Lindsay Zoch, an Introduction to Aeneid 8
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Livy's View of the Roman National Character
James Luce, December 5th, 1993 Livy's View of the Roman National Character As early as 1663, Francis Pope named his plantation, in what would later become Washington, DC, "Rome" and renamed Goose Creek "Tiber", a local hill "Capitolium", an example of the way in which the colonists would draw upon ancient Rome for names, architecture and ideas. The founding fathers often called America "the New Rome", a place where, as Charles Lee said to Patrick Henry, Roman republican ideals were being realized. The Roman historian Livy (Titus Livius, 59 BC-AD 17) lived at the juncture of the breakdown of the Roman Republic and the rise of the Roman Empire. His 142 book History of Rome from 753 to 9 BC (35 books now extant, the rest epitomes) was one of the most read Latin authors by early American colonists, partly because he wrote about the Roman national character and his unique view of how that character was formed. "National character" is no longer considered a valid term, nations may not really have specific national characters, but many think they do. The ancients believed states or peoples had a national character and that it arose one of 3 ways: 1) innate/racial: Aristotle believed that all non-Greeks were barbarous and suited to be slaves; Romans believed that Carthaginians were perfidious. 2) influence of geography/climate: e.g., that Northern tribes were vigorous but dumb 3) influence of institutions and national norms based on political and family life. The Greek historian Polybios believed that Roman institutions (e.g., division of government into senate, assemblies and magistrates, each with its own powers) made the Romans great, and the architects of the American constitution read this with especial care and interest. -
Print Format
Giovanni David (Gabella 1743 - Genoa 1790) The Discovery of Romulus and Remus bears partly erased old attribution: ‘Giovanni Battista Pittoni, Venezia 1687 - 1767’ (lower right of backing sheet) pen and grey ink and brown and grey wash, over black chalk 32.2 x 45.4 cm (12⅝ x 17⅞ in) The myth of Romulus and Remus and their subsequent foundation of Rome was of acute interest to Italian artists and their patrons. The scene captured in this exquisite drawing by Giovanni David focuses on the discovery of the twins by a shepherd. The sons of Rhea Silvia and Mars, the God of War, Romulus and Remus calmly suckle from the she-wolf that became irrevocably linked in legend to Rome’s origins. The twins’ great-uncle, Amulius had dethroned their grandfather, Numitor, the rightful king of Alba Longa - which would become Rome. Fearing that his niece Rhea Silvia’s children could threaten this position, Amulius compelled her to become a Vestal Virgin and swear an eternal vow of chastity. The God Mars, however, is said to have seduced Rhea Silvia in a wood and by him she became pregnant with the twins. In fury, Amulius ordered that she be buried alive, following the conventional punishment meted out to Vestal Virgins for subverting her sacred oath, and that the twins be killed. The servant who was ordered to undertake this deed could not bring himself to kill such innocents and instead settled a basket with them inside onto the River Tiber. The river god, Tiberinus protected the twins and eventually set them down in the roots of a fig tree where a she-wolf, Lupus, nursed them. -
Calendar of Roman Events
Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th. -
Romulus and Remus
TM Storytime WE ARE 4 HEROESFamilies together and apart ue s iss hi In t THE BATTLE FOR TROY ROMULUS AND REMUS PLUS! A fun quiz, puzzles, and a tricky crossword! This month’s Storytime: We Are Heroes features two famous and action-packed stories that have a lot to teach us about how families can work together – and how arguments can get out of control! ‘Romulus and Remus’ is the tale of two brothers who are betrayed by their wicked great-uncle, but get help and support from each other and adoptive family members. ‘The Battle for Troy’ is about how a squabble between the Greek gods leads to a ten-year war when a king has to fight to get his beloved wife back. After reading this magazine, why not have a talk with your child about who they love and rely on in their life – and what ideas they have about how to resolve disagreements with those they care about? We Are Heroes is a set of six special This supplement is produced as part of supplements that is being published a research project based at Queen Mary monthly from October 2020 to March University of London and funded by the 2021 by Storytime, Studio 2B18, Southbank British Academy, Childhood heroes: storytelling Technopark, 90 London Rd, London, SE1 6LN. survival strategies and role models of resilience to COVID-19 in the UK (BA © Storytime Magazine Ltd, 2020. All rights COV19\201444 PI: Dr Rachel Bryant Davies) reserved. No part of this magazine may be You can contact us at: used or reproduced without prior written [email protected] permission of the publisher. -
