Damage Assessment: EU-Russia Relations in Crisis
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When Life Gives You Lemons: Alexei Navalny's Electoral Campaign
RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 210, 14 November 2017 6 ANALYSIS When Life Gives You Lemons: Alexei Navalny’s Electoral Campaign By Jan Matti Dollbaum, Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen Abstract Since the opposition politician and anti-corruption activist Alexey Navalny announced his plan to become president in 2018, his team has built one of the most extensive political campaigns in post-Soviet Russia. In the context of electoral authoritarianism, the competition takes place on a highly uneven playing ield. Although it remains unlikely that he will be allowed to run in the election, the campaign’s central strategy— to turn obstacles into advantages—confronts Russia’s political leadership with its irst real challenge in years. Navalny: I’m Running ruption of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, has been In December 2016, Navalny declared his intention viewed over 25 million times. And indeed, absent neu- to take part in the 2018 presidential elections. With tral (let alone positive) coverage on state-controlled tel- this decision, he substantiated his claim for leadership evision, social media is the single most important way within the Russian non-systemic opposition. Navalny for Navalny to engage with the electorate. had begun his political career as an activist for Yablo- ko’s Moscow branch, quickly climbing the party hier- Khozhdenie v narod—he Regional archy. Yet in 2007, the party expelled him, pointing to Campaign his nationalist statements (Navalny himself asserts the Equally central for his eforts to increase his popular- real reason was his criticism of Yabloko leader Grig- ity on the ground is the creation of a regional network ori Yavlinsky). -
The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period. -
Survey of Russian Elites 2020
SURVEY OF RUSSIAN ELITES 2020 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC POLICY July 28, 2020 Sharon Werning Rivera, Professor and Chair of Government Sterling Bray ’20 James Cho ’22 Max Gersch ’23 Marykate McNeil ’20 Alexander Nemeth ’22 Spencer Royal ’22 John Rutecki ’22 Huzefah Umer ’21 (Hamilton College, Clinton, NY) With Jack Benjamin (Northwestern University ’20) Funding for the 2020 wave of the Survey of Russian Elites was provided by the National Science Foundation (Grant No. SES-1742798); the Arthur Levitt Public Affairs Center and Office of the Dean of Faculty at Hamilton College; and the Weiser Center for Emerging Democracies, Weiser Center for Europe and Eurasia, Center for Political Studies, and Department of Political Science at the University of Michigan. Questions and comments should be directed to Prof. Sharon Rivera at [email protected]. Media inquiries can be directed to Vige Barrie at [email protected]. 1 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Since the end of the “reset” in US-Russian relations in 2012, the bilateral relationship has been marked by acrimony and mutual recriminations. At the same time, Russia under President Vladimir Putin has pursued a more muscular foreign policy around the globe, whether in Syria, Africa, or the post-Soviet region. Russia and the West are often at odds over the scope and purpose of these interventions. New data from the Survey of Russian Elites (SRE) suggest that US-Russian relations will not improve any time soon, at least insofar as they depend on the foreign policy attitudes of high-ranking Russians. Collected between February and March 2020, the data show that although the percentage of Russian elites who view the US as a threat is down considerably from the last survey in 2016, respondents are also more inclined to worry about both the growth of US military power and the possibility of information warfare emanating from the West. -
Introduction Looking Back at Brezhnev
russian history 41 (2014) 299-306 brill.com/ruhi Introduction Looking Back at Brezhnev Peter Rutland Wesleyan University [email protected] Victoria Smolkin-Rothrock Wesleyan University [email protected] In the West, the Soviet Union is most often viewed through the Cold War lens of capitalist triumph over socialist decline and failure. Rather than take seri- ously the communist challenge to capitalist modernity, the Soviet project is presented as a historical dead-end, a doomed experiment that collapsed under the weight of its own contradictions. The Soviet Union – the story goes – was ruled by a stultified bureaucracy under which citizens enjoyed limited per- sonal freedom and dissidents were ruthlessly persecuted. The attempt to build a centrally-planned economy on principles antithetical to the market led to colossal inefficiency and stagnant growth. Moscow’s competition with the United States for global hegemony brought the world to the brink of nuclear war and fueled bitter conflicts from Afghanistan to Angola. The system’s survival depended on stringent controls on communication with the outside world. Russians, of course, have a more complicated relationship to their own past. Even as the historical legacies of Lenin and Stalin, Khrushchev and Gorbachev, remain contentious, the Soviet Union of Leonid Brezhnev, who was General Secretary from 1964 to 1982, is often portrayed as something of a golden age.1 The papers gathered here were originally presented at a conference “What Was the Soviet Union? Looking back at the Brezhnev years,” held at Wesleyan University on 20–21 October 2011. 