AC Vol 44 No 22

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

AC Vol 44 No 22 www.africa-confidential.com 7 November 2003 Vol 44 No 22 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL KENYA 2 ZIMBABWE The best money can buy No chance, Mr President Party officials and military commanders are ignoring President ‘Why hire a lawyer when you can buy a judge?’ is a well-worn joke Mugabe’s orders to surrender their farms that the younger reformers in Several government ministers and senior military officers accused of grabbing farms are refusing to hand President Kibaki’s government want to make redundant. But their efforts them back to the state, according to a new report on land reform ordered by President Robert Mugabe. are being undermined by veteran Information Minister Jonathan Moyo, Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo and 13 other politicians and business people who ministers have secured several farms in violation of the government’s ‘one man, one farm’ rule, the report are using the purge of the judiciary says. Details of ministers’ and officers’ holdings are contained in a confidential annexe to the main report, to destroy their opponents. which has been discussed in cabinet. Mugabe asked former Secretary to the Government Charles Utete to investigate the findings of an GHANA 3earlier land audit by the Minister of State in Deputy President Joseph Msika’s office, Flora Buka. This had found major abuses of the land resettlement programme by senior officials (AC Vol 44 No 4). Buka’s Politics get crude audit reported that some of the worst violations of the land reform policy were perpetrated by Mugabe’s The row over crude oil supplies to closest political allies, such as Air Vice-Marshall Perence Shiri, Minister Moyo and Mugabe’s sister, the state-owned Volta River Sabina Mugabe. Authority is turning into a full-scale The Utete report, which was given a stronger investigative team than Buka’s, found that 178 political battle ahead of next year’s Zimbabweans, drawn predominantly from the political and military elite, had broken the terms of the land general elections. The head of the resettlement programme; Buka found just 41 wrongdoers. Some named have suggested that Buka’s VRA has resigned, the company slips further into debt and power report was a conspiracy by allies of presidential aspirant and Speaker of Parliament Emmerson supplies become more erratic. Mnangagwa to weaken his rivals, such as Defence Minister Sidney Sekeramayi. Although Mnangagwa is one of Zimbabwe’s wealthiest politicians, none of the land investigations has criticised his operations. Buka’s list of those violating the ‘one man, one farm’ rule included: Sekeramayi; Provincial Governors LIBERIA 4 Eliot Manyika, Peter Chanetsa, Josiah Hungwe; newspaper publishers Ibbo Mandaza and Mutumwa Taylor’s shadow Mawere; and Barclays Bank Chief Executive Alex Jongwe. Accusing fingers are pointing at Keeping the farms in the family ousted President Charles Taylor over new fighting in Nimba County. Only a few of those Buka named appear to have obeyed Mugabe’s order in July that they should keep just Rebuilding a base there would allow one of the farms they had been allocated and return the rest to the state. Moyo announced that he had Taylor to launch attacks into both withdrawn claims to an additional farm on 4 August. He is currently registered as the owner of one farm Guinea and Côte d’Ivoire, whose and his mother is registered as the new owner of another. About 24,000 acres of farmland (some 10,000 sponsorship of rebel militias critically hectares) had been handed back but the worst cases of land grabbing remain. weakened his regime. The Zimbabwe National Army commander, General Constantine Chiwenga, and Air Force Commander Shiri are also reported to have returned some of their allocated farms to the state. Yet Africa Confidential SOMALIA 6 has learned that no further action is to be taken against Shiri, a business and political ally of Mugabe’s, who was identified as owning at least three farms: one was the 3,600-acre Eirin Farm in Marondera, over New hopes, new three times the maximum size allowed. Shiri was described in Buka’s audit as trying to evict from Eirin dangers 96 landless families who had been allocated the farm under the government’s resettlement scheme. Although the bulk of Utete’s report has now been made public, the annexe listing 178 high-ranking Somalia’s peace deal is close to collapse. After the signing of the Zimbabweans violating the rules on land resettlement is being kept secret. On the first drafts of the full ceasefire a year ago in Eldoret, report circulated to cabinet, there was a note on page 97 referring to a secret annexe which would be made Kenya, the current talks there on available separately. To date, only a handful of people have been able to see and make copies of the reconciliation and power sharing