THE HERCULES-CACUS MYTH As Buchheit Notes, It Would Be a Mistake to Take So Carefully Elaborated an Episode As the Hercules-Cacu
CHAPTER THREE THE HERCULES-CACUS MYTH As Buchheit notes, it would be a mistake to take so carefully elaborated an episode as the Hercules-Cacus battle as simply an aetiology. That author goes on to make an appealing case for consideration of the episode as symbolic of the coming struggle between Aeneas and Turnus,l and doing so he shares the approach of Schnepf, whose main conclusion is that Hercules is a symbol, but of Augustus. 2 I t is not our principal purpose here to consider whether or not the symbolic interpretations of Buchheit and others are valid. We are basically investigating the likenesses and contrasts of form between Vergil and Callimachus, and hoping to demonstrate that such an investigation, differing widely as it does from those of Schnepf and Buchheit, still yields significant information concerning the art of Vergil. Before beginning we should note that the aitia of Aen. 8, bearing clearly as they do upon institutions, etc., of Vergil's day, betray a contemporary urgency undiscovered in the A itia of Callimachus. In this respect they justify the effort expended to elucidate the Augustan significance of the Hercules-Cacus myth. Attempts to find symbolic or allegorical dimensions of the myth which relate it to Augustus, even if carried too far at times,3 are neverthe less reasonable in principle. At any rate, this study shares with others a search for contemporary Augustan meaning in the Her cules-aition, as this chapter will show. Earlier literature on the passage disclosed much a bout the material at Vergil's disposal and its use by various writers; 4 1 Virgil uber die Sendung Roms, Gymnasium Beiheft 3 (Heidelberg, 1963) pp. -
VIRGIL, AENEID – Context
VIRGIL, AENEID – Context Virgil, the preeminent poet of the Roman Empire, was born Publius Vergilius Maro on October 15, 70 B.C. , near Mantua, a city in northern Italy. The son of a farmer, Virgil studied in Cremona, then in Milan, and finally in Rome. Around 41 B.C. , he returned to Mantua to begin work on his Eclogues, which he published in 37 B.C. Soon afterward, civil war forced him to flee south to Naples, where seven years later he finished his second work, the Georgics, a long poem on farming. At this time, Virgil's writing gained him the recognition of the public, wealth from patrons, and the favor of the emperor. Virgil lived at the height of the first age of the Roman Empire, during the reign of the emperor Octavian, later known as Augustus. Before Augustus became emperor, though, internal strife plagued the Roman government. During Virgil's youth, the First Triumvirate—Julius Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus—governed the Roman Republic. Crassus was killed around 53 B.C. , and Caesar initiated civil war against Pompey. After defeating Pompey, Caesar reigned alone until the Ides of March in 44 B.C. , when Brutus and Cassius, two senators, assassinated him. Civil war erupted between the assassins and the Second Triumvirate—Octavian, Antony, and Lepidus. By 36 B.C. only Octavian and Antony remained, and they began warring against each other. At the Battle of Actium in 31 B.C. , Octavian defeated Antony and his ally Cleopatra of Egypt, finally consolidating power in himself alone. Four years later, he assumed the title Augustus. -
The Argei: Sex, War, and Crucifixion in Rome
THE ARGEI: SEX, WAR, AND CRUCIFIXION IN ROME AND THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST Kristan Foust Ewin, B.A. Thesis Prepared for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS May 2012 APPROVED: Christopher J. Fuhrmann, Major Professor Ken Johnson, Committee Member Walt Roberts, Committee Member Richard B. McCaslin, Chair of the Department of History James D. Meernik, Acting Dean of the Toulouse Graduate School Ewin, Kristan Foust. The Argei: Sex, War, and Crucifixion in Rome and the Ancient Near East. Master of Arts (History), May 2012, 119 pp., 2 tables, 18 illustrations, bibliography, 150 titles. The purpose of the Roman Argei ceremony, during which the Vestal Virgins harvested made and paraded rush puppets only to throw them into the Tiber, is widely debated. Modern historians