtrin amount of confusion. Usually the deputy is appointed by the latter in the came manner as the rank and file* but in some cases the governor himself either holds the exclusive power of making this appointment, or formally approves and confirms the selection made by the administrative head.

Little consideration seems to have been given to the nature of the relation of the deputy to the general administrative scheme. Examination reveals that it partakes of a dual character. When the departmental head is in active charge and control, the deputy is a mere assistant to his superior in the execution of such functions as may be assigned to him. Under these circumstances, there is every reason for concluding that the deputy should merely be the official creature of the administrative head ana that his selection and tenure should be the same as that of any other subordinate. In the absence or disability of the superintendent or com­ missioner, however, the deputy automatically takes his place, and in his own right and on his own responsibility assumes the direction and control of the department. His position in the scheme of things is now very materially changed. He is no long­ er a subordinate but the temporary head of the department in every sense. Neverthe­ less his official relation has not changed, and in some cases he owes no direct re­ sponsibility to the governor which the latter can vigorously assert and enforce. These considerations have probably had their influence in determining the statutory policy of West Virginia and formerly that of Michigan, where the governor either designates the deputy in the first instance, or confirms the appointment made by the department head.

2. The Direction and Control of Personnel

Administratevp Control:

No exaggeration is involved in the statement that the direction and con- 'ol of personnel constitutes one of the most important as well ns the most difficult 'oblems that the police administrator has to face. It cannot be separated from administration; it i£ administration. The extent to which the state police have broken with tradition is nowhere more apparent than in this matter. It has been made possible by the fact that the statutes have generally conferred almost un­ limited power upon the administrative head in the management of the rank and file. The only exception to this rule is in West Virginia, and there only to the extent that the administrative board divided responsibility in such matters with the superintendent. In no case is there any supervision by a coordinate or staff agency. In no state has a civil service commission been given any jurisdiction whatsoever.

In nearly all systems the sole and exclusive authority in the supervision and control of personnel is the administrative head. The limitations provided by law permit the exercise of a wide discretion. V/ithin these restrictions the commandor of the force prescribes many of the qualifications for appointment, super­ vises their application, mokes promotions according to standards of his own devising, formulates rules and regulations for the government of the rank and file, and administers disciplinary action. With minor and sporadic exceptions in two of these states, these extensive powers have never been infringed upon by the governor or by persons acting for him. Political considerations have been largely ignored and a merit system established which is most cases compares favorably with the best developed under civil service control.

Selection Personnel ?.

The basic qualifications for appointment to the state police usually rest upon statutory authority. For the most part they are of a general character. The definition contained in an early Canadian statute for the Royal North West Mounted Police has provided a model for nearly all of our state police forces, especially the earlier ones, when the horse was used extensively as a means of transportation. It required that the recruit must be "of sound constitution, able to ride, active and able-bodied, and between the ages of eighteen and forty years".

Provisions of this nature arc significant not so much for what they con­ tain, as for what they omitted. Thus, they do not impose any requirement that the applicant should be a registered voter, or that his residence should have been legally established within the jurisdiction for a given period of years, requirements which »ra quite frequent in municipal charters and which serve only to narrow the possible range of choice. United States citizenship is uniformly required in the state police, either by statute or by departmental regulation, but it has been in­ troduced more because of the nature of police duty and of tho oath of office than for other reasons.

Oregon, Michigan, and Texas have residence requirements, and a New Jersey statute provides that members of the force shall preferably be residents of the state. Since non-residents clearly are not absolutely excluded by this clause, it has been so construed and applied as to give full effect both to its letter and its spirit. Using the results of qualification tests as a basis, all prospective recruits are grouped into five classes: those securing the highest averages constituting "Class A", those of Ices high ranking "Class B", and so on. Preference is then given to New Jersey residents in each class, rather then from the eligible list as a whole. In several states preference is given "whenever possible" to honorably discharged soldiers, sailors and marines.

The rules and regulations of the department usually prescribe rather fully the standards to be observed in the selection of recruits. These are occasionally 61

TABLE 11

Composition of Force

Qualifications Term Number of Men Resi­ Cap­ 1st. Cor­ Pvts. State Age dence Years tains Lieut. Sgt. Sgt. poral & Re­ Total cruits

Conn. - No - 1 10 - 9 - 105 125

Maine - No 3 No Information

Mass. - No 3 .1 9 5 19 21 197 252

Mich. 22-30 1 yr. - 10 9 - 15 2 147 183

N.J. 21-40 No 2 4 8 4 33 35 192 276

H.Y. 21-40 No 2 6 12 - 64 48 336 466

Ore. 21-over Yes 2 No Statutory Limits

Penn. 21-40 No 2 6 7 5 26 52 325 421

R.I. 21-45 No 3 No Information Maximum 50

Texas - Yes 2 5 - - § - 64 74

W. Va. 21-45 Yes 2 5 2 6 17 25 70 125 ■

62

supplemented, especially in Nev/ lork, with further requirements not reduced to formal and restrictive rule. It is a significant fact that while the statutes are silent on the point, no -state police administrator has imposed a residence qualification. As a general rule, the state police authorities have been anxious to avoid such artificial restrictions and have recruited their raw material from all parts of the country, demanding only that the recruit shall be a citizen of the United States. The first contingent inducted into the Pennsylvania force consisted of 185 men re­ presenting nineteen different states. The practice has since obtained both there and in the other states, though usually in somewhat lesser degree.

In police circles the question of age is usually closely associated with the physical constitution and condition of the applicant, although its importance also bears largely upon matters concerned with the sound administration of retiremenl systems. As already indicated the statutes are most liberal in this respect, per­ mitting an nge range of about twenty years. State police administrators have shorn no disposition to narrow or restrict it by formal regulation. Nevertheless, there is a very marked preference for applicants between the ages of twenty-five and thirty-five. The broad discretion granted to the policeman in the execution of his extensive powers demands a certain soberness of mind not usually encountered in young men. Mere legal majority provides insufficient safeguards. On the other hand, it is highly important that the recruit be sufficiently young to be readily amenable to discipline and easily trained in the performance of hitherto unfamiliar tasks.

