Anke K. Scholz, Martin Bartelheim, Roland Hardenberg and Jörn Staecker (Eds.) ResourceCultures Sociocultural Dynamics and the Use of Resources – Theories, Methods, Perspectives
C u r s e
TS M N O B . E V M E . A P M
O E L N S E u so rc T V e e s S E R a
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a t l i C. c s i VA S l a LUATION f t n i o o n C
RessourcenKulturen Band 5 ResourceCultures
rk RessourcenKulturen Band 5 Anke K. Scholz, Martin Bartelheim, Roland Hardenberg, and Jörn Staecker (Eds.)
ResourceCultures Sociocultural Dynamics and the Use of Resources – Theories, Methods, Perspectives
Tübingen 2017 Peer Review: The papers published in this volume were subject to an anonymous international peer review.
Cover Picture: The structure of SFB 1070 using a rotary model (Graphic: SFB 1070).
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ISBN 978-3-946552-08-6 http://hdl.handle.net/10900/74124 http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:21-dspace-741243 http://dx.doi.org/10.15496/publikation-15530
Redaktion: Uwe Müller, Marion Etzel, Henrike Michelau, Jadranka Verdonkschot Layout: Büro für Design, Martin Emrich, Lemgo Gestaltung und Druckvorstufe: Henrike Michelau Druck: Pro BUSINESS digital printing Deutschland GmbH
Printed in Germany Contents
Editors’ Preface ...... 7
I. Theories, Methods, Concepts
Roland Hardenberg, Martin Bartelheim and Jörn Staecker The ‘Resource Turn’. A Sociocultural Perspective on Resources ...... 13
Roland Hardenberg Dynamic Correspondences. RESOURCECULTURES ...... 25
Hans Peter Hahn Kinds of Resources and Ways of Perceiving. $QWKURSRORJLFDO5HȵHFWLRQVRQD&RQWHVWHG&DWHJRU\ ...... 35
Hartmut Leppin and Christian A. Müller Discourses of Weakness and Resource Regimes. Preliminary Remarks on a New Research Design ...... 45
Karina Iwe, Jeanne Féaux de la Croix and Susanne Fehlings Theoretical Promises and Practical Implementation. Interdisciplinary Encounters between Archaeologists and Ethnologists in a Collaborative Research Centre (SFB) ...... 57
II. Resources and Processes of Social Change
Norman Yoffee Prolegomena to the Study of Collapse, Resilience, and Sustainability. How do ‘Cultural Resources’ Help Us Understand the ‘Fate’ of Ancient Cities and States? ...... 73
Ingo Schrakamp Ressourcen und Herrschaft. RESSOURCENKULTUREN im Reich von Akkade (2300–2181 v. Chr.) ...... 81
Daniel T. Potts Resource Origins and Resource Movement in and around the Persian Gulf ...... 133
Tobias L. Kienlin World Systems and the Structuring Potential of Foreign-Derived (Prestige) Goods. On Modelling Bronze Age Economy and Society ...... 143
Erich Kistler, Birgit Öhlinger, Thomas Dauth, Ruth Irovec and Benjamin Wimmer Archaika as a Resource. The Production of Locality and Colonial Empowerment on Monte Iato (Western Sicily) around 500 BC ...... 159
III. Resources and Spatial Development
Martina Neuburger Geographical Approaches on Territorialities, Resources and Frontiers ...... 179 Gisela Grupe, Stefan Hölzl, Balazs Kocsis, Peer Kröger, Markus Mauder, Christoph Mayr, Eirini Ntoutsi, Wolfgang Schmahl, Frank Söllner, Anita Toncala and Dominika Wycisk Isotopic Mapping and Migration Research Based on Bioarchaeological Finds. The Interdisciplinary Project ‘Transalpine Mobility and Culture Transfer’ ...... 195
Jadranka Verdonkschot The (Dis-) Advantages of a Flood in Your Living Room. Landscape as a Decisive Factor for Wetland Settling in Neolithic Europe ...... 209
IV. Resources and the Symbolic Dimensions of Cultures
Steffen Patzold Variability of Tangible and Intangible Resources. The Example of Monastic Communities in Medieval Germany ...... 233
Richard Borshay Lee Resources, Material and Symbolic and Exchange Relations. An Example from the Kalahari .... 243
Sabine Klocke-Daffa ResourceComplexes, Networks, and Frames. The Sambatra in Madagascar ...... 253
Ulrich Müller Contested Identities. Die Nevada Test Site, Nevada, und das Welterbe Le Morne, Mauritius ..... 269 7
Editors’ Preface
This volume represents the contributions of the C u r s e international and interdisciplinary Conferences ‘DEVELOPMENTS – MOVEMENTS – VALUATIONS’ from November 6th to 9th 2014 and ‘RESOURCECULTURES – TS M Theories, Methods, Perspectives’ from November N O B . E V th th M E . 16 to 19 2015 at the Eberhard Karls University A P M
O E L N Tübingen organised by the collaborative research S E u so rc T V e e s S E R centre ‘SFB 1070 RESOURCECULTURES – Sociocultural a R
D e s Dynamics in the Use of Resources’ sponsored by c s o u r c e r the German Research Foundation (DFG). a t l The focus of SFB 1070 is on sociocultural dy- c i C. s i namics in connection with the use of resources. VA S l a LUATION f 5HVRXUFHVDUHGHȴQHGDVWKHWDQJLEOHDQGLQWDQJL- t n i o o ble means by which actors create, sustain or alter n C VRFLDOUHODWLRQVXQLWVRULGHQWLWLHV7KLVGHȴQLWLRQ abolishes the opposition between ‘natural’ and ‘cultural’ resources because even raw materials Fig. 1. The structure of SFB 1070 using a rotary extracted from natural environments are subject disc model. to cultural constructions. Further, it is assumed that resources in general are part of ‘ResourceCom- RUH[WHUQDOFRQȵLFWVRIVRFLHWLHVRULIUHODWHGWR plexes’, which often are combinations of things processes of sacralisation, may produce or repro- and representations, individuals or social groups, duce social inequalities or hierarchies. These phe- knowledge and practices. Based on this approach, nomena are subject of analysis within the sector ‘resource use’ not only refers to the exploitation divisions of the SFB. According to its structure, the and processing, distribution and utilisation of so- collaborative research centre can be represented cially relevant resources or resource complexes. as a rotary disc (Cover picture/ȴJ). It symbolises Instead, it leads to certain dynamics, i.e. multidi- that the assignments between project divisions and mensional processes of change, which may affect sector divisions are not rigid and irreversible, but parts of or even entire societies. instead may be combined in a multitude of ways Examining the role of resources within socio- (Bartelheim et al. 2015). cultural contexts from an intercultural and dia- The aim of the first international and inter- chronic point of view it is important to consider disciplinary Conference ‘DEVELOPMENTS – MOVEMENTS three different major dynamics: developments, – VALUATIONS’ was to highlight the thematic aspects PRYHPHQWVDQGYDOXDWLRQV7KLVLVUHȵHFWHGLQWKH that provide close substantial links between the structure of the collaborative research centre with individual projects of SFB 1070. Furthermore, new its three project divisions A. DEVELOPMENTS: Resourc- research approaches, hypotheses and perspectives es and Processes of Social Change, B. MOVEMENTS: Re- have been discussed with the international adviso- sources and Spatial Development, C. VALUATIONS: Re- ry board to stimulate interdisciplinary exchange sources and the Symbolic Dimensions of Cultures. RILGHDVDQGWRIDFLOLWDWHLQIRUPDWLRQȵRZEHWZHHQ Under certain conditions resources may turn into Archaeologists, Social and Cultural Anthropolo- DFXUVHWKH\PD\SOD\VLJQLȴFDQWUROHVLQLQWHUQDO gists, Historians, Philologists and Geographers. 8 Anke K. Scholz, Martin Bartelheim, Roland Hardenberg and Jörn Staecker
Fig. 2. The participants of the conference in November 2015.