annexe, presumably to limit political embarrassment. were meant to lay the basis for the The list includes Peter Chanetsa, Governor of Mashonaland West (Mugabe’s home province), whose restoration of a national government. More than half the Somali factions household is reported to own nine farms – one each for him and his wife, and one for each of their seven have walked away from the talks. children. One of the nine farms was handed over last month to the newly elected member of parliament for Makonde, Kindness Paradza. Mugabe appoints all provincial governors. Chanetsa was the government’s chief of protocol for the first decade of Mugabe’s rule. Governors chair the provincial land committee, which is mandated to allocate land under the resettlement programme. The Utete committee POINTERS 8 reported a turf war Mashonaland West. There Minister of Lands Joseph Made, Governor Chanetsa and EU/Africa, Nigeria & the provincial party Chairman, Phillip Chiyangwa are quarrelling over the right to allocate land. In Matebeleland, Governor Obert Mpofu is reported to have three farms amounting to 75,000 acres. Equatorial Guinea 7 November 2003 Africa Confidential Vol 44 No 22 from Lee Muthoga, the senior counsel on one of the tribunals. The KENYA two have been engaged in a 20-year feud dating back to when Muthoga presided over a discredited enquiry that forced Charles Njonjo, one of Moi’s most powerful rivals, out of the cabinet on charges of treason. Joseph Kamotho, another of Moi’s cabinet ministers, proposed that The best money can buy judges from Commonwealth countries sit on the tribunals. He was Kibaki’s reformers are purging the judges – ignored. The ‘Mount Kenya Mafia’, a powerful clique of Kikuyu to much applause politicians, is trying to control the purge. Justice Minister Kiraitu Murungi, doyen of Mount Kenya, together with his assistant Minister ‘Why hire a lawyer when you can buy a judge?’ runs a well-worn Robinson Githae and Solicitor General Wanjuki Mucemi, are Kenyan joke. It’s a joke that reformers in President Mwai Kibaki’s responsible for appointing acting judges to replace those suspended. government want to make redundant. The younger intake of ministers ‘They’re replacing one set of lackeys with another,’ was one complaint. and advisors argue that root and branch reform of the judicial system We hear Mount Kenya was instrumental in the supsension of is key to cleaning up politics. Yet their efforts are being undermined Kwach. Whatever evidence of corruption may be adduced against by veteran politicians and business people who are using the purge of him, his removal will be politically expedient for the government. the judiciary as a way to destroy their opponents but lay open the Before December’s elections, Kibaki promised Kwach, a Luo, the reforms to charges of witch-hunting and score-settling. position of Chief Justice. But when Bernard Chunga resigned from Now 23 of the 56 senior judges have been suspended, following a the position in February (rather than face a tribunal himself), he was report into judicial corruption by Aaron Ringera, head of the Kenya succeeded by Evans Gicheru, a Kikuyu and old friend of Mount Anti-Corruption Authority (KACA). The judges will face tribunals, Kenya Mafia members. due to convene next month, which could lead to their dismissal and Four of the other Appeal Court judges, Shah, Lakha, Owuor and Ole prosecution. The most radical overhaul of the judiciary since Keiuwa, face allegations of gross misconduct; they also threw out a Independence in 1963 is causing mayhem in the courts but winning petition filed by Kibaki challenging Moi’s election victory in 1997. praise. United States Secretary of State Colin Powell, visiting last month, led the accolades – a welcome relief for a government which Bribes, sex and drugs faces growing criticism at home and abroad. Whatever the personal and political pressures for reform, the Ringera report shows a judicial system in crisis: Dead-end probes under Moi ● Appeal and High Court judges took bribes from both parties and Under President Daniel arap Moi, Kenyans became used to official then ruled in favour of the more generous. In exchange for a 6 million enquiries that hid more than they revealed. Government investigations Kenya shilling (US$76,000) bribe, a judge found for a politically were launched into the 1990 assassination of Foreign Minister Robert connected litigant in a major corruption case – even though the courts Ouko, the Goldenberg Scandal, politically motivated ethnic clashes, were in recess, he wasn’t the judge hearing the case and he made the official corruption and a host of murders and man-made disasters. ruling from his home in the middle of the night. Some were never published; all dragged on for years, thanks to ● Judges and magistrates of both sexes are accused of demanding government obstruction, prevarication and intimidation.