Far more emphasis is placed upon natural physical endowments. The usual medical examination is supplemented by tests of strength and agility which are con­ ducted either by a police surgeon, as in New Jersey; by militia or state health officers, as in Massachusetts and West Virginia; or by medical practitioners. A minimum height requirement, which in no state is less than five feet and six inches, is customarily supplemented by a due regard for the height-weight ratio of the applicant. Experience has shown the state police authorities that the exposure and fatigue necessarily associated with extended patrols and long hours of duty require a superior kind of physical qualification.

The provision concerning military training is rapidly losing much of its significance. The reason is obvious. The extensive development of the state police idea has occured only since 1917. With the able-bodied members of an entire generation under arms for two or three years nothing was more natural than to requir military training of the applicants. But now, more than fifteen years later, a gren percentage of those men under arms have passed the upper age limit required of the state police. Consequently a provision requiring military experience, if interpreter strictly, would seriously limit the range of choice.

The mental qualification tests are generally a type of intelligence test. Demonstration of the applicant's literacy, his ability to present his thoughts coherently and legibly, and a working knowledge of the elements of arithmetic are required by all state police forces. Additional tests are prescribed in most states Nev7 York has a test for visual memory; Massachusetts provides an examination into the candidate's interest in current events; familiarity with state geography is re­ quired by several. New Jersey has developed a very comprehensive examination system The purpose underlying these elementary requirements is not to demand a particular subject-matter as a part of the mental content and equipment of the recruit, but rather to determine in advance, so for as possible, his ability to absorb and apply the knowledge which the policeman must have. His practical and technical training i taken care of in the police school or in the supervision of superior officers during the period he is on probation. In all these forces there is c disposition to view formal tests and examinations merely as convenient means for eliminating the palpably unfit,and determination of positive qualities is permitted to rest upon the results of a personal interview. In this, the administrative head applies his own practical ex­ perience in dealing with men to the determination of the applicant's mental alertness, and his personal qualities as indicated by speech, action, poise, appearance, and the like. Such tests suffer from the disadvantage that they do not measure desired qualities on a percentage scale, but it may fairly be questioned whether the written tests of aptitude for police work are in all cases as mathematically precise as the scheme of grading may make them appear. The important consideration is that the responsible head shall secure the kind of raw material which the work in hand re­ quires. The time is probably still somewhat distant v.hen formal tests will accurate] measure all essential qualities, and in any case success in the performance of actual duty in the field will remain the final and the conclusive demonstration of fitness.

The efforts of the state police to establish affirmatively the character and reputation of applicants, while far from being uniform, nevertheless represent a very pronounced advance over the casual methods employed by most other American police forces. The distinguishing feature of the state police uathod consists in the fact that a first-h^nd inquiry is made among the applicant's friends, associates, .and neighbors. In Michigan alone is sole reliance placed upon correspondence with citizens who have permitted the use of their names as character references. The general procedure is the assignment of a non-commissioned officer or patrolmen to the ta.sk of making inquiry of all persons who might have intimate knowledge of the applicant and interviewing them in person.

The Ne7/ York practice carries this plan even further end represents per­ haps the most highly developed method yet de/ised. The established rule in this fore is to make an officer of commissioned rank, in the troop area from which the applicant comes, responsible for an inquiry not •'lone into the character of the applicant but also into the standing and reliability of the persons who have vouched for him. The officer then submits a report describing the persons interviewed and all pertinent facts relating to the applicant, together with the officer's recommend­ ation and conclusions. This is an example not only of due recognition of the im­ portance of character investigation, but of on established procedure which provides an adequate basis for judgment and definite allocation of responsibility for the action taken.

Standing in further contrast vrith municipal methods is the state police practice pertaining to the terms of employment. Instead of surrounding the rank and file vdth safeguards assuring undisturbed tenure of office, the state forces trice steps to protect themselves against sudden resignations which n'ould be detrimental to tiie service. The contract of employment therefore usually takes the form of an enlistment paper in which the recruit engages and undertakes to remain in the service of the state for a period of two or three years unless sooner released. This practic probably rests to some extent upon the early and continuing policy of the Canadian force which even today is much more clearly military, both in purpose and in method, than any of our state forces. Added to this historical reason, however, is the in­ fluence of recurrent strike duty upon the force. Unquestionably the mc.intenance of public order during industrial and other disturbances is an unpleasant and unv;elcome obligation to officers and men alike, involving expended tours of duty under trying conditions and occasional conflicts of unpleasant nature. Hence there are sound reasons for the organization to protect itself against resignations submitted on the eve of a call to riot duty or immediately following it, where withdrawals might be attempted in such numbers as to cripple the effectiveness of the force. The practic* of enlistment for a definite period completely disposes of any question of the 64

unionization of the rank and file, which has caused concern in police bodies both in this country and abroad.

As a matter ot established practice, consent to a voluntary resignation is always granted in Michigan Yithout the exaction of a penalty. Pennsylvania stears a more moderate course and permits voluntary resignations with the per­ mission of the superintendent and the forfeiture of two weeks pay. On second or later enlistments, however, exaction of the forfeit is frequently waived. In other states, no definite policy has been established, consent to c. voluntary re­ signation being accorded or withheld according as the demands of the service dictate.

Three states impose statutory penalties for \/ithdrawal without the con­ sent of the department. In New York, New Jersey, and West Virginia, such un­ approved resignations, which really are in the nature of desertion, constitute r. misdemeanor, and are punishable as such. In all cases, the deserter forfeits to the state any pay or allowances vhich might otherwise be due and payable to him.

Table 11 lists the qualifications for appointment to the force and the number ol men employed. In some states there are strict statutory limitations on the number of men who may be employ ox • In all cases, the actual number on the force has been used, or, if that figure was not obtainable, the st tutory maximum. The figures apply only to the patrol force and not to the special investigators, identification experts and other special employees.

PrfljUQtiftns:

Without exception, the system for promotion in every state police organ­ ization is entirely under the control of the administrative head of the force. In general, thr;e methods of determining the fitness of the trooper for promotion arc used: (1) Frequent examination, both v/ritten and oral. (2) Efficiency records. (3) Recommendations of superior officers. Nov/ York adheres rather closely to the first two methods, while Pennsylvania relies chiefly upon the third.

