Profiles of Minor Parties and Their Positions Within the Australian Political Landscapes of ‘Racism’, 1999 and 2003 New South Wales State Elections 1

Stephen Smith, UNSW, New South Wales ([email protected]) Chasing the ‘race’ and ‘ethnic’ votes: Profiles of minor parties and their positions within the Australian political landscapes of ‘racism’, 1999 and 2003 New South Wales State Elections 1

Introduction

The candidate standings, political agenda and voter support base of a political party provide indications of the geography of their voter support, and where the messages from their political agenda resonate strongest among the body politic. My research focuses on the candidate standings and the voter support bases of Australians Against Further Immigration (AAFI), One Nation (ONP) and Unity (UNI) in Greater Sydney at the 1999 and 2003 NSW State elections. The Greater Sydney region consists of fifty-six of the NSW Legislative Assembly’s ninety-three electorates. These electorates are located in the Central Coast, Sydney Metropolitan and Blue Mountains regions. The total numbers of registered voters in these electorates totalled over 2.5 million people. I have also examined the ‘political agendas’ on immigration and multiculturalism presented by the three parties, made comparisons with international parties, and looked at how the conditionality of the political landscape impact upon the activities and success of minor parties.

Literature on Australian minor parties can best be described as fairly limited. Discussion of AAFI (see Economou, 1999 and Newman, 1995) and UNI (see Healy, 1999 and 2001 and Money, 1999) has been especially scarce. There has been more prominent coverage given to the ONP (for example see Goot, 1998; Goot and Watson, 2001; Johnson, 1998 and 2000 and Maddox, 2000). There has been greater coverage given to minor parties in the international context, especially on far right-wing minor parties in Western Europe. Examples of these political parties include the British National Party (BNP) and National Front (NF) in Britain (see Eatwell, 1998 and Kushner, 1994), Front National (FN) in France (see Ivaldi, 1996 and Mayer, 1998), Republikaner (REP) in Germany (see Bergmann, 1994 and Winkler and Schumann, 1998) and Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) in Austria (see Mudde, 1999 and Pedahzur and Brichta, 2002). There is also general theoretical discussion of supporter bases of minor political parties and reasons for their emergence from within the body politic (see Betz, 1998; Immerfall, 1998; Kitschelt, 1995 and Saggar, 2000) and the challenges these parties face in remaining viable participants in various electoral systems (see Gerring, 2005). This literature has enabled a comparative context and greater depth for discussion of Australian minor parties.

Method

There were two methods that were used in this research. First, an analysis of candidate standings was undertaken to examine the perceptions of the geography of voter support bases for each party. A comparison of the number of candidates that AAFI, the ONP and UNI fielded at the 1999 and 2003 NSW State elections in Greater Sydney electorates are outlined in Figure 1. Second, voter support bases were analysed using socio-economic and demographic variables from the 2001 Census compiled by D’Arney (2003). These variables included non-Anglo population presence, age, educational qualifications and economic disadvantage indicators such as unemployment rate and presence of low-income earning families. Analysis conducted using these variables enabled identification of the key Smith – Chasing the ‘Race’ and ‘Ethnic’ Votes 2 characteristics of the voter support bases for each of AAFI, the ONP and UNI in Greater Sydney.

Political party profiles

Australians Against Further Immigration (AAFI) was formed in 1989 with an ethos of advocating an end to net immigration as a source of population growth (Newman, 1995:46- 47). AAFI has suggested that Australia should reduce its immigration intake to 20,000- 30,000 persons per year (zero-net). This argument is reflected in the party expressions of concern about illegal immigrants and desire to present this issue on the political agenda:

Illegal immigrants, their tactics to force their way here, their loyalty to Australia in the light of war on terrorism, ethnic based assaults in south-west Sydney and drug dealing in Cabramatta are all of a sudden presented to the voter as he [sic] casts his [sic] vote. (AAFI cited in NSW SEO, 2003a:1)

Furthermore, the party has argued that ‘[t]he people have never been consulted on, or given their consent to, the interwoven policies of immigration and multiculturalism’ (AAFI cited in NSW SEO, 2003a:1). AAFI have accused both major parties of attempting to avoid discussion of immigration and multiculturalism issues ‘for fear of alienating any ethnic group which they so often cringe to secure extra votes at an election’ (AAFI cited in NSW SEO, 2003a:1). Clearly, AAFI are a political party that has used an anti-immigration and anti-multiculturalism platform to appeal to voters for support, and to critique the stance of the major political parties on these issues.

