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The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period. -
Class:-12, Political Science Notes Chapter:- 04 Alternative Centers of Power DATE:- 8/07/21 European Union • After
Class:-12, Political Science Notes Chapter:- 04 Alternative Centers of Power DATE:- 8/07/21 European Union • After the end of the Second World War, there was a dilemma among many European leaders over the status of Europe. • The Second World War shattered the structure on which the European states had based their relations. • The Cold War aided the integration of Europe after 1945. The European economy was revived by the extensive financial support by USA under the ‘Marshall Plan’. • The Organisation for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) was established in 1948 to channel aid to the West European states. Another step forward in political cooperation was the establishment of the council of Europe in 1949. • The disintegration of USSR led to the formation of European Union in 1992 which laid the foundation for a common foreign and security policy, cooperation on justice and creation of a single currency. • The European Union has evolved over time from an economic union to an increasingly political one. • The European Union has economic, political, diplomatic and military influence. • Economically, the European Union is the world’s biggest economy. It had a GDP of more than $12 trillion in 2005. Its currency Euro, can pose a threat to the dominance of the US dollar. • On the political and diplomatic ground, Britain and France, the two members of EU are permanent members of the UN Security Council. • In the defence field, the European Union’s combined armed forces are the second largest in the world. Association of South East Asian Nations [ASEAN] • Before and during the Second World War, the South East Asia suffered a lot from repeated colonialism i.e. -
Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Stephen, Matthew D. Article — Accepted Manuscript (Postprint) Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance Global Governance Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Stephen, Matthew D. (2017) : Emerging Powers and Emerging Trends in Global Governance, Global Governance, ISSN 1942-6720, Brill Nijhoff, Leiden, Vol. 23, Iss. 3, pp. 483-502, http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02303009 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215866 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu This article was published by Brill in Global Governance, Vol. 23 (2017), Iss. 3, pp. 483–502 (2017/08/19): https://doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02303009. -
Remembering George Kennan Does Not Mean Idolizing Him
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Melvyn P. Leffler This report originated while Melvyn P. Leffler was a Jennings Randolph Fellow at the United States Institute of Peace. He was writing his book on what appeared to be the most intractable and ominous conflict of the post–World War II era—the Cold War. He was addressing the questions of why the Cold War lasted as long as it did and why it ended when Remembering it did. As part of the ongoing dialogue at the United States Institute of Peace, he was repeatedly asked about the lessons of the Cold War for our contemporary problems. George Kennan His attention was drawn to the career of George F. Kennan, the father of containment. Kennan was a rather obscure and frustrated foreign service officer at the U.S. embassy in Lessons for Today? Moscow when his “Long Telegram” of February 1946 gained the attention of policymakers in Washington and transformed his career. Leffler reviews Kennan’s legacy and ponders the implications of his thinking for the contemporary era. Is it Summary possible, Leffler wonders, to reconcile Kennan’s legacy with the newfound emphasis on a “democratic peace”? • Kennan’s thinking and policy prescriptions evolved quickly from the time he wrote the Melvyn P. Leffler, a former senior fellow at the United States “Long Telegram” in February 1946 until the time he delivered the Walgreen Lectures Institute of Peace, won the Bancroft Prize for his book at the University of Chicago in 1950. -
Contesting the Domain and Content of International Politics Theories Of