Each system has its advantages and disadvantages. As mentioned before, examination is not on entirely satisfactory method of determining the ability of the man. Efficiency records are also inaccurate, due to the rather unmeasurable qualities with which they must be concerned, such as attention to duty, tact, initiative, intelligence, personal force, capacity for leadership and the like. Nor is the judgment of his superiors infallible. On the basis of our present knowledge, a combination of the three would seem to be the most desirable.

3. The Detective Buresau

One of the greatest problems of police administration is the selection and direction of the detective force. At the very outset, the police have been confronted by the fact that there is no adequate method for testing aptitude or capacity for criminal investigation. In consequence police departments either have been reduced to the necessity of miking frequent transfers to and from the detective bureau, or, as is more often the case, have been compelled to abide by the results of a written and oral examination for applicants, and to employ the material thus secured whether it proved good, bad or indifferent. Added to this has been the ex­ treme difficulty of securing competent supervisory officers for the close and effective control of the investigating force, which state police forces have tried to obviate by requiring complete and minute reports from all officers assigned to detective duty. 65

There ere several methods of detective force operation. In the first place, special investigation might be left to the patrol force to be performed os a routine part of their patrol duty. Or, members of the patrol force might be assigned to detective duty Qt the discretion of the administrative head. Or a decentralized detective organization with operators assigned to districts might bo employed. Another possibility is the establishment of a central detective bureau, distinct from the patrol force, and assigned to particular cases at the discretion of the administrative head. This latter method is employed oarticu.- larly in Michigan and Massachusetts, apparently satisfactorily.

It may correctly be assumed that in any police organization there is a certain amount of detective or' special investigation work to be done. Essentially the decision to be made is this: Shall such work be performed by patrol members, perhaps on special assignment, or shall it be performed by a separate detective bureau?

Both systems are employed by the state police, and both have their advantages. The majority, hov/ever, follow the first method, that of assignment of patrol officers to detective duty. In some ways, this procedure has many advantages. It must be remembered that real crime "mysteries" are rare, and that in many cases the solution is dependent not so much upon the expert skill of the investigator as it is upon the promptness with vhich the investigation is made, assuming reasonable ability on the part of the investigator. This system also eliminates the friction which is always present between organized patrol and detective forces.

On the other hand, it is no doubt true that many cases require the services of an expert in certain fields. However, the development of a central bureau of identification would aid enormously in much of the detective work. Moreover, it does not necessarily follow that the two systems are incompatible. It would seem that much of the routine detective work could be performed by those patrolmen familiar with the case at hand v/ithout delay, and qualified by ex­ perience and natural aptitude, while in the more serious or more specialized cases, a special, expert investigator could be assigned to the case from head­ quarters.

4. Training Schools

The state police have been quick to adopt a policy of technical training for the rank and file. All state police administrators seem to have had a lively sense of the importance of this work, but oven if they had not, the necessity for training the original members of the force before placing them on the road, would have carried its own lesson. Here, as in other matters, the state police hr*ve distinctly profited from the fact that they sprang into existence in a highly developed form; that they have been made, rather than painfully evolved from small obscure, and unsatisfactory beginnings.

It is a safe generalization that no group of police agencies employs the modern arts of recruit training more assiduously than do the state police. One and all they have adopted the policy of giving tho nev/ state trooper a thorough and practical foundation in the principles, tho laws and the practices which govern his calling.

The curricula of the training schools customarily include not only criminal law and procedure, methods of investigating, and reporting criminal com­ plaints, traffic and riot control, first aid, and allied subjects bearing directly 66

TABLE 12

Special Administrative Facilities ***

| Special Methods Training School Bureau of Identification of Communication State Length of Finger- Photo- Ball- Hand­ Course print graph istic writing Mculage Teletype Radio

Conn. 10 weeks Yes Yes Yes

Maine Yes

Mass. 3 months Yes Yes Yes Yes

Mich. *4-6 weeks Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes

N.J. *3 months Yes Yes Yes

N.Y. *6 weeks Yes Yes Yes **Yes

Ore. Yes

Penn. 3-5 months Yes Yes Yes Yes

R.I. Yes Yes

Tex. Yes

W. Va. 2 months Yes Yes

* Training school open to other police officers. ** New York also has special telephone facilities. 67

upon the police, but likewise state fjeography, transportation and highway systems, and civil government. Considerable time is also devoted to military or quasi— military matters such as cavalry-drill and horsemanship, and the use of police weapons and other means of self-defense.

The training period varies from a month or six weeks in two or three forces, up to five months, as in Pennsylvania. The influence of intensive technical instruction during some throe to five months, to say nothing of the disciplinary effect of constant supervision and group coordination acquired through close-order drill, work an impressive change in the state police recruit. This is reflected in his bearing, his manner of address, his familiarity with the fundamentals of police practice and procedure, and many other desirable fea.tures of the modem policeman. While the selective process continues throughout the period of in­ struction, and many unsuitable candidates are eliminated during this state, ex­ perience has shown that only a vigorous disciplinary system can ultimately per­ fect the work of selection.

Although most of the state police forces emphasize military discipline during the training period, it is relaxed somewhat after assignment to active duty is made. From that point onr/ard the task of protecting life and property is conducted in the customary police fashion, with military bearing precision gen­ erally continuing to mark the state trooper’s work throughout his police career.

Supplementary instruction to those eligible fer promotion, as well as for troop officers generally, is an almost invariable rule with the state police.

Many of the state police training schools are also open to other police officers. For example, tho New Jersey Police Academy has been open to all municipal police officers, park police, bridge police, county enforcement officers, prison guards and other governmental employees engaged in enforcement work, since 1928. In 1932 a total of 89 police officers, representing every police rank and every part of the state of Nev: Jersey were graduated from the Academy.

$. Comparative Absence of. Politics.