The second international and interdisciplinary challenge within interdisciplinary networks like Conference ‘RESOURCECULTURES – Theories, Methods, the collaborative research centre SFB 1070 to join Perspectives’ (ȴJ) focused on discussing and ad- different views, strategies and potential to inves- vancing the essential concepts and theories of the tigate resources by the use of a common concept. SFB. In collaboration with respected national and The contributions are focussing on the approaches, international scientific experts future perspec- perspectives and limits of interdisciplinary cooper- tives for the collaborative research centre were ation for the analysis of resources as a basis for so- LGHQWLȴHGDQGH[SORUHG&RUUHVSRQGLQJO\WKHOHF- cial relations, units and identities within the frame- ture programme was structured into six sessions, work of culturally affected beliefs and practices, or covering the wide spectrum of interdisciplinary as a means to create, sustain and change them. research within the collaborative research centre Section II. Resources and Processes of Social SFB 1070 (Fehlings et al. 2016). Change according to project division A. DEVELOP- The chapters of this volume are oriented on the MENTS concentrates on diachronic studies about the session topics of the conferences: role of resources in processes of social and cultur- Section I. Theories, Methods, Concepts deals al change. The focus is on historical situations in with the contrast between the public under- which access to raw-materials and natural prod- standing of ‘resources’ as natural raw-materials ucts was granted locally, regionally or continuously – mainly based on economic perceptions – and through established ways of distribution. the differentiated views and assumptions from Section III. Resources and Spatial Development YDU\LQJSHUVSHFWLYHVLQGLIIHUHQWVFLHQWLȴFGLVFL- according to project division B. MOVEMENTS exam- plines. This leads to divers, unequal definitions, ines resources within the context of processes of concepts and theories, investigated by specific spatial development and settlement, discussing data bases, methods and approaches according to resources as an initial point of central importance the particular discipline. Correspondingly, it is a for these processes. There is a focus on resource Editors’ Preface 9
related preconditions for spatial development, but courses of event, further sociocultural develop- Anke K. Scholz ments within a newly acquired region, as well as University of Tübingen symbolic dimensions of the relevant resources are Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte und included. Archäologie des Mittelalters Section IV. Resources and the Symbolic Dimen- Schloss Hohentübingen, Burgsteige 11 sions of Cultures according to project division C. D-72070 Tübingen VALUATIONS is treating the aspect of value creation [email protected] by resources. The central topic is valuation, mean- ing and use of resources in different contexts. The Martin Bartelheim different kinds, media and contents of cultural rep- University of Tübingen resentations of resources and resource dynamics Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte und are addressed and the social effectiveness of the Archäologie des Mittelalters symbolic dimension of resources is discussed. Schloss Hohentübingen, Burgsteige 11 This conference volume not only offers an D-72070 Tübingen overview on the current state of research about [email protected] major questions and connected topics with the concept of RESOURCECULTURES but also allows a dia- Roland Hardenberg chronic comparison of case studies, covering all Institut für Ethnologie ages of human history. Norbert-Wollheim-Platz 1 Goethe Universität Frankfurt D-60629 Frankfurt am Main Acknowledgments [email protected]
The realisation of the conferences and publication Jörn Staecker RIWKLVYROXPHZHUHPDGHSRVVLEOHE\WKHȴQDQ - University of Tübingen cial support of the German Research Foundation Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte und (DFG). We would like to thank all the contributors Archäologie des Mittelalters and participants for their stimulating lectures and Schloss Hohentübingen, Burgsteige 11 fruitful discussions during the conferences and the D-72070 Tübingen authors for providing the manuscripts for this vol- [email protected] ume. Our special thanks go to Marion Etzel, Hen- rike Michelau, Uwe Müller and Jadranka Verdonk- schot for their excellent work with the editorial revision of the single articles and typesetting of the whole volume.
Bibliography
)HKOLQJVHWDO: S. Fehlings/R. Kunze/N. Nordström/K. Schmidt/F. Schön/A. K. Scholz/B. Schweizer/P. Sconzo/V. Sossau/J. Widmaier, Tagungsbericht. RESOURCECULTURES – Theories, Methods, Perspectives. International and Interdisciplinary Conference of the Collaborative Research Centre RESOURCECULTURES (SFB 1070), 16.11.2015–19.11.2015 Tübingen, in: H-Soz-Kult, last updated 11.04.2016,
%DUWHOKHLPHWDO: M. Bartelheim/R. Hardenberg/Th. Knopf/A. K. Scholz/J. Staecker, RESOURCECULTURES – A Concept for Investigating the Use of Resources in Different Societies. In: A. Danielisová/M. Fernán- dez-Götz (Hrsg.), Persistent Economic Ways of Living. Production, Distribution and Consumption in Late Prehistory and Early History. Archaeolingua 35 (Budapest 2015) 33–43.