The One Nation Party (ONP) is another example of a political party that has presented an anti-immigration and anti-multiculturalism platform to voters. Initially formed in 1997 by Pauline Hanson2, Johnson (2000:44-45) indicated that the party has drawn upon electoral resentments and articulating the fears and concerns felt by many Australians to develop its political platform. The ONP has argued that ‘[t]he cultural, ethnic and racial makeup of Australia must not be radically altered through immigration without the express consent of the Australian people through referenda’ (ONP cited in NSW SEO, 2003b:1). This statement was directed at voters who support the pro-assimilationist stance of the party and feel alienated by government policies on immigration-related issues. The ONP has also argued that government activities should focus on the assimilation of immigrants, multiculturalism should be abolished along with associated funding, and that individuals and groups wanting to maintain their cultural heritage should do so using their own resources. The equation that best describes the policy approach adopted by the ONP to attract voter support is that high immigration levels plus multicultural policies have equalled the collapse of social cohesion in Australia. This equation reflects a key grievance that is felt by a section of predominantly Anglo-Celtic voters whom the ONP has targeted to attract electoral support (Johnson, 1998:216).

The Unity Party (UNI) has been included in this research as an example of a minor party that is both politically and ideologically different from both AAFI and the ONP. UNI was formed in 1998 to mobilise voter support for multiculturalism. Healy (1999:51 and 54) and Money (1999:14) indicated that the party has developed a unique pro-immigration and pro- multiculturalism agenda to appeal within the body politic. This has been reflected in UNI’s description of Australia as a ‘modern multicultural society, diverse and essentially Smith – Chasing the ‘Race’ and ‘Ethnic’ Votes 3 harmonious’ (UNI cited in NSW SEO, 2003c:1). UNI has called for Australian society to be a society ‘where the rights of all our communities are valued’ (UNI cited in NSW SEO, 2003c:1). UNI has also called upon Australians ‘to work towards creating a society that is harmonious, culturally rich and cohesive in its diversity’ (UNI cited in NSW SEO, 2003c:1). This viewpoint has been reflected in UNI’s immigration policy through calling for a fair and balanced immigration program that enriches Australian society, culture and economy (UNI, 2002). UNI has supported and promoted a platform that embraces immigration and multiculturalism as beneficial to Australian society and rejects racism through aiming to improve community relations.

Candidate Standings

Australians Against Further Immigration (AAFI) AAFI’s candidate standings remained relatively constant between the two elections in terms of its geographical spread. AAFI did not contest inner city and some middle-ring suburban electorates. However, the party fielded more candidates at the 1999 election than the 2003 election in Greater Sydney. At the 1999 election, AAFI fielded fifty-two candidates whilst at the 2003 election, AAFI fielded thirty-four candidates in Greater Sydney - a decrease of eighteen (refer Figure 1). Economou (1999:245) suggested that AAFI candidacy has often been sporadic at general elections. The 1999 and 2003 NSW State elections are two examples of general elections that would affirm Economou’s description. AAFI has increasingly focussed its efforts on building a ‘core’ electoral support base located in outer suburban electorates. These electorates are the section of the body politic where voters are most likely to support the party’s pro-assimilationist position. However, the ability of AAFI to sustain a widespread geographical presence of candidates has been hampered through sporadic candidate numbers and limited available resources for election campaigning. This has consequently impacted on the ability of the party to attract voter attention during an election campaign.

One Nation (ONP) Similar to AAFI, the ONP had more candidates contest the 1999 election than at the 2003 election. At the 1999 election, the ONP fielded fifty-five candidates, and the party had the largest geographical presence of candidates in Greater Sydney. At the 2003 election, the ONP fielded only twenty-five candidates - a decrease of thirty (refer Figure 1). The geographical spread of candidates contracted significantly with the party focussing mostly on outer suburban electorates. This could be regarded as an attempt to limit the impact of decreased voter support for the party. The decline in the number of ONP candidates can be attributed partly to internal organisational turmoil resulting from a non-democratic party structure (Maddox, 2000: 376) that lead to situations such as the split in the party in NSW (refer footnote 2) and legal action over preselection for the party’s 2003 NSW Legislative Council Election ticket (see Gibbs and Glendinning, 2003:4). Also, Gerring’s (2005:96) observation that ‘it is difficult for minor parties to sustain themselves in a stable fashion over long periods of time’ has relevance for the predicament that the ONP has faced in NSW. Consequently, the ONP may have decided to focus only on outer suburban electorates in an attempt to conserve declining resources.

