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Title Meiji Japan's Encounter with Modernization Author(S) Furukawa Title Meiji Japan's Encounter with Modernization Author(s) Furukawa, Hisao Citation 東南アジア研究 (1995), 33(3): 497-518 Issue Date 1995-12 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/56553 Right Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 33, No.3, December 1995 Meiji Japan's Encounter with Modernization Hisao FURUKAWA * I The Modern Age The periodization of history is probably just as important a task for the historian as the establishment of areal divisions is for the researcher in area study. How history is divided, and how the world is divided into areas, express in their demarcations the condensation of a comprehensive view of world history and of a view of the relationship between nature and man. During my two trips to China in 1990 and 1991, I had the pleasure of reading Ichisada Miyazaki's two-volume History of China [Miyazaki 1977], which convinced me that the division of time into four periods - ancient times, the middle ages, pre-modern times, and most-modern times (the modern age) - in a centralized society such as China was appropriate. This four-period system is extended to the whole of world history, and the following reason is given for dividing Europe's modern age from pre-modern times. Silver ingots mined and smelted in the New World by slaves were brought to Europe, which profited from unheard-of prosperity.... The European world came to create an industrial revolutionary culture that practically regarded preceding cultures as worthless. This began in the latter half of the eighteenth century, and the history of Europe at this stage suddenly entered a new phase. So, I divide this phase from the earlier pre-modern times as the modern age.... [Yet] the modern age is not the antithesis of pre-modern times; it refers to the fact that pre-modern trends advanced all the more strongly. [ibid., Vol. 1: 82-83] Thus, although the modern age is a new phase, its continuity with pre-modern times cannot be denied. Likewise, I believe that this great scholar is asserting that even though divisions exist between pre-modern times and the middle ages, and between the middle ages and ancient times, continuity exists between these ages both in Europe and in China. each in its own way. This point is an important turning point in thinking. A totally different * ilJlI ~tii, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University - 215- 497 angle appears, for example, in the round-table discussions on "The Conquest of Modernity" held in 1942. The chairman, Tetsutaro Kawakami, stated: "My view is that our best approach is to begin by analyzing nineteenth-century Europe, since ultimately we have been educated by European civilization" [Kawakami et ai. 1942: 175]. And Hideo Kobayashi opined that "The 'Conquest of Modernity' means the conquest of Western modernity. There's absolutely no question of the conquest of Japan's modernity" [ibid.: 247J. Such views reveal a kind of cultural emasculation that is premised on the discontinuity of Japan's pre-modern and modern times. Even in his criticism of "The Conquest of Modernity," Wataru Hiromatsu evinces a similar cultural emasculation when he writes: "As far as the criticism of capitalism is concerned, socialist thinking is sufficient for the task" [Hiromatsu 1989:244J. Let us return to continuity within history. With Miyazaki's view of history, continuity is not something that is purely cultivated in just one area alone. The timing by which we shift from ancient times to the middle ages, and from the middle ages to pre-modern times arrived the earliest in Western Asia, followed by the East and then Europe several hundred years later. If this is the case, just as water flows down from high places, the various elements of Western Asia's pre-modern civilization traveled to the East, giving rise to the commercial culture of Sung and the Renaissance in Western Europe. Europe which was the last to welcome in its pre-modern age was able to garner the collective results of the pre-modern civilizations of the East and Western Asia. An example of this was Columbus, who unveiled the curtain of the great age of seafaring. Columbus was a Jew who found the new land of Diaspora in his quest for new lands at the very moment that the Reconquest ended and Queen Isabella attempted to banish Jews from the country. Vasco da Gama's trans-Indian Ocean route was not even his own discovery; it was already well known among Arab seamen from Africa's East Coast all the way to India. Thanks to plundered silver and the armed domination of new sea routes, Europe enjoyed a new prosperity, and pushed forward with its industrial revolution, fulfilling its role as the curtain-opener to the pre-modern civilization. The effect of this reached the East and Western Asia. Looked at in this light, world history is without