I. Theories, Methods, Concepts
13
ROLAND HARDENBERG, MARTIN BARTELHEIM AND JÖRN STAECKER
The ‘Resource Turn’ A Sociocultural Perspective on Resources1
Keywords: resources, cultural turn, cultures, GHȴQLWLRQVRIWKHWHUPȆUHVRXUFHȇLQGLFWLRQDULHV materiality 1 like the Collins English Dictionary: ‘1. Capability, in- genuity, and initiative, [...] 2. (often pl.) a source of economic wealth, esp. of a country (mineral, land, Abstract labour, etc.) or business enterprise. 3. A supply or source of aid and support; something resorted to in Cultural studies have so far not developed a con- time of need’ (Sinclaire 1995, 1319). cept of resources that can be used in the analy- Economists have developed more differenti- sis of cultural dimensions of life across time and ated approaches and study resources from a varie- space. When used, the word ‘resource’ remains W\RISHUVSHFWLYHV0¾OOHU&KULVWGLVWLQJXLVKHVGHȴ- ȴUPO\URRWHGLQHFRQRPLFDSSURDFKHV5HVRXUFHV nitions of ‘resources’ based on Produktions theorie DUHLGHQWLȴHGDVQDWXUDOSURGXFWVPHDQVRISUR- (input-transformation-output theory), on Wettbe- duction, signs of wealth or forms of subsistence. werbstheorie (resource-based view) and on Sys- We argue for a resource turn in cultural studies to temtheorie (means-end continuum). According to be achieved by widening the concept of resources WKHȴUVWGHȴQLWLRQUHVRXUFHVDUHIDFWRUVRISURGXF- as an analytical category to cover intangible di- tion; according to the second they are organisation- mensions, by replacing an essentialist with a con- al requirements for economic success; according structivist perspective; by shifting analysis from to the third they comprise different means used to individual actors to wider relationships, networks, maintain systems (Müller-Christ 2011, 167–170). institutions and systems; and by highlighting his- In this approach the distinction between tangible torical contingencies and cultural meanings in the (land, tools, capital) and intangible (knowledge, re- LGHQWLȴFDWLRQRIUHVRXUFHV lations, structures) resources is fundamental (Stor- berg 2002, 469). In recent years economic studies focussed on intangible resources (e.g. Mohldaschl 1. Introduction DQGVKRZDWHQGHQF\WRH[SDQGWKHGHȴQL- tion. In sociology as well, Giddens distinguishes What are resources? In everyday discourse re- between authoritative and allocative resources, sources are usually understood as raw materials, as means and abilities to dominate and control necessary for industrial production or for satis- others on the one hand, and the access to tangible fying human needs. This point of view, rooted in aspects of human existence on the other (Giddens economic reasoning, is also the base for common 1984, 258). Bourdieu understands resources in a more comprehensive way. Besides economic capi- 1 This paper is based on the conceptual work of several tal he includes cultural capital, such as incorporat- researchers participating in the collaborative research cen- tre SFB 1070 RESSOURCENKULTUREN, funded by the Deutsche ed abilities, titles or aspects based on social capital, Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) since October 2013. Parts GHȴQLQJWKHPDV ȆWKHVXPRIUHVRXUFHVWKDWDFFUXH of the paper are taken from the application for funding, to to an individual or group by virtue of possessing a which, amongst others, especially Thomas Knopf and Beat Schweizer made valuable contributions. durable network of more or less institutionalised 14 Roland Hardenberg, Martin Bartelheim and Jörn Staecker
relationships of mutual acquaintance and recogni- First, we should consider developments in eco- tion’ (Bourdieu/Waquant 1992, 119). nomic and social sciences and expand the idea of Some anthropologists define resources as resources to cover the intangible dimension. means to facilitate activities that are necessary Second, the essentialising perspective of re- for social practices including processes of inclu- sources has to be replaced by a constructivist one, sion and exclusion (e.g. Schlee 2006). Psychologists which means that something cannot be considered KDYHH[SDQGHGWKHGHȴQLWLRQRIUHVRXUFHVEH\RQG to be a resource ‘by nature’ but through its place or economic contexts as well. Psychology of work dis- PHDQLQJLQDVSHFLȴFFRQWH[W$UHVRXUFHLVQRWD WLQJXLVKHVDPRQJWHPSRUDOUHVRXUFHVȴQDQFLDOUH- thing or matter but a means related to certain cul- sources and control, all of which are embedded in tural ideas and practices. social contexts (Greenblatt 2002, 179). Third, resources are important not only for the The concept has been little discussed in the survival of individuals, but for the emergence, con- humanities, although there has been a growing tinuity and transformation of actors (individuals interest in ‘cultural resources’ recently, espe- and groups) as well as their relations, networks, in- cially stimulated by the UNESCO conventions on stitutions and systems. ‘World Heritage’ and ‘Intangible Cultural Herit- Fourth, contingency and variability of socio- age.’ These ideas are mainly routed in concepts cultural phenomena, should be taken into account. of Western modernity (Bendix et al. 2007, 9). Dis- Culture cannot be reduced to certain necessities courses about the concept of ‘resources’ from a but has to be seen as a spectrum of potentials, a sociocultural perspective are hardly to be found diversity of beliefs, and forms of organisation and in this literature. In the comprehensive study ‘Cul- practices. Resources and their social surroundings tural Theory – The Key Concepts’ (Edgar/Sedgwick are affected by cultural complexity, which includes 2002) no separate paragraph about resources can raw-materials and natural products (e.g. water, be found, just as in the ‘Handbuch der Kulturwis- timber, land, food) that are essential for human senschaften’ (Jaeger/Liebsch 2004) of more than VXUYLYDO\HWDOZD\VFXOWXUDOO\GHȴQHG 1500 pages or in the widely-used handbook ‘Ar- Given these four points we offer a working- chaeology – An Introduction’ (Green/Moore 2010) GHȴQLWLRQRIUHVRXUFHV ‘Resources are the means currently published in fifth print. Collections to create, sustain and alter social relations, such as Barnard and Spencer’s all-encompassing units and identities within the framework of ‘Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthropolo- cultural ideas and practices.’ gy’ (Barnard/Spencer 1996), the ‘Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie’ 1) Resources are an Analytical Category of up to now thirteen volumes, or the recently Examining different times and regions, we ask completed 35 volume ‘Reallexikon der German- how others are or were perceiving and categoris- ischen Altertumskunde’ have no entry covering ing resources. Given this question, resources are resources. Textbooks, like the ‘DTV-Atlas zur Eth- not a fixed object of research, but a category of nologie’, explain resources in a conventional way analysis, applicable to phenomena formerly not under the headings ‘environment and adaption’ LQFOXGHGLQWKLVVHPDQWLFȴHOG7KLVȆWUDQVIRUPD- and ‘economy’ (Haller 2005, 135, 156). In ‘Cultural tion from a matter into an analytic category’, ac- Turns – Neuorientierungen in den Kulturwissen- cording to Bachmann-Medick, ‘is accompanied by schaften’ by Bachmann-Medick (2006) a variety of a decisive change of the categorical level or even a ‘turns’ or changes concerning different topics are conceptual leap’ (Bachmann-Medick 2006, 26). The documented, but none about ‘resources’. question now is: What cultural and social practices turn something into a resource?