Recommended publications
  • Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
    Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program.
    [Show full text]
  • Special Edition
    Special Edition Issue #: 182 Tuesday, 14 May 2013 Calls for in- ‘May the force Women have 10 creased wom- be with you’ - years to make en’s representa- AN OPINION by the most of 60 tion gain mo- DELTA MILAYO seats mentum NDOU Calls for increased women’s rep- port Unit (WiPSU)’s launch of the ‘Vote for a Woman’ campaign held at the resentation gain momentum Other than being a litmus test for the Crowne Plaza hotel on 10 May 2013. determination and capacity of women to vote each other into Parliament, analysts Calls for increased women’s representa- say that this call for increased women WiPSU stated that the ‘Vote for a Wom- tion in political processes continue to representation will test the sincerity of an’ campaign was meant to accelerate gain momentum ahead of the upcoming the political parties themselves in honor- the number of women taking up positions watershed elections with women politi- ing the internal quota systems that some in Parliament and local government – a cians across the political divide singing of them created for aspiring female can- goal that appears to have won traction from the same political emancipation didates. hymn book. with female politicians from across the political divide. Buoyed by a Draft Constitution that has been largely hailed as a progressive docu- From Honorable Senator Tambudzani ment in terms of elevating the status of Mohadi of ZANU PF’s impassioned plea to Zimbabwean women, the goal of seeing fellow women whom she urged, more women in Parliament appears to be “Women leave your houses and go and the current preoccupation.
    [Show full text]
  • A Week of Protests - from Beitbridge to The
    A week of protests - From Beitbridge to the shutdown How was the conflict reported? 1 Contents 1.Background 2. The Beitbridge protest 2.1 The events 2.2 Who were the protesters? 2.3 Why did they protest? 3. The Monday Protests 4. The Shutdown 4.1 Who was behind it? 4.2 The ruling party's response 4.3 What happened on the 6th? 4.4 SADC and the protests 5. The official narrative 5.1 The Zimbabwe Republic Police 5.2 POTRAZ 5.3 The Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe 6. Conclusion 2 1. Background The events in the seven days beginning 1 July 2016, starting with the protests in the border town of Beitbridge have been momentous in the history of Zimbabwe. The reportage of these events show that there is no one story on Zimbabwe, but several stories, told from various perspectives, and the citizen is found in the middle, battling to decipher the truth. These narratives presented by the traditional media houses, social and alternative (mainly online) media as well as official statements make truth a tenuous concept, as facts are sometimes lost in a sometimes-tinted view of the world. Questions that arise include, after all the stories have been told, does the world have a clear idea of the current crisis in Zimbabwe, its root causes, possible impact, key players and what the possible resolution will look like? Do we have a clear idea of what the Zimbabwean story is? What is the role of the media in all this? Professional journalism is called upon to be truthful, fair, accurate and balanced, playing a critical role in informing the public and promoting public accountability, two critical preconditions for democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dynamics of Factionalism in ZANUPF: 1980–2017
    Midlands State University FACULTY OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES THE DYNAMICS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 – 2017 BY TAPIWA PATSON SISIMAYI (R0538644) DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE MIDLANDS STATE UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR A MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES ZVISHAVANE 2019 RELEASE FORM NAME OF AUTHOR: SISIMAYI TAPIWA PATSON TITLE OF PROJECT: THE DYNAMICS AND DIMENSIONS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 – 2017 PROGRAMME: MASTER OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES YEAR THIS MASTERS DEGREE WAS GRANTED: 2019 Consent is hereby granted to the Midlands State University to produce copies of this dissertation and to lend or sell such copies for scholarly or scientific research purpose only. The author reserves the publication rights and neither the dissertation nor extensive extracts from it may be published or otherwise reproduced without the author’s written permission. SIGNED: …………………………………………………………. EMAIL: [email protected] DATE: MAY 2019 ii DECLARATION Student number: R0538644 I, Sisimayi Tapiwa, Patson author of this dissertation, do hereby declare that the work presented in this document entitled: THE DYNAMICS AND DIMENSIONS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 - 2017, is an outcome of my independent and personal research, all sources employed have been properly acknowledged both in the dissertation and on the reference list. I also certify that the work in this dissertation has not been submitted in whole or in part for any other degree in this University or in any institute of higher learning. ……………………………………………………… …….…. /………. /2019 Tapiwa Patson Sisimayi Date SUPERVISOR: Doctor Douglas Munemo iii DEDICATION To my son Tapiwa Jr.