Politics and the police always present a thorny question, and one which American police systems have, on the whole, failed to solve. Particularly in our larger cities has this influence been a powerful factor to be reckoned with in considering efficient police administration. Hov/ever, the environment in wich the state police experiment has been conducted probably is more favorable than that which surrounds the police department of a large city. Political influence has been somewhat more remote. Nevertheless,- administrative heads of even the most successful state systems can testify that powerful political pressure has been brought to bear upon them from time to time. In seme of the cider forces such efforts to influence the administration of the state police appear to have proved unavailing so consistently that the administrators' hands are nov/ entirely free.

The manner in which political pressure has been resisted in Pennsylvania, Nev/ York and Massachusetts is especially striking. In New York, for example, the first superintendent promptly tendered his resignation to the governor a few days after his appointment as a protest against interference with the preliminary stages of organization. His resignation was not accepted and the interference ceased abruptly. In Pennsylvania the regulations oi the force provide that "any member of this force known to have used outside influence for the furtherance of of his interests will be considered as acknowledging his incompetence and will be dropped from the service." Necessity for application of this rule nos arisen but once. Tho action or the superintendent upon that occasion was so prompt and vigor­ ous that the offense has never been repeated. The commissioner of public safety in ’Massachusetts a few years ago declined to grant promotion to a member of the force on whose behalf political intercession had been attempted. In this case the commissioner had already decided to promote the aspirant in question. There was nothing to connect him with the political pressure which had been brought to bear in his behalf. But the commissioner ruled that the integrity of the force was at stake, and that the matter was one of administrative principle which must be ad­ hered to uncompromisingly.

Of some significance is Table 9, the tenure of office of the administra­ tive head of the older state police systems modeled on the so-called "Pennsylvania'* pattern. The average tenure is approxi:iately seven and one-half years, and if the state of V.rest Virginia were to be excluded, the average for the remaining six states considered would be about nine and ono-iir.lf years. The longest term was that of T. F. Egan of Connecticut, who remained in office eighteen years.

6. Death. Disability, and Retirement Systems

In most cases the state police forces have not been in existence for a long enough period for there to have developed a definite retirement and super­ annuation problem. Nevertheless, many of the stowos arc anticipating the problem, and have made provisions to meet it. The question of disability payments, however, is ever-present, and is not conditioned by the age of the system.

The Now York statute is typical of the modern attempts to meet the problem of death or disability claims:

"The following benefits shall be paid by the state on account of death or disability of a member of the division of State Police:

"1. To tho widow, until she be married again, or the dependent minor children or the dependent mother of every member of the division of State Police whose death has been heretofore caused or shall hereafter be caused by injury or disease contracted in the performance of duty there shall be paid annually as long as such dependency continues upon certification of a board consisting of the Superintendent of State Police, the Attorney General, and the State Comptroller, one-half of the salary including maintenance allowance, received by him at the time of his death.

"2. To every person now a member or who shall hereafter become a member of the division of State Police, who is now or who shall hereafter become physically or mentally unable to perform his regular duties in a manner satisfactory to the superintendent of the division of State Police there shall be paid during the period of such disability an amount of not less than onc-third nor more than one-half of h*s salary including main­ tenance allowance, which amount within such limits shall be determined by a board consisting of the Superintendent of State Police, the Attorney- General, and the State Comptroller."

The Massachusetts and Connecticut statutes are similar, both allowing one- half compensation for disability. New Jersey allows one-half compensation for death claims, and one— fourth to three-fourths compensation for disability retirement. 69

Superannuation retirements have been provided for in several states. Massachusetts provides for retirement on one-half compensation after twenty years of continuous service. Connecticut allows retirement after twenty-five years of continuous service, providing the member is sixty years of age, at an annuity of one-half the average salary for the five preceeding years. New Jersey allows retirement after twenty years of service, providing the member is fifty years of age, at an annuity of three-fourths of the preceding salary, providing such sura aoes not exceed one-half of the total salary and maintenance allowance. The fund is provided by a two per cent deduction from the salaries of the active members and a small percentage of a tax on insurance premium receipts of insurance companies, collected by tho Commissioner of Banking and Insurance.

It should be noted that the general retirement provisions for state em~ pioyees in force in a number of states are not particularly adaptable in most cases to the state police, v/ho, by tne very nature of their work, should be retired at an earlier age than is required of tho average state employee. 70

VIII APPLICATION OP THE STATE POLICE IDEA TO KANSAS

1. Existing Facilities in Kansas

The creation in Kansas of a department of state police would not necessar­ ily involve the creation, in a new form, of all the services performed by a state police. There are already in existence in Kansas certain agencies performing some of these services. Consequently, the establishment of such a department would in­ volve two procedures: first, the consolidation and co-ordination of existing agencies performing police functions, and, second, the expansion of these functions and the addition to them of other services essential to the efficient operation of a state police.

An examination of the existing agencies will reveal to what extent the functions of a state police are being performed today in Kansas.

Highway Patrol

Since May, 1933, a highway patrol has been operating under the direction of the state highway commission primarily for the purpose of enforcing the motor vehicle laws and the rules and regulations of the corporation commission regarding motor carriers. The Special Session of November 1933, extended their jurisdiction to include general police powers, vesting them with the "authority and power of peace and police officers." Since that time the highway patrol has been quite ex­ tensively engaged in criminal apprehension, particularly of bank robbers and auto­ mobile theft gangs. A complete report of the activities of this patrol force is now in preparation by the legal department of the highway commission.

National Guard

The Kansas National Guard has been used on occasion for police work. This includes not only the normal militia function of preserving order in the case of major public disturbances but also, more recently, active assistance to local offi­ cers in the apprehension of bank robbers and escaped convicts.

Table 13 is a chronological tabulation of the use of the Guard in situa­ tions which threaten public peace and order. It will be noted that the Guard has been ordered out for this type of duty twenty times in the last fifteen years. These calls may be classified as follows:

Floods -- 10

R n n c . Ri <5

u j u i e u vw

SvJ t latOW p q 3

Tornadoes 2

Fires - 1 71

TABLE 13

Kansas National Guard

Mobilization to Preserve Public Peace and Order 1919 - 1934

Date Days Number Ordered on Territory covered Officers Nature of duty on duty Duty and men

Nov. 1919 18 Pittsburg and vicinity 1 287 Coal strike 1 Dec. 1920 4 Independence 150 Riot

Dec. 1921 72 Pittsburg and vicinity 263 Coal strike (All but 5 officers and men reliev ed Jan. 4, 1922, balance F’eb. 4, 1922.)