1 See Otto Boele, “Remembering Brezhnev in the New Millennium: Post-Soviet Nostalgia and Local Identity in the City of Novorossiisk,” The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 38 (2011): 3–29, as well as the theme issue on the “long 1970s” in the Russian journal Neprikosnovennyi zapas 52 (2007). -
Contesting the Domain and Content of International Politics Theories Of
Russia and the West: contesting the domain and content of international politics Theories of nationalism show us that a fundamental feature of politics is contestation over the borders of political communities, the values that constitute such communities, how ‘thick’ the norms based on those values should be, and how they should be determined. Addressing the conference theme, this paper argues that such ‘meta-politics’ is also a feature of the international arena, and that Russian relations with the West can be understood within this framework. First, Russia seeks to be treated as an equal interlocutor in the development of international norms and common positions in relation to events. Second, Russia contests the degree to which ‘thick’ norms should be developed at the international level. While the first point constitutes a call for the politicization of the international – against the tendency of Western powers, perceiving themselves to be uniquely virtuous, to dictate international norms that are expected to be binding on all members of the international community – the second is an attempt to circumscribe such politicization and preserve the position of the state as the primary space in which politics takes place. In short, international relations should be politicized, but the scope of such politics should be limited. Introduction In considering the politics of international relations, a clichéd but useful starting point might be to ask: what is politics? Here are three definitions: • ‘Politics is the activity or process by which groups reach and enforce binding decisions’ (Hague and Harrop 2013). • ‘Politics is the process through which power and influence are used in the promotion of certain values and interests’ (Danziger 2013). -
The Future of EU-Russian Relations: a Common European Home?
The Future of EU-Russian Relations: a Common European Home? Judas Everett National Research University Higher School of Economics Plan Part I 1. What is a Common European Home? 2. Why did it fail to materialise? Part II 1. Do shared aims, freedoms, values and responsibilities exist between Russia and the EU today? A Common European Home ● Mikhail Gorbachev gave an address to the Council of Europe (6 July 1989) ‘Now that the twentieth century is entering a concluding phase and both the post-war period and the cold war are becoming a thing of the past, the Europeans have a truly unique chance — to play a role in building a new world, one that would be worthy of their past, of their economic and spiritual potential’ Why did it fail to materialise? ● Vagueness of proposals ● Security concerns ○ Gorbachev wanted to extend the remit of OSCE ○ Promises not to extend NATO ○ Promises which were not kept ● Unwillingness to include Russia ● NATO–Russia Council (replaced the NATO–Russia Permanent Joint Council) Do shared aims, freedoms, values and responsibilities exit between Russia and the EU today? Attitudes to LBGT+ Attitudes to LBGT+ ● 47% of Russians support equal rights for gay people in general. ● 63% would accept an acquaintance’s homosexuality Eurobarometer 2019: % of people in each country who "total agree" with the statement that "Gay, lesbian and bisexual people should have the same rights as heterosexual people." Sweden 98% Luxembourg 87% Malta 73% Czech 57% Croatia 44% Republic Netherlands 97% France 85% Austria 70% Lithuania 53% Bulgaria -
Survey of Science-A New Decade Begins