2. Resource Turn 2) The Transformation of Resources Resources are based on a cultural interest. Thus, What conceptual shifts are necessary to induce a the question ‘what is a resource’ depends strong- ‘resource turn’? ly on the cultural context, including practices and The ‘Resource Turn’ 15
interpretations of the social actors. This context not necessarily have to be taken from nature and shifts not only because ideas and values change cannot be reduced to their economic function. In but also because new technologies, new prac- FRQWUDVWWRWKHLUGHȴQLWLRQLQJHRVFLHQFHVRUHFR- tices and new social contacts emerge. As Niemann nomics, for cultural studies resources are not only states, the notion of a ‘resource’ is ‘variable in time DQDWXUDOO\H[LVWHQWSRWHQWLDOEXWGHȴQHGE\FXO- as well because of continual social, cultural, tech- tural concepts and accompanied by culture-spe- nological and economic changes, also the individ- FLȴFDFWLRQV7KHIRFXVRIVWXG\WKHUHIRUHKDVWR ual actor constantly has to redefine resources’ be on resources or ResourceComplexes that are of (Niemann 2006, 9). central importance for essential social relations, units and identities. By this, the term ‘reserve’ 3) ResourceComplexes as well obtains new meaning within the context Resources do not exist as isolates but in combina- of cultural studies. It no longer describes just re- tion with other resources as a ResourceComplex, sources that are not (yet) economically exploited, which consists of a combination of objects, per- but instead elements of a local culture, for exam- VRQVNQRZOHGJHDQGSUDFWLFHV$VSHFLȴFUHVRXUFH ple specific networks or religious practices, that requires other resources for its preservation, distri- can be put into use during emergencies or ambig- EXWLRQRUXVH5HVRXUFH&RPSOH[HVKDYHDVSHFLȴF uous circumstances. Or in Preissing’s words: ‘Die history of appearance and dispersion, affect each Reserventheorie wendet sich gegen die allgemeine other and are evaluated or hierarchized in relation Richtung der Globalisierungsforschung, die die Re- to each other. Our notion of ResourceComplexes gression lokaler Kulturen im Zusammenhang mit approximately corresponds with the concept of dem ‚Kampf der (Groß-) Kulturen‘ proklamiert. ‘Base’ used by Gudeman: ‘Consisting of entities that Vielmehr stellt sie fest, dass trotz aller realen Aus- people appropriate, make, allocate and use in rela- wirkungen der Globalisierung und der Einbindung tion to one another, the base is locally and histori- in globale Zusammenhänge auf lokale, materielle cally formed. In the Latin American countryside, a und immaterielle Kulturgüter zurückgegriffen farmer considers as base his house, land and crops; wird.’ (The theory of reserves objects to the general a university’s base includes its library, laboratories, tendency of globalisation-research, proclaiming RɚFHVFRPPXQLFDWLRQV\VWHPVDQGFRQFHSWVOLQN- the regression of local cultures in relation to the ing researchers […]’, (Gudeman 2005, 97). ‘clash of (major-) cultures’. Instead, it detects that in spite of all the effects of globalisation and the in- 4) Resources and Reserves tegration into a global context, there is a fall back The word resource is derived from the Latin on local tangible and intangible cultural assets) surgere (to pour out from something). It describes (Preissing 2009, 69). Phenomena of globalisation something, unrelated to its use, that is fed from a DVLGHWKLVGHȴQLWLRQRIUHVHUYHVFDQJHQHUDOO\EH natural source, which may run dry (Niemann 2006, applied by the collaborative research centre on 7). In geo-sciences and economics this notion led to situations of foreign rule, such as colonisation and a focus on issues related to ‘exhaustible natural re- others. sources’ (such as oil or coal). The terms ‘potential of nature’ or ‘potential of physical region’ are used to 5) Social Relations and Actors describe the totality of the potential of a geographic From a biological point of view, resources provide region (Barsch/Bürger 1996). To express that the the basis for human life. They ‘are needed by or- potential of a region is proven and can be exploited ganisms, to sustain their vital functions, their grow- with the given technical facilities the term ‘reserve’ ing and their reproduction’ (Hertler/Karl 2006, 21). is used (Wacker/Blank 1999, 3 f.). In this sense re- Our study instead, focuses on resources that are sources are ‘the totality of existing raw-materials not primarily relevant for the organic, but for all on earth, in which human society has an interest’ social aspects of life. Anthropologists for example (Niemann 2006, 11). For an approach in cultural frequently describe societies, in which social actors VWXGLHVWKHVHGHȴQLWLRQVDUHRIUDWKHUOLPLWHGXVH may be both, human or non-human. Latour (2008) since from a sociocultural point of view resources pointed out that the separation between nature 16 Roland Hardenberg, Martin Bartelheim and Jörn Staecker
DQGFXOWXUHLVDUWLȴFLDODQGRIWHQPDLQWDLQHGRQ on the fundamental assumption that resources an ideological level, while neglected in practice. He (and ResourceComplexes) based on a culturally stressed the point that objects as well are ‘vocal’ constructed interest, go along with learnt prac- and possess their own agency and representation, tices and do have social relevance, resources thus advocating a ‘symmetric anthropology’. Based (and ResourceComplexes) that are used and are on ethnographical studies, Ingold also argues RISUDFWLFDOVLJQLȴFDQFHFDQEHVWXGLHG7KHXVH against an ontological separation between man of re sources implies the actions of social actors, DQGQDWXUH$FFRUGLQJWRKLPWKHȴHOGRIVRFLDO taking into account that a number of societies issues does not only cover the relations between also see non-human beings, such as animals, human actors, but also between humans and an- plants, ancestors or gods, as actors with social imals, plants, ancestors, gods and other beings, to relevance. These actors can be assigned to very whom a social agency is assigned (Ingold 2000, 46). different social units, distinguishable by catego- ries, such as homogenous or heterogeneous, real 6) Social Units or imagined, predetermined or acquired, territo- Following Gudeman (2001, 25; 2012, 63 f.) we may rially and socially limited or un-limited. understand the social units, within which these re- lations are acted out and imagined, in the broadest sense. Taking the differences between the source 3. Cultures material and the epistemological traditions of dif- IHUHQWVFLHQWLȴFGLVFLSOLQHVLQWRDFFRXQWDGLVWLQFW ‘Culture’ is amongst the most central, as well as conceptual separation between community and controversial concepts in cultural studies. Used in society does not seem feasible for interdisciplinary a very broad sense by public as well as academia studies. To facilitate interdisciplinary comparison it can refer to the arts, just as to consistent charac- the terms ‘community’ and ‘society’ are used in a teristics of people of common origin, or to shared polythetic way. They stand for a number of possi- FXVWRPVWUDGLWLRQVDQGEHOLHIVRIVSHFLȴFVRFLHWLHV ble social distinctions that may have relevance for (Beer 2012, 54 f.). With a particular focus on the ‘re- the comparison. This includes for example distinc- VRXUFHWXUQȇDQRWKHUGHȴQLWLRQRIFXOWXUHLVPRVW tions between homogenous and heterogeneous, UHOHYDQW &XOWXUHVHHQDVDVFLHQWLȴFFRQFHSW %HHU real and imagined, predetermined and acquired 2012, 55), allowing certain perspectives and ways status, territorial limitations and trans-local net- of interpretation related to resources. works, as well as distinct group-identity and con- Recently a number of papers and books ap- ceptually ambiguous individual identities. peared, trying to provide an overview over the dif- In conclusion, taking a ‘resource turn’ into ac- IHUHQWGHȴQLWLRQVDQGWKHFULWLFDOGLVFXVVLRQDERXW