July 1922 1 to 3 Five cities occupied 737 Railroad strike months

June 1923 1 Ottawa 64 Flood

June 1923 1 Arkansas City 64 Flood

July 1923 4 Augusta 250 Tornado

Jan. 1925 2 Hutchinson 180 Flood

Jan. 1925 2 Horton 60 Flood

Oct. 1926 3 Arkansas City 60 Flood

Mar. 1927 3 Coffeyville 60 Riot

May 1927 2 Hutchinson 180 Flood

July 1927 3 South Park 60 Tornado

Aug. 1927 3 Ft. Scott 60 Flood

Aug. 1927 2 Salina 100 Flood

Nov. 1928 1 Ottav/a 60 Flood

July 1929 1 Hutchinson 200 Flood

Dec. 1933 1 Hutchinson 16 Riot

May 1934 3 Wichita 240 Riot

May 1934 1 Soldier 20 Fire

Information provided by Adjutant General's Department. 72

TABLE U

Kansas National Guard

Police Duty

Days Number Date on Officers Nature of Duty Duty Territory Covered and Men

1933 Aug. 2 1 Coffeyville, Montgomery Co. 42 Bank Robbery, Coffeyville

Aug. 9 2 Topeka, Shawnee County 4 Guard at State Treasury Aug. 10 3 it it it 3 ii it it n Aug. 12 23 ii ii it 6 ii it ii n

Aug. 16 1 Burlington, Coffey County 25 Bandit Hunt. Block briir-r* and roads

Sept. 3 1 Ottawa, Franklin County 3 Bank ^rbuery, Harris

Sept. 21 1 Great Bend, Barton County 20 Bank Robbery, Hays

Oct. 2 6 Governor's Office 1 Guard Duty, State House

Oct. 19 1 Council Grove, Morris Co. 4 Bank Robbery, Alma

1934 Jan. 19 2 7 cities and 9 counties in 358 Kansas State Prison Break eastern part of state ii ii ii ii Jan. 19 ' 3 Linn County 37 it it i i i i Jan. 19 4 Paola, Miami County 2

Jan. 31 1 4 cities and counties in 104 Bank Robbery, Independence southeastern past of state, one man operating radio station

Mar. 12 1 2 cities and counties in 28 Bank Bandit Hunt eastern part of state

Apr. 6 2 Coffeyville, Montgomery Co. 20 Clyde Barrow Patrol ii it it Apr. 8 1 Arkansas City 43

Information provided by Adjutant General's Department. 77

As is shown by Table 13, the Guard has not been used to police strikes since the railroad strike of 1922.

Table U is a chronological tabulation of the use of the Guard for purely police duty from August, 1933 to November, 1934. It is significant to note that the National Guard has not been ordered to this type of duty since April 8, 1934. Since that time such work has been performed largely by the highway patrol in con­ junction with local officers.

There has been no evidence presented to indicate that the use of the National Guard in Kansas for police work has not been satisfactory, nor has it been attended by unreasonable violence, despite the inherent disadvantages under which it has had to operate. (See Section III, 2)

Identification Bureau

Several years ago the Kansas Peace Officers Association donated to the state their collection of fingerprints. These files were located in the office of the Attorney General, but no appropriation was made for their maintenance or ex­ tension. A law of 1931 required all sheriffs and police departments in the state to take fingerprints of persons arrested on charges of certain crimes and to for­ ward such prints to the Division of Investigation of the United States Department of Justice. In many cases copies were also forwarded to the office of the attorney general of Kansas for his files. As a result, there are in that office approximately 12,000 fingerprints, of which nearly 7,000 have not been classified and filed, due to lack of funds. Obviously, these unclassified prints are of little practical value in that form.

Police School

In 1931 the first session of the Police School sponsored by the League of Kansas Municipalities was held at V/ichita with an enrollment of fifty. In June, 1934, the second session was held in that city with an enrollment of 112, or more than double that of the first session. Instruction was provided in nearly all phases of police administration and science by nationally known authorities in their respective fields. Continuous classroom instruction was held from eight in the morning until five-thirty in the afternoon for six days, after vhich certificates were issued to those who successfully completed the course of instruction.

The establishment of this school was regarded by police authorities as a distinct step forward in the science of police training. It is possible that with the experience gained in the operation of this school as a guide, the difficulties attendant upon the establishment and operation of a training system for a state police could largely be mitigated.

2. Cost of a State Police System

The possible cost of a state police system in Kansas would obviously de- 1 pend upon a variety of factors: - the size of the force, its equipment, the number of substations, the type of communication service and the extent of its use, as well as the development of other services such as a police training school and a bureau of identification.

No one has as yet attempted to estimate the size of the force desirable st the outset in Kansas. For the present highway patrol the law authorized twenty 74 men. Rhode Island has a maximum authorized force of fifty, the Texas Rangers seventy four, while at the other extreme Pennsylvania has 421 and New York 466 men.

Tables 15 to 19 show the cost of some of the state police systems as in­ dicated by the amounts appropriated to them, or, in the case of New Jersey, the actual expenditures. The figures are giver, for such informational value as they may possess since it has been impossible to break down the various items to reduce them to a definitely comparable basis.

In each case, the tables should be viewed in the light of the number of men employed in the patrol or enlisted force, as indicated by Tabic 11. For ex­ ample, New York, with a patrol force of 466 men, shows an appropriation of $1,191,240 for personal services for 1933, or an average per man of about $210 a month.

Various items may require more information than is available from the tables. Thus, tho sharp increase in the item "Communications" in New York in 1932 is due to the installation of teletype. However, the figures as they stand do present the basic cost facts for states which now have state police, and do afford a limited application of these figures to the possible Kansas situation.