Smith – Chasing the ‘Race’ and ‘Ethnic’ Votes 4

Figure 1: Candidate standings of Australians Against Further Immigration, One Nation and Unity in Greater Sydney electorates, 1999 and 2003 NSW State elections.

UNI

ONP 2003 1999 Political party AAFI

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Number of candidates

Sources: NSW State Electoral Office (1999), ‘Legislative Assembly Results’, NSW State Electoral Office Online, http://www.seo.nsw.gov.au/electoral_district_index/ results_by_district/index.html; NSW State Electoral Office (2003d), ‘2003 Candidates- Legislative Assembly’, NSW State Electoral Office Online, http://www.seo.nsw.gov.au/ electoral_districts_menu/district_index/index.html.

Unity (UNI) In contrast to AAFI and the ONP, the number and geographical presence of UNI candidates increased between the 1999 and 2003 elections. At the 1999 election, UNI fielded twenty- six candidates, whilst at the 2003 election UNI fielded forty-eight candidates and had the largest geographical presence of candidates in Greater Sydney (refer Figure 1). The geographical presence of UNI candidates expanded from inner city and middle-ring suburban electorates into the outer suburban electorates. However, it was the section of the body politic who have been described by Healy (2001:64) as the ‘uni-trained intelligentsia’, and by Hage (1998:44) as the ‘cosmo-multiculturalists’, that generally reside in inner city and middle-ring suburban electorates who provided UNI with its strongest growth in electoral support. These voters are generally the most tolerant of immigration and multiculturalism, and are opposed to racism. The increased presence of UNI candidates across Greater Sydney has enabled the party to further diversify and develop its electoral support base.

Supporter base profiles

The voter support base of AAFI has mainly occurred in electorates that are generally characterised by low non-Anglo populations, younger age populations, large presence of lesser-educated persons and economic disadvantage, evident through high unemployment rates and a large presence of working class households. These electorates were generally Smith – Chasing the ‘Race’ and ‘Ethnic’ Votes 5 located in outer suburban areas of Greater Sydney. When assessing AAFI’s electoral support base in an international context, the voters are those found to be most receptive to the demonising of ‘foreigners’ (Bergmann, 1994:68). Thus, AAFI’s support base has been strongest among sections of the community that concur with the aforementioned grievances the party has with the impacts of immigration and multiculturalism on Australian society.

The electoral support base of the ONP is comprised mostly of electorates that are generally characterised by low non-Anglo populations, younger populations, a larger presence of lesser-educated persons, economic disadvantage and a large presence of blue-collar workers (Goot, 1998:57; Goot and Watson, 2001:514; Johnson, 1998:216 and Money, 1999:15). When comparing the ONP’s support base in Greater Sydney with those of international far right-wing political parties, the party has attracted support from voters described by Eatwell, in the British context, as those who feel ‘a sharp loss of community’ (1998:149). This concern has resonated most strongly among voters in the outer suburban electorates of Greater Sydney, who are often concerned about the impacts of immigration and multicultural policies at a local community level. The ONP developed a support base where economic disadvantage and anti-immigration and anti-multiculturalism sentiment have been key factors in attracting voter support.

The electoral support base of UNI differs dramatically from those of AAFI and the ONP. Two key constituencies within the body politic have emerged as the party’s electoral support base. The first constituency is comprised of non-Anglo persons who have experienced economic disadvantage and often have limited education. This voter support base reflects an effort that UNI has undertaken, described in the British context by Saggar (2000:215), as an attempt to mobilise support from ethnic minorities. For example, Healy (2001:64) has suggested that the Indochinese community has had a crucial role in the formation of UNI’s electoral support base. Two examples of these electorates are the South- Western Sydney seats of Cabramatta and Fairfield where UNI has recorded its strongest electoral support. The second constituency is comprised of voters who are generally tertiary-educated and often medium-high income earners, which includes some Anglos. This constituency has been described by Betz (1994:103) as those who are willing to face changes within the world, such as that brought about by immigration and multiculturalism. This constituency includes those who have been earlier described as the ‘uni-trained intelligentsia’ (Healy, 2001:64), and also the ‘cosmo-multiculturalists’ (Hage, 1998:44). The geography of the party’s support base differs from AAFI and the ONP as the party recorded its strongest electoral support in middle-ring and inner city suburban electorates. UNI’s electoral support base has been developed in communities, and particular parts of the city, where there are greater levels of tolerance towards immigration and multiculturalism.