    [Show full text]
  • Women in the 7Th Parliament Current Position of Zimbabwean Women in Politics
    WOMEN IN POLITICS SUPPORT UNIT Women in the 7th Parliament Current Position of Zimbabwean Women in Politics WiPSU Providing support to women in Parliament and Local Government in Zimbabwe aiming to increase women’s qualitative and quantitative participation and influence in policy and decision making. WOMEN LEGISLATORS IN THE 7TH SESSION OF THE ZIMBABWEAN PARLIAMENT Parliament of Zimbabwe 2008 • Women make up 20% of the 7th Parliament of Zimbabwe. • 55 women legislators in the 7th Parliament out of a total of 301 legislators. • 23 women in the Upper House (Senate). • 34 Women in the Lower House (House of Assembly). • Edna Madzongwe is the current Senate President. • Nomalanga Khumalo is the Deputy Speaker of Parliament. WOMEN IN THE UPPER HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT Current Position of Women Number of Political Name of Senator Women in Senate Party • 23 Women Senators out 1 Siphiwe Ncube MDC (M) of a total of 91. 2 Agnes Sibanda MDC(T) • Constitutionally 3 more 3 Gladys Dube MDC(T) Senators are yet to be appointed.( there might be 4 Enna Chitsa MDC(T) more after the negotiations are 5 Sekai Holland MDC(T) concluded) • Women constitute 25% of 6 Rorana Muchiwa MDC(T) 2008 Upper House 7 Monica Mutsvangwa ZANU PF • President of the Senate 8 Kersencia Chabuka MDC (T) is female 9 Getrude Chibhagu ZANU PF 10 Angeline Dete ZANU PF 11 Alice Chimbudzi ZANU PF 12 Jenia Manyeruke ZANU PF 13 Gladys Mabhuza ZANU PF Senate President Edna Madzongwe ZANU PF 14 15 Chiratidzo Gava ZANU PF 16 Viginia Katyamaenza ZANU PF 17 Imelda Mandaba ZANU PF 18 Tambudzani Mohadi ZANU PF 19 Sithembile Mlotshwa MDC (T) 20 Tariro Mutingwende ZANU PF 21 Virginia Muchenge ZANU PF 22 Angeline Masuku ZANU PF 23 Thokozile Mathuthu ZANU PF 2 |WiPSU [email protected] or [email protected] WOMEN IN THE LOWER HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT Current Position of Political Women No.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Reporter Voice' and 'Objectivity'
    THE ‘REPORTER VOICE’ AND ‘OBJECTIVITY’ IN CROSS- LINGUISTIC REPORTING OF ‘CONTROVERSIAL’ NEWS IN ZIMBABWEAN NEWSPAPERS. AN APPRAISAL APPROACH BY COLLEN SABAO Dissertation presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University SUPERVISOR: PROF MW VISSER MARCH 2013 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za ii DECLARATION By submitting this dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Date: 17 September 2012 Copyright © 2013 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za iii ABSTRACT The dissertation is a comparative analysis of the structural (generic/cognitive) and ideological properties of Zimbabwean news reports in English, Shona and Ndebele, focusing specifically on the examination of the proliferation of authorial attitudinal subjectivities in ‘controversial’ ‘hard news’ reports and the ‘objectivity’ ideal. The study, thus, compares the textuality of Zimbabwean printed news reports from the English newspapers (The Herald, Zimbabwe Independent and Newsday), the Shona newspaper (Kwayedza) and the Ndebele newspaper (Umthunywa) during the period from January 2010 to August 2012. The period represents an interesting epoch in the country’s political landscape. It is a period characterized by a power- sharing government, a political situation that has highly polarized the media and as such, media stances in relation to either of the two major parties to the unity government, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T).