Assuming for the moment round figures for the number of men for the state police force, and assuming the creation of a bureau of identification and the adop­ tion of an efficient communication system, it is probable that the cost in Kansas for 100 men would exceed $ 300,000 but probably would not exceed $400,000 to $450,000. On the same basis the probable cost for 75 men would range from $200,000 to $340,000, or from $150,000 to $225,000 for 50 men. It is probable, however, that extensive development of a teletype or radio communication system would not be profitable for a force of less than 100 men, in which case the maximum estimates would be considerably reduced.

This estimate of cost is drawn from the experience of the and from the following rough comparison of the figures of the various states, reducing the number of men on the patrol force to common bases.

100 Men 75 Men 50 Men

New York $472 100 $354 000 $236 000

New Jersey 441 800 331 350 220 900

Connecticut 342 400 256 800 171 200

Such an estimate,based solely on the numerical strength of the patrol force,is inaccurate as not giving proper weight to communication systems and other special items. However, they may be of some value as a very rough guide as to what might be expected in Kansas.

No other estimate can be made until it is determined what the size of the probable force would be, the nature of its equipment, the type and extent of the communication system, and other factors obviously affecting the computation.

Tables 18 and 19 show the appropriations for the Departments of Public Safety. In the case of Massachusetts the cost of the division of state police is given but this figure cannot be compared with that of other state police since the figures quoted do not contain any apportionment to that division of the overhead administrative expenses. The Michigan figures are not sufficiently itemized to permit such analysis. 75

TABLE 15

NEW YORK STATE POLICE

Amounts Appropriated 1930 - 1933

Amount ______Appropriation Item______1930 1931 1932 1933

Personal Service 851 470 1 163 197 1 208 900 1 191 240

Food 74 000 74 000 60 000 57 000

Fuel, Light, Power, and Water 20 000 20 000 23 100 23 100

Printing and Advertising 8 003 8 000 6 800 6 300

Equipment, Supplies, and Material 320 000 280 000 318 300 250 000

Traveling Expenses 720 300 720 000 697 500 595 000

Communication 37 000 37 000 188 500 188 500

Pensions 9 000 9 000 8 000 10 000

Surety Bonds and Insurance 9 000 9 000 8 000 9 500

Rent 5 000 10 000 16 000 35 000

Repairs and Alterations to Buildings 25 000 20 000 20 000 20 000

Contingencies 4 200 4 200 6 800

Police School 3 500 3 500 3 500

Medical and Veterinary Services 25 000

Total 2 086 470 2 357 897 2 561 900 2 414 140

Less: Salary Reductions and Anticipated Savings 213 919

Net Appropriation 2 086 470 2 357 897 2 561 900 2 200 221

M TABLE 16

NEW JERSEY STATE POLICE

Expenditures - 1930 - 1932

\ Amount Expense Item 1930 1931 1932

Salaries and Wages 5 451 647.75 S 530 159.94 $ 605 592.78

Materials and Supplies 354 072.63 377 433.60 215 357.00

Repairs and Replacements 3 971.65 6 381.36 12 313.94

Miscellaneous 56 151.52 62 340.38 203 043.98

Teletype Bureau 83 404.63 108 359.97

Identification Bureau 48 370.93 25 618.67

New Buildings and Land 44 996.37

Total 865 843.55 1 109 090.34 1 215 287.71

TABLE 17

CONNECTICUT STATE POLICE

Amounts Appropriated 1934 e.nd 1935

Amount Appropriation Item 1933-34 1934-33

Ordinary Recurring Expenses: Personal Services £ 241 026.00 £ 244 026.00 Contractual Services 82 660.00 82 660.00 Supplies and Materials 79 075.00 79 075.00

Capital Outlay: Equipment 14 500.00 14 500.00

417 261.03 420 261.00

Additional: Contractual Services 8 000.00 8 900.00

425 261.30 428 261.00

State Police Associations Relief for Members 12 000.00 12 00).00 77

TABLE 18

MASSACHUSETTS DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC SAFETY

Amounts Appropriated 1930 - 1932

Amount Appropriation Item ______1939 _ 1931 .1932.

Administration: Commissioner, Salary $ 6 000 £ 6 000 $ 6 000 Clerks and Stenographers 55 700 76 510 83 550 Contingent Expenses (Rent, Printing, Supplies, Etc.) 78 300 99 150 66 000 Total 140 000 181 660 155 550

Division of State Police: Salaries 360 000 410 000 437 200 Civilian Employees 54 295 62 700 65 000 Expenses, Uniform Division 360 ooc 372 000 391 100 Expenses, Detectives 19 OOC 19 000 11 800 Maintenance and Operation, Police 5oat 12 000 14 000 11 000 Personal Services, Etc. (Bureaus of Explo- sives and Inflammable Liquids) 15 000 15 500 14 000 Total 820 295 893 200 930 100

Division of Inspection: Chief, Salary 3 900 4 000 4 000 Salaries, Building Inspection 54 825 .55 075 53 985 Expenses, Building Inspection 15 000 16 491 13 800 Salaries, Boiler Inspection 66 700 67 020 67 32C Expenses, Boiler Inspection 23 000 23 000 17 000 Supplies and Equipment 1 000 1 000 950 Total 164 425 166 586 157 055

Board of Elevator Regulations: Expenses 150 150 140

Board of Boiler Rules: Personal Services 1 000 1 000 1 000 Expenses 500 500 47j> Total 1 500 1 500 1 475

Fire Prevention Service: A u j u State Fire Marshal, Salary Inspectors, Salaries 45 480 Inspectors, Expenses 14 500 Rent, Supplies, Equipment, Etc. 4.359 Total 68 330

£!£teBoxing Commission: , . ,^ lA 1JU Salaries Expenses 13 300 27 400 Total

1 340 050 Total Expenses 1 126 370 1 243 016 78

TABLE 19

MICHIGAN DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC SAFETY

Amounts Appropriated 1932 - 1935

Amount Appropriation Item______1932 1933 1934 1935 w w 8 0 0 0 0 Commissioner, Salary C 5 000 t 5 \ 4 : 4 000

Personal Services 344 700 344 700 238 800 238 800

Supplies, Material, and Contractual Service 198 000 240 000 197 000 197 000

Equipment 33 400 33 400 41 500 41 500

Broadcasting Station ___ 21 000 _ J 1 000 21 050 21 050

Total 614 100 656 100 502 350 502 350

However, the cost of an/ agency cannot be measured solely in terms of its expenditures, particularly if there is a visable monetary or service return directly attributable to it.