FRXQWWKHZRUNLQJGHȴQLWLRQIRUUHVRXUFHVJLYHQ the concepts of culture (e.g. Beer 2012; Bernbeck above can be expanded as follows: ‘Resources’ 1997; Brather 2001; Edgar/Sedwick 2002; Fröhlich may be understood as a category for analysis, 2000; Hammel 2007; Reckwitz 2004). serving to expand the semantic horizon of the Attempts to classify different concepts of cul- term by the use of a comparative perspective. ture are especially helpful. Reckwitz for instance, Resources generally are seen as means to cre- distinguishes between culture concepts that are ate, sustain and alter social relations, units and ‘normative, totality-oriented, based on differenti- identities within the framework of cultural ideas ation theory, or significance oriented’ (Reckwitz and practices. It is assumed that re sources are 2004, 3). Approaches are divided into those that variable not only culturally, but chronological- focus on either structures, subjects, discourses ly as well, and are affected by historical change. or practices as central for the concept of cul- Resources often occur in ResourceComplexes, ture (Reckwitz, 2004, 14–19). Bettina Beer as well HDFKKDYLQJLWVRZQVSHFLȴFKLVWRU\RIRULJLQDQG points out the different concepts and perspectives distribution. They are bearing reference to other within the debate about culture and distinguishes ResourceComplexes and are evaluated or hier- between ideational (or mentalistical) and materi- archized in their relation to each other. Acting alistic concepts. She also refers to combinations of The ‘Resource Turn’ 17
these approaches (Beer 2012, 60–62). Even more learnt, shared and negotiated in various ways, FRPSUHKHQVLYHLVWKHFODVVLȴFDWLRQRIDSSURDFKHV and are expressed empirically for example by by Haller (2005, 31–37), identifying nine different language, writing, texts, knowledge, objects, opposing pairs or ‘ideal types’. It is essential to re- bodies, institutions, symbols and a wide variety spect the plurality of perspectives, in order to facil- of actions. itate the input of differing points of view into the ,QRUGHUWRDSSO\WKLVGHȴQLWLRQZLWKLQDQLQ- interdisciplinary discourse. On the other hand, a terdisciplinary environment of cultural sciences, specification seems necessary, because assump- WKLVGHȴQLWLRQUHTXLUHVDQXPEHURIDGGLWLRQV WLRQVDERXWFXOWXUHDUHIXQGDPHQWDOIRURXUGHȴQL- tion of resources explained above. 1) Materiality What are the basic assumptions, underlying Many resources studied by classical and ancient these concepts? For an analysis of the cultural as- studies and cultural anthropology are of a mate- pects of resources the interpretative or meaning rial character. Analyses of materiality used to ad- RULHQWHGGLVFRXUVHDERXWWKHGHȴQLWLRQRIFXOWXUH dress physical characteristics of different artefacts seems to be of special relevance. According to this (Ingold 2007, Fowler 2010, DeMarrais et al. 2004). point of view human beings during all their history During recent decades, the symbolic and social existed within a world of meanings (Geertz 1973) meanings of objects, artefacts or consumer prod- expressed through language, knowledge, objects, ucts found more and more attention (Miller 1987; bodies, symbols, as well as through a wide varie- Hahn 1996; 2005; Tilley 2007). In analyses of ma- ty of practices and performances (Reckwitz 2004, terial culture tangible objects are put into rela- 7). Meanings consist of ideas and practices. They tion with other objects, landscapes or individuals are learnt and in various ways shared or put into and their actions. In this respect in classical and action. This world of meaning is not chaotic, but ancient studies, as well as in anthropology, a ten- ordered and regulated or systematically inter- dency towards materiality seems visible, to con- connected, to result in a ‘more or less structured textually changing meanings of tangible objects, whole’ (Beer 2012, 56) or a ‘meaningful whole’ to their similarities and differences, to their places (Reckwitz 2004, 7), which in turn is affected by of origin, production processes and sedimentation changes and processes, caused by the interaction areas (Tilley 2007, 18). In particular the writings of RIDFWRUV +DOOHU 2IVSHFLDOVLJQLȴFDQFH /DWRXU DQG,QJROG LQȵXHQFHGD is the assumption that these structured worlds discussion (e.g. in Tilley 2007) about the relation- of meaning are contingent, or as pointed out by ships between the characteristics of tangible ob- Reckwitz: ‘Entscheidend ist nun die Einsicht, dass jects, human representations and social relations. sämtliche Komplexe von Praktiken der Vergangen- It has been argued that ideas and meanings are not heit und Gegenwart […] erst vor dem Hintergrund only assigned to objects, but originate only through der jeweiligen, sehr spezifischen Sinnhorizonte the contact with tangible objects (Renfrew 2001, und Bedeutungscodes möglich sind, ‚normal‘ und 127). Ingold points out the necessity to include ‚rational‘ werden oder gar als ‚notwendig‘ und practical know-how in dealings with the tangible ‚natürlich‘ erscheinen.‘ (The significant insight world (such as the cutting of trees) into the anal- is that all complexes of practices in past and pre- ysis of tangible culture. Conceptually he questions sent […] become contingent only by their respec- the separation between tangible world and social WLYHYHU\VSHFLȴFKRUL]RQVRIUHDVRQDQGFRGHVRI relations, because human beings themselves are meanings, thus becoming ‘normal’ or ‘rational’, or part of the tangible, animate world and in constant even appearing as ‘essential’ or ‘natural’) (Reckwitz interaction, i.e. in social relation, to other objects 2004, 8). Acting on the basic assumption of cultur- (Ingold 2007, 7). A crucial point in this discussion al contingency the term ‘culture’ should always be is the question, to what extend the tangible char- used in plural. acteristics of objects have their own agency. This Based on these considerations the follow- leads to further questions, such as which options ing tentative working definition may be used: or limitations tangible things have for human be- Cultures are contested systems of meaning, ings or why only certain characteristics of objects 18 Roland Hardenberg, Martin Bartelheim and Jörn Staecker
influence their lives, while others do not (Tilley to establish controlled ‘cross-cultural’ comparisons 2007, 20). (see Mace/Pagel 1994). They had to be replaced by Needham’s (1975) concept of ‘polythetic classes’, 2) Basic Functions of Existence loosely based on Wittgenstein. Also, the singular The cultural dimension of resources does not ex- concept of culture was increasingly replaced by clude the fact that resources of social relevance a less rigidly defined concept, placing diversity, can possess a basic function for the survival of hu- differences and contestation into the focus of anal- man organisms as well. But the hypothesis of con- ysis. As Holy (1987) states, following the interpreta- tingency stresses the point that the resource use is tive turn the method of comparison in anthropol- not determined in a predictable or inevitable way ogy nowadays serves to formulate and illustrate by this existence related function, as was highlight- differences by contrasting case examples. Thus, ed especially by studies of the cultural variability of comparisons are mainly of heuristic value and re- food and drink (e.g. Douglas 1987; Germov/ Williams fer to aspects, undetectable when studying single 2008; Macbeth 1997). On the other hand especially cases. On the other hand, comparisons can serve by anthropological studies (Leach 2003) it became to point out formal similarities, such as analogical clear, that both, functions essential for survival and courses of action or repetitive principles of compo- practices, necessary for exploitation, distribution sition and structure. and consumption, are of enormous social