doubt an unbroken fabric to which new weft is ingeniously and continuously woven into the ever-extending warp. What, then, is the difference between pre-modern times and the modern age? Loosely stated, pre-modern society was probably a visually bright patchwork. I imagine it as a multi-colored patchwork woven of traditional and exotic materials in unique designs that reflected the customs and esthetics of their respective areas. This situation remains colorfully alive in non-centralized societies such as the Malay archipelago and Oceania. Yet, in Europe, signs of the natural sciences were appearing, and when modern sciences became established, a new, different epistemology began to spread to other areas. The following statement by Torataro Shimomura in the discussion of "The Conquest of 498 - 216- H. FURUKAWA: Meiji Japan's Encounter with Modernization Modernity" aptly describes the nature of modern science. The epistemology of modern science is not the intuitive perception of the essence or form of things, as in ancient times .... It is a technical, formative epistemology ... that views things , and that tortures so-called nature to force nature itself to answer. ... To be connected with the spirit of experimental methodology is not to simply observe nature as it is in a purely objective manner; it is to make things that do not exist in nature real through human intervention. [Kawakami et al. 1942: 188J Those who grasped the spirit of modern science became the slave masters, and the person who stays in the conventional patchwork literally becomes the material for proving the destiny of existence trapped in the cogs of dynamic torture. The industrial revolution that started in the latter half of the eighteenth century involved many elements: the reform of the cotton industry with the British creating a triangular system of trade involving cotton from the West Indies, slaves from West Africa and cotton textiles in Manchester; improvements in the drainage of mine water by steam engines; the technical reform of the steel industry; and the reform of transportation by steam locomotives, the provision of roads and a network of canals. Farmers who had lost their land after being driven off their farms in the wool manufacturing age were brought together as factory workers, and the modern age in which structural poverty, unemployment, crime and corruption existed alongside the elegance of the bourgeoisie -the age of selective will in which choice lay with the individual-had begun. Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, symbolized the quality of the age along with research into the revolution in energy using fossil fuels. However, from the point of view of continuity in history, Adam Smith's theory of the value of work may have also been a rehash of Ibn Khaldun, the Arab historian from the fourteenth century. Ibn Khaldun pointed out clearly that it was production that was the source of true wealth beyond that of commerce [Morimoto 1980, Vo1.2: 767-773J. The Diaspora of the Sephardim may also have led to the chance encounter of the forefathers of Arabian science and modern economics. Though I cannot comprehend the theory of how modern capitalism and incipient capitalism differ, according to my own experience, I would say that the differences between the domestic industries seen in the souk (market-places) of Fez (Morocco) or Istanbul and the large complexes of factories in Rotterdam, for example, are overwhelming. Without ,having recourse to examples overseas, the ironmongers of East Osaka and the industrial estates along the coast of Osaka Harbor are as different in size as a flea and an elephant. With a large capital investment, land, machines and materials can be bought, turned into products by workers, and sold on the market to generate profit. This was the logical condusion of this system - in the textbook explanation of capitalism. With regards to the purpose of manufacturing, the products of the Fez tanneries, so foul-smelling as to numb the senses, or the Istanbul ironmongeries, so noisy as to almost deafen, are linked to a - 217- 499 visible demand within the scope of eye-to-eye contact between buyer and seller; whereas, the products of modern factories are directed toward profit that is removed from human measure. With modern capitalism, a monstrous profit exists between work and products. Profit that was originally a talisman-like thing has gradually become an enormous monster. All kinds of things are turned into commercial products, and are manufactured in order to create profit on the commercial market. Such is the structure of modern capitalism. Viewed at the individual level, I have no choice but to consider that the only reason why we cannot give up mass production, mass consumption and mass disposal that can only be termed fruitless, is that profit has become the absolute criterion of worth.
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