Russia and the West: contesting the domain and content of international politics Theories of nationalism show us that a fundamental feature of politics is contestation over the borders of political communities, the values that constitute such communities, how ‘thick’ the norms based on those values should be, and how they should be determined. Addressing the conference theme, this paper argues that such ‘meta-politics’ is also a feature of the international arena, and that Russian relations with the West can be understood within this framework. First, Russia seeks to be treated as an equal interlocutor in the development of international norms and common positions in relation to events. Second, Russia contests the degree to which ‘thick’ norms should be developed at the international level. While the first point constitutes a call for the politicization of the international – against the tendency of Western powers, perceiving themselves to be uniquely virtuous, to dictate international norms that are expected to be binding on all members of the international community – the second is an attempt to circumscribe such politicization and preserve the position of the state as the primary space in which politics takes place. In short, international relations should be politicized, but the scope of such politics should be limited. Introduction In considering the politics of international relations, a clichéd but useful starting point might be to ask: what is politics? Here are three definitions: • ‘Politics is the activity or process by which groups reach and enforce binding decisions’ (Hague and Harrop 2013). • ‘Politics is the process through which power and influence are used in the promotion of certain values and interests’ (Danziger 2013). -
Global Governance 2025: at a Critical Juncture
Global Governance 2025: at a Critical Juncture NIC 2010-08 September 2010 This page was intentionally left blank. This page was intentionally left blank. Global Governance 2025: At a Critical Juncture Inquiries regarding this report may be made to Mathew Burrows, Counselor to the National Intelligence Council, on (703) 482-0741 and to the EU Institute of Security Studies on 0033-1-56-89-19-51. NIC 2010-08 September 2010 This page was intentionally left blank. Preface The United States’ National Intelligence Council (NIC) and the European Union’s Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) have joined forces to produce this assessment of the long-term prospects for global governance frameworks. This exercise builds on the experience of the two institutions in identifying the key trends shaping the future international system. Since the mid 1990s, the NIC has produced four editions of its landmark Global Trends report. The most recent one, Global Trends 2025: A Transformed World, published in late 2008, noted that momentous change was ahead, with the gap between increasing disorder and weakening governance structures widening. The EUISS produced the first EU-level report on the factors affecting the evolution of the international system in 2006, The New Global Puzzle. What World for the EU in 2025? The report stressed that a multipolar system is emerging and that matching the new distribution of power with new rules and institutions will be critical to preserving international peace and stability. The US and the EU do not always see eye to eye on every issue on the international agenda, but they share fundamental values and strategic interests to an extent not matched by any other partners in the world. -
The Future of EU-Russian Relations: a Common European Home?
The Future of EU-Russian Relations: a Common European Home? Judas Everett National Research University Higher School of Economics Plan Part I 1. What is a Common European Home? 2. Why did it fail to materialise? Part II 1. Do shared aims, freedoms, values and responsibilities exist between Russia and the EU today? A Common European Home ● Mikhail Gorbachev gave an address to the Council of Europe (6 July 1989) ‘Now that the twentieth century is entering a concluding phase and both the post-war period and the cold war are becoming a thing of the past, the Europeans have a truly unique chance — to play a role in building a new world, one that would be worthy of their past, of their economic and spiritual potential’ Why did it fail to materialise? ● Vagueness of proposals ● Security concerns ○ Gorbachev wanted to extend the remit of OSCE ○ Promises not to extend NATO ○ Promises which were not kept ● Unwillingness to include Russia ● NATO–Russia Council (replaced the NATO–Russia Permanent Joint Council) Do shared aims, freedoms, values and responsibilities exit between Russia and the EU today? Attitudes to LBGT+ Attitudes to LBGT+ ● 47% of Russians support equal rights for gay people in general. ● 63% would accept an acquaintance’s homosexuality Eurobarometer 2019: % of people in each country who "total agree" with the statement that "Gay, lesbian and bisexual people should have the same rights as heterosexual people." Sweden 98% Luxembourg 87% Malta 73% Czech 57% Croatia 44% Republic Netherlands 97% France 85% Austria 70% Lithuania 53% Bulgaria -