relevance. What is the focus of such comparisons in cul- Thus, nutrition can be used to express social hierar- tural studies? Generally it will be on phenomena chies, to construct kinship or cosmology related con- and processes, some of which may be connected in nections, to assign moral codes or to exchange mes- terms of place and time, while others occur com- sages. In short: Nutrition can be used to construct pletely independent from each other. According ‘personae’ (e.g. Carsten 2004). Subsistence related to Osterhammel ‘transkulturelle, über Kulturgren- activities, just as practices of distribution and con- zen hinausreichende Vergleiche [sind] erforderlich sumption, are frequently the cause to shape, renew und möglich, wenn man die Vergleichseinheiten or change social relations between genders, gener- nicht als unbewegt gegeben voraussetzt, sondern ations, age or ethnic groups and many others. For a sie selbst als historisch veränderlich und ‚verhan- cultural studies approach this means that there is no delbar‘ betrachtet’ (transcultural comparisons, ex- contradiction between the subsistence related func- tending over cultural borders […] are reasonable tions of resources and their cultural construction, and feasible, if the units used to compare are not since frequently the resources relevant for subsist- UHJDUGHGDVȴ[HGFRQVWDQWVEXWLQVWHDGDVKLVWRU- ence and the practices related to them, are the ones ically changeable and negotiable) (Osterhammel to which cultural meaning is particularly assigned. 2004, 62). For cultural studies especially the comparison 3) Comparability of transcultural processes will be of relevance. Spe- Amongst other things, the interpretative turn in FLȴFSURFHVVHVUHOHYDQWLQUHODWLRQWRUHVRXUFHV cultural studies caused a fundamental question- such as social development, spatial develop- ing of methods and categories for comparison PHQWYDOXHFUHDWLRQFRQȵLFWVDFUDOLVDWLRQRUȆUH- (Hardenberg 2008; Holy 1987; Osterhammel 2004). source-curse’ are compared, in order to elaborate According to Holy, most important was the under- differences as well as formal similarities. standing that social matters cannot be viewed in the same way as objects, because they do not exist 4) ‘The Social’ and ‘The Cultural’ except through human action and are inseparably A number of approaches in cultural studies, espe- connected to the process of assigning meaning. cially those influenced by Talcott Parson’s AGIL Due to this interpretative turn, all the monothet- paradigm (Parsons 1970), make a clear distinc- ic categories of comparison became questionable tion between the social system of integration on that were formerly thought to be ‘airtight’ and the one hand, and the cultural system of assign- used to compile complex typologies of societies ing meaning on the other. This approach tends to (e.g. the Human relation Area Files by Murdock) or systematically separate political, economic, social The ‘Resource Turn’ 19
and cultural aspects, and subsequently to use these and resource use is not determined by gener- aspects as causes or effects in the explanation of al or natural principles. Still it is assumed that certain phenomena (e.g. of change). ‘The Social’, es- especially resources needed for human subsist- pecially observable social relations, here is under- ence and survival as well as practices related stood as real, ‘the Cultural’ on the other hand, as an to them, are those to which cultural meaning is ideological means to sustain the social system. This assigned. The perception and use of resources view may be contrasted with a more holistic per- leads to dynamics referring to social relations, spective, such as developed notably by Sahlins who units and identities that are always constructed argues: ‘In all its dimensions, including the social symbolically beforehand. and the material, human existence is symbolical- ly constituted, which is to say, culturally ordered’ ( Sahlins 1999, 400). The term ‘sociocultural‘ as used 4. RESOURCECULTURES by the SFB expresses this assumption, i.e. the idea that resources as well as the social relations, units The elaborations above lead to the following as- DQGLGHQWLWLHVDIIHFWHGE\DVSHFLȴFXVHRIUHVRXUF- sumptions: First, resources are always defined es are symbolical constructs in contested cultural within cultural systems of meanings, in other orders. words they are shaped by ideas, values and prac- According to these considerations, the working tices that are learnt, shared and contested in var- GHȴQLWLRQRIȆFXOWXUHVȇFDQEHVSHFLȴHGDVIROORZV ious ways and are often subject to change in the Cultures are contested systems of meaning, course of time. Second, the use of resources, their learnt, shared and negotiated in various ways, exploitation, production, distribution, consump- and are expressed empirically for example by WLRQDQGUHSUHVHQWDWLRQLVVSHFLȴFDQGXQLTXHIRU language, writing, texts, knowledge, objects, every cultural context as well. Third, resources are bodies, institutions, symbols and a wide vari- used by socially interrelated people for specific, ety of actions. The aspects of these systems of culturally constituted interests. Fourth, resources meaning are interrelated and result in a more affect the organisation and constitution of social or less meaningful whole. These systems of life. They are a means for creating, sustaining or al- meaning are assigned to the tangible world, but tering of social interactions. a strict dichotomy between tangible and intan- To coin a term encompassing all these issues, gible has to be avoided, because human beings connections and interdependencies we suggest themselves are part of the tangible world. The RESOURCECULTURES. RESOURCECULTURES are models con- fact that the contextually changing characteris- sisting of a number of variables: the resources, the tics of objects and matters (including resources) social determined ways to use them (ideas, val- affect the emergence of systems of meaning and ues, practices), and the social relations, orders and their related practices has to be kept in mind. identities. RESOURCECULTURES are not static, but affect- Cultures are contingent, their respective ideas ed by specific sociocultural dynamics. These dy- and practices, and the ways these change, can- namics are not deterministic or inevitable instead not be reduced to general or natural conditions, they are multidimensional and open. EXWLQVWHDGDUHDUHVXOWRIVSHFLȴFKRUL]RQVRI This view takes into account two mutually re- meaning. Presupposing cultural contingency, lated dynamics: that societies change because of comparisons in cultural studies use polythetic WKHLUVSHFLȴFNLQGVRIXVLQJUHVRXUFHVDQGWKDWVR- categories and are focused on the understand- cial processes effect the ways to use resources. The ing of cultural difference as well as on the inves- interest in resources, culturally constructed, leads tigation of formal similarities, such as analogi- to processes of spatial development and resource cal courses of action or repetitive principles of DFTXLUHPHQWZKLFKLQWXUQLQȵXHQFHWKHH[LVWLQJ composition and structure. The assumption of social orders and units. Symbolic representations contingency does not imply that the importance RIUHVRXUFHVKDYHDQHIIHFWRQWKHLGHQWLȴFDWLRQRI of resources for basic human needs is denied. resources and the way to use them, but also have Instead, it stresses the point that the perception the potential to turn into resources themselves. 20 Roland Hardenberg, Martin Bartelheim and Jörn Staecker