In the case of a protective agency this return is rather indirect in most cases. For example, the monetary value of the prohibitory effect of an effi­ cient police system on general criminal activity is incapable of accurate measure­ ment. Nevertheless, it must be recognized that there is a very definite and positive return, indirect though it may be.

It must not be assumed, however, that there is no direct monetary return. Fines or forfeited bail resulting from arrests constitute a measureable return, although it is impossible to estimate how many of these arrests would have been mode by other agencies had there been no state police in operation. Likewise confiscated property might be included as a direct return. Property recovered or saved constitutes a considerable return, although it is more particularly private rather than public in its nature.

Some analysis of this direct return is possible, although few figures are available. Consequently, it is impossible to determine how typical these figures are, either for state police as a whole, or for the particular system in years not quoted. The figures do, however, present some picture of the returns J which might be considered balancing items to offset the actual expenditures of a state police.

Table 20 presents an analysis of these return items for New Jersey as quoted in the annual reports of their Department of State Police.

The Pennsylvania State Police in 1932 returned to the state in fines $330,782.69. Their total expenditures amounted to $1,050,169.17, or a per capita expenditure of 10.7 cents. Deducting the fines and assuming no other direct returns the net cost was $719,381.48, or a per capita cost of 7.3 cents. However, probably 79

30% of the population of the state did not receive any direct benefit of the pro­ tection of the state police as they reside in the larger cities in which the state police do not operate. On this basis, the gross cost per person living in the territory patrolled by the state police was approximately 15.3 cents and the net cost 11 cents. Hence, in Pennsylvania, approximately 30% of the cost of the state police could be discounted as offset by the fines collected.

TABLE 20

NEW JERSEY STATE POLICE

Returns Attributed to State Police Activity ______1930 - 1932______Amount Item 1930 1931 1932

Fines $ 3 U 938.00 ®216 255.50 €225 898.00

Valuation, Recovered Stolen Cars 300 490.00 342 317.00 207 302.00

Valuation, Other Recovered Stolen Property 44 139.99 94 515.21 60 116.36

Valuation, Confiscated Property 1 408 283.58 2 022 128.34 1 729 261.17

Valuation, Property Saved f^om Fire 400 750.00 157 207.45 21 940.00

Forfeited Bail 8 950.00 17 575.00 38 050.00

Total 2 477 551.57 2 849 998.50 2 282 567.53

Possible Apportionment of Cost to Highway Fund

There seems to be no legal or practical objection to the present method of financing the Kansas highway patrol force entirely from tho highway fund. How­ ever, if the patrol were expanded considerably and general criminal apprehension work were undertaken extensively some such objection might very possibly arise.

The National Safety Council, in a recent highway traffic study, estimates j that almost 80 per cent of the work of state police, taking the country as a whole, is devoted to highv/ay patrol work. Tables 5-a, h, and c, concerned with the activ­ ity of the state police as indicated by arrests made, seem to bear out this con­ clusion. Consequently, there would seem to be no legal or practical objection to financing a state police in Kansas in part from the highway fund.

If the highway funds were sufficient to include this expense, as the highway patrol expense is now included, this would greatly reduce the burden on the general fund. For example, in Kansas, assuming that from 80,0 to 60% of the cost be financed from the highway fund, a budget of € 300,000 for 100 men wou require only from $60,000 to $120,000 from the general fund. A budget of fcl70,JUU 80

for 50 men would require only from £34,000 to nnn +u„ „ , - , the basis of thtt identity of part o f s ^ e pol“ ; “ rk °itJ hifh»°r °n existing divisional headquarters of tho highw dcpartmont *ighf be av?Uubic a-

KISSES;. ™' m t h ° d *■ »««•»> f =« «ff'

3. Possible Procedures for Kansas

On the basis of the above discussion, a number of possible procedures would seem to be open to Kansas, if an extension of the police facilities of the state were contemplated:

1. Continuance of the present system - highway patrol with full police powers.

2. Expansion of the present system by increase in personnel and equipment.

3. Creation of a State Police.

4. Creation of a Department of Public Safety.

Regardless of whatever procedure might be followed, there seems to be a genuine need in Kansas for a central bureau of identification. If a state police or a department of public safety is created, it would seem logical to include euch a service in that organization.

The performance of the highway petrol during the last eighteen months would seem to indicate that there is a very real need for rural police protection in Kansas, a need which was recognized in the lav/ of 1933 v/hich gave full police power to the highway patrol. Obviously, that patrol with its limited numbers would be inadequate to furnish general rural police protection. However, there are certain objections to the extensive development of a highway patrol with a view to their operation ns a state police.

In the first place, a state police agency, regardless of the name or title, must not only be nonpolitical in its actual operation, but there must be real confidence on the part of the public that its operation is nonpolitical. Con­ ducted as it is at present, under existing offices, there is, justly country are those with independent organization.

Mr. Bruce Smith, in his book "Rural Crime Control," rather deprecates ibis tendency to expand the highway patrols into state police. In the first place, e soys, the tendency is to place undue emphasis upon purely highway violations, ond insufficient emphasis on the broader, general police work. Nor do they share the tradition of non-political operation of the true "state police." He does not, owever, mean to underestimate the importance of regular patrol work as an essen- ol method of efficient policing. 81

In the second place, there seems to be considerable logic in Mr. Smith's suggestion that unbalanced attention is devoted to the various types of police work. However, the activities of the Kansas Motor Vehicle Inspectors (highway patrol) would seem to indicate that general criminal apprehension work has not oarticu- larly suffered by comparison since full powers were given the force by the legis­ lature in the 1933 special session. The future activities are, of course, purely conjectural.

There may also be a question whether Kansas is yet ready for the crea­ tion of a department of public safety. (See discussion of "The Departments of Public Safety" in Section V.) Little might be gained by a nominal consolidation on paper until the public safety functions of the state were developed to n point where their segregation into a single department would result in genuine functional co-operation.