supply three main reasons for the purpose of the Argei: an agrarian act, a scapegoat, and finally as an offering averting deceased spirits or Lares. I suggest that the ceremony also related to war and the spectacle of displaying war casualties. I compare the ancient Near East and Rome and connect the element of war and husbandry and claim that the Argei paralleled the sacred marriage. In addition to an agricultural and purification rite, these rituals may have served as sympathetic magic for pre- and inter-war periods. As of yet, no author has proposed the Argei as a ceremony related to war. By looking at the Argei holistically I open the door for a new direction of inquiry on the Argei ceremony, fertility cults in the Near East and in Rome, and on the execution of war criminals. -
The Ovidian Soundscape: the Poetics of Noise in the Metamorphoses
The Ovidian Soundscape: The Poetics of Noise in the Metamorphoses Sarah Kathleen Kaczor Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2019 © 2019 Sarah Kathleen Kaczor All rights reserved ABSTRACT The Ovidian Soundscape: The Poetics of Noise in the Metamorphoses Sarah Kathleen Kaczor This dissertation aims to study the variety of sounds described in Ovid’s Metamorphoses and to identify an aesthetic of noise in the poem, a soundscape which contributes to the work’s thematic undertones. The two entities which shape an understanding of the poem’s conception of noise are Chaos, the conglomerate of mobile, conflicting elements with which the poem begins, and the personified Fama, whose domus is seen to contain a chaotic cosmos of words rather than elements. Within the loose frame provided by Chaos and Fama, the varied categories of noise in the Metamorphoses’ world, from nature sounds to speech, are seen to share qualities of changeability, mobility, and conflict, qualities which align them with the overall themes of flux and metamorphosis in the poem. I discuss three categories of Ovidian sound: in the first chapter, cosmological and elemental sound; in the second chapter, nature noises with an emphasis on the vocality of reeds and the role of echoes; and in the third chapter I treat human and divine speech and narrative, and the role of rumor. By the end of the poem, Ovid leaves us with a chaos of words as well as of forms, which bears important implications for his treatment of contemporary Augustanism as well as his belief in his own poetic fame. -
Dante Alighieri's Divine Comedy – Inferno
DIVINE COMEDY -INFERNO DANTE ALIGHIERI HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW ENGLISH TRANSLATION AND NOTES PAUL GUSTAVE DORE´ ILLUSTRATIONS JOSEF NYGRIN PDF PREPARATION AND TYPESETTING ENGLISH TRANSLATION AND NOTES Henry Wadsworth Longfellow ILLUSTRATIONS Paul Gustave Dor´e Released under Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial Licence. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/us/ You are free: to share – to copy, distribute, display, and perform the work; to remix – to make derivative works. Under the following conditions: attribution – you must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work); noncommercial – you may not use this work for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission from the copyright holder. English translation and notes by H. W. Longfellow obtained from http://dante.ilt.columbia.edu/new/comedy/. Scans of illustrations by P. G. Dor´e obtained from http://www.danshort.com/dc/, scanned by Dan Short, used with permission. MIKTEXLATEX typesetting by Josef Nygrin, in Jan & Feb 2008. http://www.paskvil.com/ Some rights reserved c 2008 Josef Nygrin Contents Canto 1 1 Canto 2 9 Canto 3 16 Canto 4 23 Canto 5 30 Canto 6 38 Canto 7 44 Canto 8 51 Canto 9 58 Canto 10 65 Canto 11 71 Canto 12 77 Canto 13 85 Canto 14 93 Canto 15 99 Canto 16 104 Canto 17 110 Canto 18 116 Canto 19 124 Canto 20 131 Canto 21 136 Canto 22 143 Canto 23 150 Canto 24 158 Canto 25 164 Canto 26 171 Canto 27 177 Canto 28 183 Canto 29 192 Canto 30 200 Canto 31 207 Canto 32 215 Canto 33 222 Canto 34 231 Dante Alighieri 239 Henry Wadsworth Longfellow 245 Paul Gustave Dor´e 251 Some rights reserved c 2008 Josef Nygrin http://www.paskvil.com/ Inferno Figure 1: Midway upon the journey of our life I found myself within a forest dark.. -
Greek & Roman Hercules: Moments in Pre-Historical Imperialism