In summary: RESOURCECULTURES may be under- long run, the concept will help to identify and in- stood as specific, dynamic models connecting tegrate new interdisciplinary topics for research. certain resources, social forms of use, social re- The concept of resources together with the related lations, units and identities in a contingent, yet hypotheses, approaches, models and objectives is meaningful way. designed to facilitate the understanding of related processes occurring in different times of history in a meaningful way. In particular, a better compre- 5. The Collaborative Research Centre hension of the interrelations between resources SFB 1070 RESOURCECULTURES and the emergence, maintaining and transfor- mation of different political or public orders over The considerations elaborated above are the fun- longer periods is in the focus of our interest. With dament for the work of a collaborative research special reference to resource related questions, centre that started its work in the fall of 2013 and is this concept will help to understand a variety of funded by the DFG (German Research Foundation). processes of spatial movement, development and This centre unites a variety of cultural sciences, appropriation, such as migration or colonisation. working both in ancient and in present times, and ,QRUGHUWRUHDFKWKHVHJRDOVDVFLHQWLȴFDS- includes methods and expertise of natural sciences proach has to: as well. Collectively the researchers participating a) Identify resources in natural as well as in cul- in SFB 1070 RESOURCECULTURES are working to reach tural landscapes. four major objectives: b) Consider different ways of exchange of tangi- – A new conceptualisation of the term ‘re sources’ ble and intangible resources. from a cultural studies perspective. c) Analyse the potential as well as the limitations – The realisation of diachronic sociocultural and of different spaces. political developments. To comprehend the symbolic dimensions of re- – An understanding of processes of spatial devel- sources, the concept has to take the multidimen- opment and identity-creation. sionality of cultural systems of meaning (e.g. – Insight into the symbolic dimensions of Kertzer 1988) into account. This includes conden- resources. sation, when individual resources simultaneously These four objectives will be targeted by a close unite several interacting meanings; multivocality, cooperation of different archaeological disciplines for example when resources are interpreted in dif- (Prehistory, Medieval Archaeology, Scientific Ar- ferent ways within a society; and ambiguity, which chaeology, Classical Archaeology. Near Eastern may be used politically to reach consensus in spite Archaeology, Biblical Archaeology), philological of difference in the meaning of resources. disciplines (Classical Philology, Near Eastern Phi- With these considerations the collaborative lology), historical sciences (Classical Studies, Me- research centre SFB 1070 RESOURCECULTURES con- dieval History, History of Economy), geosciences tributes to current discussions about resources in (Anthropo-Geography, Physical Geography and public and academia, opening new perspectives Pedology), and Cultural Anthropology. The shared and insights. concept of RESOURCECULTURES is meant to be applied and improved, in order to facilitate a better under- VWDQGLQJRIGLDFKURQLFFKDQJHVDQGFRQȵLFWVRIVR- cieties, processes of migration and expansion, and Roland Hardenberg complex phenomena of symbolisation. Institut für Ethnologie The further development of the concept will be Norbert-Wollheim-Platz 1 based on the work of researchers from a wide vari- Goethe Universität Frankfurt ety of academic disciplines to ensure a general rel- D-60629 Frankfurt am Main evance for cultural studies. It has to cope with cul- WXUDOGLYHUVLWLHVEXWDOVRKDVWREHVSHFLȴFHQRXJK [email protected] WRDOORZFOHDUGHȴQLWLRQVDQGFODVVLȴFDWLRQV,QWKH The ‘Resource Turn’ 21
Martin Bartelheim Jörn Staecker University of Tübingen University of Tübingen Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte und Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte und Archäologie des Mittelalters Archäologie des Mittelalters Schloss Hohentübingen, Burgsteige 11 Schloss Hohentübingen, Burgsteige 11 D-72070 Tübingen D-72070 Tübingen [email protected] [email protected]
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ROLAND HARDENBERG Dynamic Correspondences RESOURCECULTURES
Keywords: interdisciplinarity, anthropology, institutes in Germany in which these two disci- archaeology, resources, RESOURCECULTURES plines successfully cooperate, notable exceptions are for example ‘The International Max Planck Research School for the Anthropology, Archaeol- Abstract ogy and History of Eurasia’ (IMPRS ANARCHIE) in Halle 2 or the Graduate School ‘Value and Equiva- This paper addresses the challenges and chances lence: ‘The Genesis and Transformation of Values of interdisciplinary cooperation between anthro- from an archaeological and anthropological per- pology and archaeology. It questions the wide- spective’ at the Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe Univer- spread idea that anthropologists have a privi- sity of Frankfurt. 3 There are various reasons for leged access to values and meanings and are the this lack of cooperation and in this paper I want to sole experts for abstract theories. To the contrary, address some of the challenges and possible path- it is here argued that archaeologists can offer an ways for interdisciplinary work. These suggestions approach to the study of values which has only are inspired by my experiences as a social and cul- partly been used by anthropologists and that the tural anthropologist working within the collabora- superior position of anthropologists as ‘givers’ of tive research centre SFB 1070 RESOURCECULTURES at meaning has been shaken due to post-modernist the University of Tübingen. 4 This collaborative re- theories of discourse and subjectivity. Focusing search centre, which started in October 2013 with a more on commonalities and symmetries than on funding from the German Research Council (DFG), differences and hierarchies the paper stresses the brings together anthropologists, archaeologists, joint efforts of archaeologists and anthropologists geographers, historians and philologists in a joint in understanding social and cultural systems as project focusing on the cultural dimensions and dy- well as processes through time. This commonality namics of resources throughout human history. In lies at the heart of the new collaborative research the course of this ongoing project, representatives centre 1070 on RESOURCECULTURES at the University of of these various disciplines experience the differ- Tübingen, which brings together anthropologists ences of their research questions, data, methods as and archaeologists with the common aim of un- well as theoretical framework. Concentrating on derstanding the dynamics deriving from the use of anthropology and archaeology, I here come to the FXOWXUDOO\GHȴQHGUHVRXUFHV same conclusion as Duncan Garrow and Thomas Yarrow (2010b, 3): these disciplines can learn from each other by recognising these differences. Introduction
What are the challenges for interdisciplinary co- operation between archaeology and social and 2 See http://www.eth.mpg.de/anarchie (last access 4.3.2016). 1 cultural anthropology? There are relatively view 3 See http://www.value-and-equivalence.de/en/home/ (last access 4.3.2016). 1 This paper is a revised version of a presentation given 4 See