Russia's Turn to Eurasia
CSS Policy Perspectives ETH Zurich Vol. 6/5, August 2018 Russia’s Turn to Eurasia Russian efforts to integrate some post-Soviet states into the common framework of the Eurasian Economic Union could have a lasting impact—Europe should take note. By Jeronim Perović oscow’s failure to make Ukraine part of its Eurasian economic, political and military weight in order to influ- Meconomic integration project was a severe blow to ence developments in its neighborhood. It was only from Russian foreign policy ambitions. Notwithstanding the early 2000s onwards that Russia’s position in the re- Ukraine’s turn to the West, however, Russia has continued gion was destabilizing, as Western states and organizations its integration efforts in the post-Soviet space, resulting in began to make inroads. The Baltic states became NATO the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union members in 2004, the first oil and gas pipelines circum- (EAEU) in 2015. The EAEU’s overall economic perfor- venting Russian territory were built with the help of for- mance has been modest so far, and the organization, con- eign companies, and China started to expand economically sisting of Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia, and Kyr- into Central Asia. gyzstan, has a long way to go before it achieves its goal of Moscow’s decision to push for regional economic forming an EU-style internal market with free movement integration was a reaction to these processes. So far, Mos- of goods, services, people and capital. But there have been cow’s primary interest has not been in the economic side of tangible achievements in various sectors, and ambitions for integration (after all, trade with EAEU members accounts the future are high. -
Survey of Science-A New Decade Begins
SCIENCE IN 1990 Survey of science-a new decade begins At the beginning of the 1990s what more astonishing sight than that of Eastern Europe, a year ago still isolated behind the iron curtain, standing on the verge of reintegration into the common European home of science. The changes in Europe and the Soviet Union, as well as the rapidly-growing importance of international cooperation (and competition) in science will set many of the big science policy issues of 1990. national scientific projects will almost likelihood that the excitements of 1989 The changes certainly increase (East Germany, in par will be projected into the year ahead. To ticular, has its sights set on CERN, ESA, be in or near Moscow is absorbing, but in the East and Eureka). Glasnost will mean lifting inimical to peace of mind. secrecy on environmental issues, and new Lobbying has already begun for the Europe cross-border cooperation to deal with elections to the Soviet Academy, likely in DESPITE the political reforms, material specific problems. In Czechoslovakia, the spring, with Yu. A. Osipyan, the solid relief for Eastern Europe's impoverished Civic Forum has declared its opposition to state physicist, mentioned frequently as a scientific community has yet to arrive. In the controversial Danube hydro-electric likely successor to Gurii Marchuk, the Poland, for example, where the 'semi scheme, and has approached the Hungar present president. Whether election will democratic' elections last June flooded ians about creating an Austrian-Czecho bring reform of the academy's cumber the new two-chamber parliament with slovak-Hungarian wetlands reserve. -
Harvardasia Quarterly
FALL 2012, Vol. XIV, No. 3 Harvard Asia Quarterly A Journal of Current Affairs Affiliated with the Harvard University Asia Center INSIDE: South Asian Perspectives in the Modern Context JHUMA SEN · The Trial of Errors in Bangladesh: The ICTA and the 1971 Interview: TARUN KHANNA · On India, China, and Innovation War Crimes Trial SANGEETA MEDIRATTA · The Affair of the Greased Cartridge: Traveling EMILIAN kavaLSKI · “Brand India” or “Pax Indica”? The Myth of Stories, Unraveling Empires, and the Sepoy Revolt of 1857 Assertive Posturing in India’s Post-1998 Foreign Policy Making SUVOBRATA SARKAR · Colonization, Technical Education, and the SHAMSUL KHAN · Middle Powers and the Dynamics of Power Shift: Bengali Bhadralok: Studies on the Politics of Knowledge, 1856-1905 Conceptualizing the Economics and Geopolitical Implications of Pax Sinica rao IMRAN HABIB & MAHDI ZAHRAA · Judicial Independence