The future of minor parties in the Australian body politic

As discussed earlier AAFI, the ONP and UNI have targeted electorates where their already established political agendas are likely to find support among voters. AAFI and the ONP have both presented agendas that oppose immigration and multiculturalism. These have resonated strongest in electorates characterised by large Anglo populations, a large presence of lesser-educated persons and blue-collar workers, and economic disadvantage. These voters generally reside in outer suburban electorates in Greater Sydney. In contrast, UNI has presented an agenda that embraces immigration and multiculturalism. This has attracted support from voters residing in different parts of Greater Sydney; in particular, the inner Smith – Chasing the ‘Race’ and ‘Ethnic’ Votes 6 city and middle-ring suburban electorates. The electoral support that UNI has attracted has been diverse, ranging from non-Anglo communities such as the Indochinese community (Healy, 2001:64), to those voters who are generally tertiary educated and middle-high income earners who are most willing to face changes in the world (Betz, 1994:103). AAFI, the ONP and UNI have presented voters with a choice of political agendas between anti- immigration and anti-multiculturalism and pro-immigration and pro-multiculturalism.

Whilst these political agendas have appealed to different sections of the body politic, the ability of these parties to continue to attract voter support and promote their respective agendas are crucial to maintaining a presence in the political landscape. These three political parties have key challenges to face through increased competition to attract voter support from other political parties, and the promotion of other political agendas within the body politic, especially those promoting ‘traditional’ values.

The ability of these three parties to use their respective political agendas to attract electoral support is dependent upon the political climate. These groundswells and shifts have rarely been analysed as explanations of the future prospects of minor parties in Western democracies. There are two key factors that impact upon these parties remaining as relevant political participants.

The first factor is that an effort has been made by ‘mainstream’ conservative political parties to steal the political ground of the far right-wing political parties. An example of how this has been achieved was described by Marr and Wilkinson (2003:283) in relation to Prime Minister John Howard’s strategy to ‘capture’ voter support for the Liberal Party from the ONP at the 2001 Federal Election: ‘[b]y carefully finessing his response to Hanson for years, then seizing [Hanson’s] policy on boat people, John Howard had made One Nation irrelevant’. This factor has reflected a situation described by Gerring (2005:98) whereby ‘[m]inor party performance is politically conditional’. For example, major political parties have the means to condition the political landscape to suit their own interests, and often at the expense of minor political parties. This political conditioning described by Gerring has impacts for AAFI and the ONP, evident through decreased voter support and reductions in resources available for election campaigning. In the case of the ONP, these impacts have been further exacerbated through internal party turmoil.

The second factor that has impacted upon minor party participation has been a reduced political prominence and interest in multiculturalism across ‘mainstream’ political parties. This could be linked to lesser mainstream support for multiculturalism and anti-racism, thus providing a ‘space’ for UNI to capture voter support and develop its support base. UNI’s pro-multiculturalism stance may have attracted support from sections of the body politic who have concerns about racism. This increased support for UNI maybe the legacy of ‘cracks [appearing] in the armor of [the] major parties’ (Gerring, 2005:98) through a lack of comment being presented on multiculturalism. UNI may also have attracted voters who are the targets of the resentment politics of AAFI and the ONP. Being targets of resentment, because of a perception of causing job displacement or being a threat to Anglo cultural hegemony, may generate an electoral desire to vote for a clearly pro-multiculturalism party (Bergmann, 1994:69 and 70 and Kitschelt, 1995:31).

These groundswells and shifts in political debates can have dramatic impacts upon the electoral relevance of minor parties. The uneven political fortunes of AAFI, the ONP and Smith – Chasing the ‘Race’ and ‘Ethnic’ Votes 7

UNI in NSW illustrate the vulnerabilities of minor parties to such changes in the political landscape.

Stephen Smith is Research Assistant, Geography Program, UNSW, on the ARC-funded project, “Measuring and mapping the experience of racism in Australia.” His main research interests are the geographies of racism, and electoral and political geography. He has a forthcoming article in Electoral Studies.

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ENDNOTES: 1 This paper was presented at the UQ Australian Studies conference, ‘The Body Politic’ in Brisbane, 24-26 November 2004. It has been peer-reviewed and appears on the Conference Proceedings website by permission of the author who retains copyright. The paper may be downloaded for fair use under the Copyright Act (1954), its later amendments and other relevant legislation. 2 As part of this research, One Nation refers to two separate political parties: Pauline Hanson’s One Nation (PHON) and One Nation NSW Political Party (ONN). PHON was formed in 1997, and contested the 1999 NSW State Election. ONN was formed in 2002 as a breakaway from PHON by NSW MLC David Oldfield, and contested the 2003 NSW State Election. Whilst two separate parties contested the two elections, the main political platform has remained relatively constant.