    [Show full text]
  • OTHER ISSUES ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & Mps, JUNE 2000
    Zimbabwe, Country Information Page 1 of 95 ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT OCTOBER 2003 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III ECONOMY IV HISTORY V STATE STRUCTURES VIA HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES VIB HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VIC HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & MPs, JUNE 2000 & MDC LEADERSHIP & SHADOW CABINET ANNEX F: MDC POLICIES, PARTY SYMBOLS AND SLOGANS ANNEX G: CABINET LIST, AUGUST 2002 ANNEX H: REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. SCOPE OF THE DOCUMENT 1.1 This country report has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The country report has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum / human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum / human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The country report is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the country report on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom.
    [Show full text]
  • Parliamentary Performance and Gender
    Parliamentary Performance and Gender Rumbidzai Dube, Senior Researcher November 2013 1 | Page EXECUTIVE SUMMARY A gendered analysis of the last year of the Seventh Parliament of Zimbabwe indicates that the general facilitatory and inhibitory dynamics affecting ordinary women’s participation in politics and decision-making are the same dynamics that affect women in Parliament. Women who take an active role in governance and political life are confronted by inhibiting factors including patriarchy and the violent nature of the political terrain. Women who manage to attain political office would have clearly overcome enormous hurdles relative to their male counterparts. In Parliament, women still have to deal with the pervasive patriarchal attitudes that at times prevent them from fully participating. Even the President has proven himself not to be immune to the prejudices of his gender with recent remarks that the limited number of women appointees in ministerial posts was due to the lack of educated and qualified women.1 With this broad context in mind, this report examines the performance of female parliamentarians versus their male counterparts, and is complementary to and draws from RAU’s earlier report on parliamentary attendance. Some key findings highlighted in this report: • Women were a significant minority in the Seventh Parliament 34/210 in the House of Assembly and 23/93 in the Senate; • As a group, female MPs attendance was more impressive than that of their male counterparts. All of them, except one, scored attendance rates
    [Show full text]
  • Africa Briefing, Nr. 38: Zimbabwe's Continuing Self-Destruction
    Update Briefing Africa Briefing N°38 Pretoria/Brussels, 6 June 2006 Zimbabwe’s Continuing Self-Destruction I. OVERVIEW increasingly close to martial law. It has banned rallies, marches and prayer meetings during the period surrounding the anniversary and put security forces With scheduled presidential elections less than eighteen on high alert. Growing numbers of students, religious months away, Zimbabwe faces the prospect of greater activists and members of other civil society groups have insecurity and violence. The economy’s free fall has been detained. deepened public anger, and the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party wants The rising influence of the military leadership in the to avoid a popular vote by using the legislature it controls succession struggle is troubling. Zimbabwe’s armed to establish a “transitional presidency” and appoint a forces have always been a pillar of the ruling party’s successor to Robert Mugabe, who has said he will retire. power but recent months have seen increasing military By engineering a transition, Mugabe also intends to secure involvement in the party machinery and policy formulation. a dignified personal exit that includes a retirement package The crumbling economy has meant a loss of government and security guarantees. However, such plans may come revenues, and the military rank and file are being paid less unglued due to wrangling within ZANU-PF. Through all and at irregular intervals, leading them into criminality, this the opposition Movement for Democratic Change allegedly including cross-border armed robbery. (MDC) has been weakened by a major leadership split. Government difficulties in paying the troops raise a question of whether the security forces can still be relied Low voter turnout in November 2005 deprived the newly on to put down protests.