in DOUGLAS HILL · Alternative Institutional Arrangements: Managing Pakistan: A Brief Historical Account Transboundary Water Resources in South Asia Harvard Asia Quarterly FALL 2012, Vol. XIV, No. 3 EDIToR-IN-chief Allan Hsiao AREA EDIToRS China AREA Head Editor: Rui Guo Huiyi Chen Michael Chenkin oliver Kerr Florin-Stefan Morar Hannah Waight Japan AREA Head Editor: Rebecca Tompkins Alissa Murray Danica Truscott Valerie Zinner KoREA AREA Head Editor: Keung Yoon Bae Russell Burge Inga Diederich Justin Thomas SoUTH/SoUTHEAST ASIA AREA Head Editors: Erum Sattar, Jonathan Lim Leandro Angelo Y. Aguirre Jesusa Arellano-Aguda Pawat Satayanurug Ying Xia The Harvard Asia Quarterly is a journal of current affairs affiliated with the Harvard University Asia Center. LETTER FRoM THE EDIToR Dear Reader, The current edition of the Harvard Asia Quarterly represents a collection of perspectives on the issues facing South Asian society today. -
Going Regional the Russian Way: the Eurasian Economic Union Between Instrumentalism and Global Social Appropriateness
GR:EEN Working Paper Author: Diana Shendrikova, GR:EEN Visiting Researcher at ISPI – Italian Institute for international Political Studies Going regional the Russian way: The Eurasian Economic Union between instrumentalism and global social appropriateness Introduction In his A Russian idea (1946), the philosopher Alexander Berdyaev divided Russia’s history in five major epochs: “There is Kiev Russia, Russia during the Tatar invasion, Moscow Russia, Russia of Peter the Great, Soviet Russia. It is possible that there will be some other new Russia. Russia’s historical development has been catastrophic”1. Expanding Berdyaev’s periodization, the current stage of Russia’s history might be defined ‘Eurasian Russia’, at least to the extent that the country’s current foreign policy seems to be actually underpinned – if not utterly driven – by the willingness to embrace an epochal trend orienting its development. This sort of ‘manifest destiny’ hinges on the East/West divide that has constantly characterized the country’s identity – as well as the political agenda of its leaders, These powerful opposing pulls have often resulting in an ambition for a distinct ‘Russian way’, more or less consistently combined with the Eurasian perspective, bestowing on Russia the role of bridging between the Western European and Eastern cultures.2 1 Николай А. Бердяев, Русская идея. О России и русской философской культуре: философы русского послеоктябрьского зарубежья Nikolay A. Berdyaev, The Russian Idea: On Russia, Russian philosophical culture: philosophers of Russian post-October immigration, Moscow, 1990, Chapter I 2 See more: Marlèn Laruelle, L’ideologie eurasiste russe, ou comment penser l’empire, Paris, L'Harmattan, 1999;, Всеволод Н. -
Foreign Policy Research Institute
Foreign Policy Research Institute FOOTNOTES Vol. 12, No. 5 The Newsletter of the Marvin Wachman Fund for International Education February 2007 CHINESE FOREIGN POLICY by June Teufel Dreyer June Teufel Dreyer is professor of political science at the University of warming of relations with the USSR. This had the advantage Miami and an FPRI senior fellow. This presentation was made of allowing China to play one of these powers off against the at FPRI’s Understanding China A History Institute for Teachers, other, doing so very successfully until the disintegration of held October 21–22, 2006 at Carthage College, Kenosha, the Soviet Union in 1989. Wisconsin. The Institute was co-sponsored by the Clausen With the global balance of power now unipolar, the Chinese Center for World Business and School of Professional Studies, government felt vulnerable. Moreover, the only remaining both of Carthage College, and supported by a grant from The superpower was proving difficult to deal with. Washington Annenberg Foundation. was particularly critical of China after the 1989 Tiananmen China has had many foreign policies since the founding of incident, urging it to implement human rights protections the PRC in 1949. For its first five years, the PRC followed a and to evolve into a liberal democratic state. The U.S. then “lean to one side” policy. As explained by Chairman Mao invaded Iraq in 1991 to force it to disgorge Kuwait, albeit Zedong, this meant that “whoever is not with us”--the with approval from the UN Security Council. A reluctant socialist-communist camp--“is against us.” Then from 1955- China at first threatened to veto, arguing that Iraq‟s 57 it pursued a markedly different and much more sovereign rights were being violated, but with its Most accommodative policy.