Consequently,the experience of other states would seem to indicate that the logical development, if an expansion of the police facilities of the state is contemplated, v;ould be along the lines of the stat.. police, directed by a super­ intendent independently of existing offices.

) 82

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. BOOKS

Books Dealing Specifically with State Police:

Mayo, Katharine. Justice to All. Houghton Mifflin Co., N.Y., 1917, 1920. (History of the Pennsylvania State Police.)

Mayo, Katharine. The Standard Beerers. Houghton Mifflin Co., N.Y., 1918. (Stories of the Nev York State Police.)

Smith, Bruce. The State Police: Organization and Administration. The Macmillan Company, N.Y., 1^2$. (Authoritative, comprehensive study. Now slightly out of date.)

Smith, Bruce. Rural Crime Control. Institute of public Administration, Columbia University, N.Y., 1933. (Excellent study of entire rural crime problem.)

Van de Water, Frederic F. Grjy Riders. G. P. Putnams* Sons, N.Y., 1922. (History of the New York State Police.)

Books Dealing with Problems Applicable to State Police:

Conyngtor., Mary. Public Service Retirement Systems. U. S. Gov't Printing Office, January, 1924.

Fosdick, Raymond. American Police Systems. The Century Company, N.Y.,1921.

Fosdick, Raymond. Crime in America and the Police. The Century Company, N.Y., 1920.

Fuld, Leonhard F. Police Administration. G. P. Putnams' Sons, N.Y., 1910.

Graper, Elmer D. American Police Administration. The Macmillan Company, N.Y., 1921.

Hopkins, Ernest Jerome. Our Lawless Police. The Viking Press, N.Y., 1931. (Study of police brutality and th5rd degree methods, particularly of municipal forces.)

International Association of Chiefs of Police. Uniform Crime Reporting. (261 Broadway, N.Y., 1930.)

Moley, Raymond. Missouri Crime Survey. Missouri Association for Criminal Justice, St. Louis, 1926.

Savill, Stanley. The Police Service of England and Wales. Police Review Publishing Co., Ltd., London, 1923.

Wilder, Harris Hawthorne. Personal Identification. R. G. Badger and Co., Boston, 1918.

Woods, Arthur. Policeman and Public. Yale University Press, Nev Haven, 1919. 83

2. REPORTS

American Institute of Criminal Lav/ and Criminology. Report of Commission on Metropolitan and State Police. Journal of Criminal Lai? and Criminology. Vol. X, Nov. 1919, 351-355. Vol. XI, Nov. 1920, 453-467.

League of Kansas Municipalities. State Police. Eulletin No. 101, August 29, 193/*.

Massachusetts. Report of the Special Commission on Constabulary and State Police. Boston, 1917.

Milwaukee Bureau of Economy and Efficiency. Alarm Telegraph Systems. fJilwaukeo, 1911.

Minnesota Commission on Criminal Apprehension. State Organizations for the Apprehension of Criminals. Minneapolis, 1931.

National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement. Report on Police. Washington, 1931.

New York. Report to the Crime Commission of Hew York of Sub-Committee on Police. J. B. Lyon Co-, Albany, 1928.

Texas. Government of the State of Texas. Part III. Report of Joint Legislative Committee on Organization and Economy, 1933.

Also official reports issued by State Police .and Departments of Public Safety.

3. PAMPHLETS

American Civil Liberties Union. The Shame of Pennsylvania. 100 5th Ave., N.Y., 1928.

Fernald, Grace ii. and Sullivan, Ellen B. Personnel Work with the Los Angeles Police Department. Whittier State School, Whittier, Calif., 1926.

Lumb, Capt. George F. Police Training and Survey. Police Training and Survey Co., Harrisburg, Pa., 1919.

Smith, Bruce. A Regional Plan for Cincinnati! and its Environs. Institute of Public Administration, 261 Broadway, N.Y., 1928.

Vollmer, August and Schneider, Albert. The School for Police 31 Planned at Berkeley. Northwestern U. Press, Chicago, 1917.

4. PERIODICALS

"Building Up State Police." American City. 49:15. April, 1934.

Burke, C. "Experiences of the State Police." American Magazine. 98:26-8. August, 1924.

Conover, Milton. "State Police." American Political Science Review. Vol. XV, 82-93, February, 1920. Conover, Milton. "State Police Developments." American Political Science Review. November, 1924, Vol. XVIII, No. 4, 773-781.

Dawson, Edgar. "The New York State Police." American Political Science Review. Vol. XI, 1917, $39.

Jaekel, B. "Pennsylvania’s Mounted Police." rorld's Work. Vol. XXII, 641, 1912.

Mayo, Katharine. "Denobolization and State Police." North American. 209:786-94. June, 1919.

Mayo, Katharine. "Hand-Picked Job; An Incident in the ?/orft of the State Police." North American. 210:253-64, 367-78. August, September, 1919.

Mayo, Katharine. "State Troopers, Operator I" Outlook. 133:398-400. February 28, 1923.

Mayo, Katharine. "Under the Yellow Flag." North American. 210:86-99. July, 1919.

"Modern Crime." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Vol. 125. May 1926.

Olander, 0. G. "Michigan State Police." Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. 23:718-22. November 1932.

"Policel" Literary Digest. 7$:40-8. December 2, 1922.

"Police and the Crime Problem." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Vol. 146, November, 1929.

Smith, Bruoe. "Factors Influencing the Future Development of State Police. Journal of Criminal Lav and Criminology. 23:713-18, November, 1932.

Smith, Bruce. "Politics and Law Enforcement." Annals American Academy. 169:72-4. July, 1933.

Smith, Bruce. "State Police." State Government, Vol. VII, No. 3. March, 1934.

Vollmer, August. "Abstract of the V'ickersham Police Report." Journal of Criminal Law. 22:716-23. January, 1932.

"The State Police of Pennsylvania, a Model of Efficiency." American City. 24:371-2. April 1921.

Also files of Tho State Trooper. Published monthly by The State Trooper Publishing Company, 210 Lincoln Bldg., Detroit, Michigan.