SCIENCE IN 1990 Survey of science-a new decade begins At the beginning of the 1990s what more astonishing sight than that of Eastern Europe, a year ago still isolated behind the iron curtain, standing on the verge of reintegration into the common European home of science. The changes in Europe and the Soviet Union, as well as the rapidly-growing importance of international cooperation (and competition) in science will set many of the big science policy issues of 1990. national scientific projects will almost likelihood that the excitements of 1989 The changes certainly increase (East Germany, in par will be projected into the year ahead. To ticular, has its sights set on CERN, ESA, be in or near Moscow is absorbing, but in the East and Eureka). Glasnost will mean lifting inimical to peace of mind. secrecy on environmental issues, and new Lobbying has already begun for the Europe cross-border cooperation to deal with elections to the Soviet Academy, likely in DESPITE the political reforms, material specific problems. In Czechoslovakia, the spring, with Yu. A. Osipyan, the solid relief for Eastern Europe's impoverished Civic Forum has declared its opposition to state physicist, mentioned frequently as a scientific community has yet to arrive. In the controversial Danube hydro-electric likely successor to Gurii Marchuk, the Poland, for example, where the 'semi scheme, and has approached the Hungar present president. Whether election will democratic' elections last June flooded ians about creating an Austrian-Czecho bring reform of the academy's cumber the new two-chamber parliament with slovak-Hungarian wetlands reserve. -
Going Regional the Russian Way: the Eurasian Economic Union Between Instrumentalism and Global Social Appropriateness
GR:EEN Working Paper Author: Diana Shendrikova, GR:EEN Visiting Researcher at ISPI – Italian Institute for international Political Studies Going regional the Russian way: The Eurasian Economic Union between instrumentalism and global social appropriateness Introduction In his A Russian idea (1946), the philosopher Alexander Berdyaev divided Russia’s history in five major epochs: “There is Kiev Russia, Russia during the Tatar invasion, Moscow Russia, Russia of Peter the Great, Soviet Russia. It is possible that there will be some other new Russia. Russia’s historical development has been catastrophic”1. Expanding Berdyaev’s periodization, the current stage of Russia’s history might be defined ‘Eurasian Russia’, at least to the extent that the country’s current foreign policy seems to be actually underpinned – if not utterly driven – by the willingness to embrace an epochal trend orienting its development. This sort of ‘manifest destiny’ hinges on the East/West divide that has constantly characterized the country’s identity – as well as the political agenda of its leaders, These powerful opposing pulls have often resulting in an ambition for a distinct ‘Russian way’, more or less consistently combined with the Eurasian perspective, bestowing on Russia the role of bridging between the Western European and Eastern cultures.2 1 Николай А. Бердяев, Русская идея. О России и русской философской культуре: философы русского послеоктябрьского зарубежья Nikolay A. Berdyaev, The Russian Idea: On Russia, Russian philosophical culture: philosophers of Russian post-October immigration, Moscow, 1990, Chapter I 2 See more: Marlèn Laruelle, L’ideologie eurasiste russe, ou comment penser l’empire, Paris, L'Harmattan, 1999;, Всеволод Н. -
Beyond the Polls GOOGLE QUERIES and PUBLIC PROTEST VOLATILITY in RUSSIA
Beyond the Polls GOOGLE QUERIES AND PUBLIC PROTEST VOLATILITY IN RUSSIA PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 278 September 2013 Mikhail Alexseev San Diego State University Declining satisfaction with a country’s direction—a measure that typically tracks with declining public support for a government in power—has been shown to precede mass anti-government protest, as the Arab Spring illustrated. For example, the end of Hosni Mubarak’s 30-year reign followed a steady decline in Egyptians’ satisfaction with their country’s direction—from 55 percent of respondents in the Pew Charitable Trust surveys in 2006 to 28 percent in 2010. His successor, Muhammed Morsi, was forced out of office after public satisfaction with Egypt’s prospects plunged from the post-revolutionary high of 65 percent in 2011 to 30 percent in 2013.1 In Russia, according to Levada Center surveys, satisfaction with the country’s direction has gradually declined, for the most part, from a high of 64 percent in December 2007 to 41 percent in November 2011, the month preceding the largest public demonstrations against Putin’s rule. Over the same timeframe, approval of Vladimir Putin went down from 87 to 67 percent. Not only was this decline significantly less pronounced than in Egypt, most of it took place prior to 2011. Since January 2011, these measures varied within a 10-percent range (plus or minus 5 percentage points, or just above the 3-4 percent margin of sampling error in these surveys)—not significant enough to foretell large-scale outbursts of public protest. Nor does one learn more from the question on the likelihood of political protest in the same surveys—this indicator has remained flat and low since 2001, whereas protest activity has varied (see Figure 1). -