    [Show full text]
  • ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004
    ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Zimbabwe April 2004 CONTENTS 1 Scope of the Document 1.1 –1.7 2 Geography 2.1 – 2.3 3 Economy 3.1 4 History 4.1 – 4.193 Independence 1980 4.1 - 4.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 4.6 - 4.9 Elections 1995 & 1996 4.10 - 4.11 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 4.12 - 4.13 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 4.14 - 4.23 - Background 4.14 - 4.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 4.17 - 4.18 - Election Results 4.19 - 4.23 - Post-election Violence 2000 4.24 - 4.26 - By election results in 2000 4.27 - 4.28 - Marondera West 4.27 - Bikita West 4.28 - Legal challenges to election results in 2000 4.29 Incidents in 2001 4.30 - 4.58 - Bulawayo local elections, September 2001 4.46 - 4.50 - By elections in 2001 4.51 - 4.55 - Bindura 4.51 - Makoni West 4.52 - Chikomba 4.53 - Legal Challenges to election results in 2001 4.54 - 4.56 Incidents in 2002 4.57 - 4.66 - Presidential Election, March 2002 4.67 - 4.79 - Rural elections September 2002 4.80 - 4.86 - By election results in 2002 4.87 - 4.91 Incidents in 2003 4.92 – 4.108 - Mass Action 18-19 March 2003 4.109 – 4.120 - ZCTU strike 23-25 April 4.121 – 4.125 - MDC Mass Action 2-6 June 4.126 – 4.157 - Mayoral and Urban Council elections 30-31 August 4.158 – 4.176 - By elections in 2003 4.177 - 4.183 Incidents in 2004 4.184 – 4.191 By elections in 2004 4.192 – 4.193 5 State Structures 5.1 – 5.98 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.5 Political System: 5.6 - 5.21 - ZANU-PF 5.7 -
    [Show full text]
  • The President
    3 2003 Compilation and Parts 100–102 Revised as of January 1, 2004 The President Published by: Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records Administration A Special Edition of the Federal Register VerDate mar<08>2004 10:49 Mar 12, 2004 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 8091 Sfmt 8091 C:\CFRS\PRESDOCS\2004\203005F.XXX PRFM99 PsN: 203005F U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2004 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: (202) 512-1800 Fax: (202) 512-2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–0001 ii VerDate mar<08>2004 10:49 Mar 12, 2004 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 8092 Sfmt 8092 C:\CFRS\PRESDOCS\2004\203005F.XXX PRFM99 PsN: 203005F Table of Contents Page List of Title 3 Compilations ................................................................. iv Explanation of the Code of Federal Regulations ................................ v Explanation of This Title ..................................................................... ix How To Cite This Title ........................................................................ xi Title 3 .................................................................................................... xiii 2003 Compilation—Presidential Documents ........................... 1 Chapter I—Executive Office of the President .......................... 359 Title 3 Finding Aids ............................................................................. 369 Tables ........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • B COUNCIL COMMON POSITION 2004/161/CFSP of 19 February 2004 Renewing Restrictive Measures Against Zimbabwe (OJ L 50, 20.2.200
    2004E0161 — EN — 25.02.2010 — 003.001 — 1 This document is meant purely as a documentation tool and the institutions do not assume any liability for its contents ►B COUNCIL COMMON POSITION 2004/161/CFSP of 19 February 2004 renewing restrictive measures against Zimbabwe (OJ L 50, 20.2.2004, p. 66) Amended by: Official Journal No page date ►M1 Council Decision 2005/444/CFSP of 13 June 2005 L 153 37 16.6.2005 ►M2 Council Decision 2005/592/CFSP of 29 July 2005 L 200 98 30.7.2005 ►M3 Council Common Position 2007/120/CFSP of 19 February 2007 L 51 25 20.2.2007 ►M4 Council Decision 2007/235/CFSP of 16 April 2007 L 101 14 18.4.2007 ►M5 Council Decision 2007/455/CFSP of 25 June 2007 L 172 89 30.6.2007 ►M6 Council Decision 2008/605/CFSP of 22 July 2008 L 194 34 23.7.2008 ►M7 Council Common Position 2008/632/CFSP of 31 July 2008 L 205 53 1.8.2008 ►M8 Council Decision 2008/922/CFSP of 8 December 2008 L 331 22 10.12.2008 ►M9 Council Common Position 2009/68/CFSP of 26 January 2009 L 23 43 27.1.2009 ►M10 Council Decision 2010/92/CFSP of 15 February 2010 L 41 6 16.2.2010 ►M11 Council Decision 2010/121/CFSP of 25 February 2010 L 49 30 26.2.2010 2004E0161 — EN — 25.02.2010 — 003.001 — 2 ▼B COUNCIL COMMON POSITION 2004/161/CFSP of 19 February 2004 renewing restrictive measures against Zimbabwe THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, Having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in particular Article 15 thereof, Whereas: (1) Pursuant to Common Position 2002/145/CFSP (1) the Council imposed a prohibition on the supply of arms and related materiel, on the provision of related technical training or assistance and on the supply of equipment that might be used for internal repression to Zimbabwe.
    [Show full text]