Kunapipi Volume 18 Issue 1 Article 4 1996 Greek & Roman Hercules: Moments in Pre-Historical Imperialism. Matthew Fox Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/kunapipi Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Fox, Matthew, Greek & Roman Hercules: Moments in Pre-Historical Imperialism., Kunapipi, 18(1), 1996. Available at:https://ro.uow.edu.au/kunapipi/vol18/iss1/4 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] Greek & Roman Hercules: Moments in Pre-Historical Imperialism. Abstract My title has a double meaning; Hercules as a figure representing imperialism both as a pre-historic forerunner for the subjects of imperial Rome themselves, and as a point of pre-historic reference for this collection. There is a danger in contributing an essay on classical material to a collection of studies of the contemporary world; a danger that the specificity of ancient society will be passed over in the urge to find similarities, or worse, to find origins and causes. However, it is a danger that can be productive, in that a recognition of similarity can restrain an unjustified sense of the uniqueness of modern conditions. And for the classicist to look at the configurations of ancient empire from a modern perspective is to look at an area traditionally characterized by its political irrelevance, and to find new possibilities in the details of how different imperial subjects related to each other. This journal article is available in Kunapipi: https://ro.uow.edu.au/kunapipi/vol18/iss1/4 Greek & Roman Hercules: Moments in Pre-Historical Imperialism 9 MATTHEW FOX Greek & Roman Hercules: Moments in Pre-Historical Imperialism. -
Hercules and Cacus in Vergil's Aeneid
The Advantage of the Stronger: Hercules and Cacus in Vergil’s Aeneid Leo Trotz-Liboff Middlebury College Classics Class of 2017 Abstract: The Hercules and Cacus episode in Book VIII highlights the problematic nature of Aeneas’ exploits throughout theAeneid. Through the violence of Hercules, Vergil makes the reader question whether a story like the founding of Rome and its eventual imperial expansion can be as cut and dry as the story of a rugged hero slaughtering someone whose name literally means “evil one” might superficially seem. Calling into question Aeneas’ morality and his justification for settling in Italy in turn casts doubt on Augustus’ own means of attaining power. The Hercules and Cacus episode is fundamental to our understanding of the Aeneid as a whole inasmuch as it brings up the question of right. The question of the rightful owner of Geryon’s cattle finds its parallel in Aeneas and Turnus’ dispute over betrothal to Lavinia, as well as in Augustus’ contested claim to rule Rome. The Italy of Hercules’ day, in which violence determines right, must be compared with the universal empire Augustus will eventually establish. This paper explores to what extent the Hercules and Cacus episode can influence our understanding of Aeneas and Augustus and how Vergil might be reacting to the political climate of his day through his poetry. Vergilian scholars widely accept that the characters of Hercules and Cacus1 find their parallels in Aeneas and Turnus respectively. In their view, the association of Hercules with Aeneas also extends -
Hercules: Flawed and Fixed
Hercules: Flawed and Fixed An Aristotelian Problem with a Kinesic Solution In Medici Florence Honors Thesis in the Department of Art History University of Oregon Cassidy Shaffer Spring 2019 The Medici family of Florence used Hercules as a dynastic symbol to project ideas of courage and strength onto the family. However, because Hercules is a deeply flawed character throughout the entirety of his story, the Medici needed to manipulate how people perceived the hero by commissioning sculpture that would reflect the desired moral values and courageous virtue. Florence was ruled by the Medici family for three centuries beginning with the return of Cosimo di Giovanni de’ Medici from exile in 1434.1 During these three centuries, the Medici family used the artistic innovation of the Florentine renaissance to profit politically. Beginning with Cosimo di Giovanni de’ Medici, large-scale Medici patronage of the arts continued steadily throughout the remainder of the 15th and 16th centuries within the family. Their commissions were often used to demonstrate the family’s wealth, status, religious beliefs, interests, and culture. They largely conveyed themes such as fortitude, piety, leadership, righteousness, and courage. Two of the most prominent figures used to present these concepts were the biblical David and the mythical Hercules. Adopted to the city’s seal in 12812, Hercules became a symbol of Florence and connected the city with these same virtues later indexed in Medici commissions. The Medici adopted the iconography of the hero Hercules as not only an expression of their family’s values, but also an articulation of what life in Florence would be like under Medici influence; through Hercules they projected themselves as quintessentially Florentine.