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Cory Welt Analyst in European Affairs August 21, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44775 Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Over the last five years, Congress and the executive branch have closely monitored and responded to new developments in Russian policy. These developments include the following: increasingly authoritarian governance since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidential post in 2012; Russia’s 2014 annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and support of separatists in eastern Ukraine; violations of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; Moscow’s intervention in Syria in support of Bashar al Asad’s government; increased military activity in Europe; and cyber-related influence operations that, according to the U.S. intelligence community, have targeted the 2016 U.S. presidential election and countries in Europe. In response, the United States has imposed economic and diplomatic sanctions related to Russia’s actions in Ukraine and Syria, malicious cyber activity, and human rights violations. The United States also has led NATO in developing a new military posture in Central and Eastern Europe designed to reassure allies and deter aggression. U.S. policymakers over the years have identified areas in which U.S. and Russian interests are or could be compatible. The United States and Russia have cooperated successfully on issues such as nuclear arms control and nonproliferation, support for military operations in Afghanistan, the Iranian and North Korean nuclear programs, the International Space Station, and the removal of chemical weapons from Syria. In addition, the United States and Russia have identified other areas of cooperation, such as countering terrorism, illicit narcotics, and piracy. -
Hardship, Mobilization & Russia's Social Contract
From Boom to Bust: Hardship, Mobilization & Russia’s Social Contract Samuel A. Greene Abstract: This essay revisits the debate about Russia’s “social contract,” arguing that the ability of the Rus- Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/146/2/113/1830965/daed_a_00439.pdf by guest on 27 September 2021 sian system to maintain macro-political stability in the face of significant and prolonged micro-level eco- nomic hardship hinges on a peculiarly disengaged relationship between Russian citizens and their state. Russian citizens are seen clearly to understand the failings of the political system and leadership, reinforc- ing habits of “involution” learned over decades of institutional dysfunction. A review of recent protest movements, indeed, demonstrates that general quiescence coexists with a deep-seated antipathy toward the country’s ruling elite, which lends particular animus to grassroots contention in a variety of settings. The question for Russia’s sociopolitical future, however, remains an old one: can reactive civic mobiliza- tion lead to a proactive process of bottom-up agenda setting? How and why loyal Russian citizens–and loyal Russian citizens, by most counts, make up more than 80 percent of the adult population–come to find themselves on the barricades is something of a puz- zle. Since surviving a major protest wave in 2011– 2012, Putin has reconsolidated power and legitima- cy, supported by a more adversarial approach to pol- SAMUEL A. GREENE is Director itics at home and abroad. His approval ratings have of the Russia Institute at King’s remained high, even as the economy has collapsed College London and Senior Lec- beneath his feet. -
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Advances in Economics, Business and Management Research, volume 128 International Scientific Conference "Far East Con" (ISCFEC 2020) Transatlantic Free Trade and Investment Partnership: Benefits and Effects for EEU O Y Sokolova1, N V Mityaeva1, N G Ustinova1, N P Timofeeva1 1Saratov Socio-Economic Institute (branch) of Russian Economic University named after G.V. Plekhanov, Saratov, Russia E-mail: [email protected] Abstract. Today Global economy is a very complicated multilevel system of interaction of the national economics, transnational corporations, international integration unions and associations. Negotiations on formation of Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership are the most ambitious project in the sphere of development of treaty format of the regional economic cooperation. This paper considers the problems and prospects of cooperation between Eurasian Economic Union and EU’s countries, and the effects of this process on the development of the transatlantic economic relations between the USA and European Union. The study focuses on the causes facilitating the idea of Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). Considering the TTIP treaty we can distinguish different approaches and assessments of the planning treaty and its effect on the global trade system development. This study sought to examine the possible prospects of nations’s partnership formation in the TTIP frames , its influence on economic and political interests of EEU states, and namely of Russia. The scale of consequences of the possible TTIP treaty conclusion for the interests of the EEU countries will be mainly determined by three groups of factors: by correspondence of the effects and reorientation of trade between The USA and EU after the TTIP treaty conclusion, and its influence on the economic growth in country members and the international trade level of Russia and corresponding countries.