Identifying Values archaeological methods of establishing value for identifying such less valued, but equally important The first challenge derives from the nature of resources? data itself. Gavin Lucas for example thinks that Take for example the use of plastic. In Germany, the perceived asymmetry between archaeology many people consider plastic as a very useful, but and anthropology derives from ‘ignoring the em- rather cheap substance. Plastic toys from China are pirical differences’ and from the fact that ‘the ar- the classic example for products of low value. Yet, chaeological record is encouraged to do work it is in several hundred years, these plastic things from not up to’ (Lucas 2010, 29). In the collaborative re- the past may still be everywhere on our planet and VHDUFKFHQWUHIRUH[DPSOHUHVRXUFHVDUHGHȴQHG future archaeologists may argue that plastic in the as a means for creating, maintaining or changing past derived its importance from the complexities social relationships or identities, in other words, of earlier societies that developed highly differen- as something that is valuable and quite essential WLDWHGȴHOGVRIVRFLDODFWLRQȂIURPSOD\WRVSRUWV in people‘s lives (Bartelheim et al. 2015, 39 f.). But and leisure – for which people constantly needed how can archaeologists know that something is new toys, tools, and gadgets. Due to its mouldability, valuable for the members of a society? Anthropol- plastic became one of the most essential resources ogists can directly ask people in interviews and for social life. In other words, for identifying the questionnaires or read their texts. On the basis of multiple values of things, anthropology has to go this information they identify hierarchies of value beyond individual consciousness, and archaeology and thus distinguish between more and less valu- offers perhaps some methods to anthropology for able resources. Archaeologists, on the other hand, achieving this. derive social value more indirectly from the rela- tionships between material objects in terms of con- text, time, quantity, quality, spatial distribution, etc. Search for Meaning Indications for the social value of an object may be its use on an important occasion such as a funeral, This leads me to the second issue, the challenge of the long period of its usage despite various chang- understanding the meaning of things. Compared es, the sheer number of its production, the durabil- to archaeologists, anthropologists feel advantaged ity of its material or the density of distribution in a when it comes to the study of meanings. This is certain region. partly the result of a common practice among Archaeologists may not know if other re sources archaeologists, especially from Departments of than those represented in a particular site were Pre-history, who often ask anthropologists to pro- perhaps more valuable to the people of the past. vide them with ethnographic analogies or possible Yet, archaeologists clearly have means to establish meanings for their ‘raw data’. This practice lies at value even without access to conscious expressions the basis of a widely perceived asymmetry between such as the spoken or written word. Therefore, an- the disciplines: anthropologists are the givers, ar- thropologists should ask themselves, if they do not chaeologists the receivers of meaning, a highly rely too much on the conscious evaluation of their appreciated good in the humanities. Yet, when it informants when searching for resources. What comes to meaning, the secure grounds of anthro- about those everyday things such as a special de- pologists have been shaken in recent decades due sign, a local costume or a yurt for example, that is to postmodern deconstructions. Meanings are not widespread throughout a certain community and longer given, collectively shared and transmitted, seems to have a long history of use? Usually, such but produced in a discursive manner, negotiated in things only come to the attention of anthropolo- practices and contested among power holders (see gists when people consciously turn them into na- 6SLUR 6XGGHQO\DQWKURSRORJLVWVȴQGWKHP- tional emblems or objects of their cultural heritage. selves in the same position as their archaeological How can anthropologists identify resources that colleagues because like them they are confronted are not in the focus of conscious, cultural elabo- with a multiplicity of possible meanings and no ration by elites? Can they use above mentioned way to establish the ‘real’ meaning. Dynamic Correspondences 27
On the other hand, with their turn towards sub- has changed, because anthropologists do not nec- jectivity and interpretation (Trigger 2007, 444–477), essarily give meaning as such but insights into the archaeologists began to strip off their incertitude ways meaning is constructed and contested. On the when talking about meaning. No longer depend- other hand, archaeologists become givers, as they ing on anthropologists, they derive meaning from are able to show to anthropologists how one can the contextual arrangement of artefacts, the dialec- derive social meaning from material arrangements tic between people and things or the relationship and the study of material entanglement. As Lesley between material qualities and usages of objects. McFadyen (2010, 42) says: ‘Archaeology focuses on In recent decades, various approaches have been knowing people through their relationship with developed that approach the question of how ma- things.’ In order to capture the essence of the SFB terial things may have their own effects and store and its advance towards interdisciplinary sym- information about the past (Miller 2005). Bruno PHWU\RQHPD\PRGLI\0F)DG\HQȆVGHȴQLWLRQLQ Latour (1993; 1999) shows in his works that things the following way: ‘SFB 1070 focuses on knowing have consequences for the people who use them, people through their relationships with resources.’ and this is called the agency of things. Not only do people have information about things, so Latour, but things also store information about people. Different Time Scales Thus, all things always contain ‘traces’ of the past actions of man and are thus ‘assemblages of hu- A third challenge for interdisciplinary coopera- man and non-human’ (Joyce 2015). Ian Hodder, too, tion between anthropologists and archaeologists emphasises the mutual interaction of people and derives from their division of labour in relation to things which he calls ‘entanglement’ (Hodder 2012). time: archaeologists are specialists for past events, In this context, James Gibson (1977) speaks of ‘affor- anthropology for present times. Among anthropolo- dances’, referring to the possibilities of action that gists, especially in Germany, the tendency to neglect are latent in an environment. For archaeologists as history and to focus on what is going on today – if well, the production of objects implies the interplay possible even tomorrow –, has again gained im- of human intention and material affordances: ‘It mense popularity. There was a time when scholars is as if the potter‘s intentions inhabit the clay and followed Edward E. Evans-Pritchard‘s (1950) pro- the affordances of clay bring forth the potter‘s in- test against the purely synchronic studies of the tentions’ (Gosden/Malafouris 2015, 706). The agency British structural-functionalists and considered of things is also the focus of the work of Tim Ingold themselves to be ethno-historians or, like Bernard (2010), who shows how our engagements with the S. Cohn (1987), ‘An Anthropologist among the His- environment influence our knowledge, abilities torians’. Some cultural anthropologists continued and perceptions. Recent approaches in archaeology this historical approach, for example Janice Boddy and anthropology emphasise the processes or ‘in- (1989) and Michael Lambek (2002). Yet, another atti- clinations’ (Soentgen 2014) that material things go tude has again gained ground: if one wants to reach through because their physical or chemical prop- public and scholarly attention, one needs to ad- erties change over time. The focus of the investiga- dress the urgent problems of our contemporaries, tion thus shifts from the consideration of changes their catastrophes, diseases, economic struggles, po- induced by man to material processes occurring OLWLFDOFRQȵLFWVDQGHQYLURQPHQWDOSUREOHPV7KLV independently of man: matter becomes, instead trend is often accompanied by a tendency to reduce of matter is. Especially in the context of approach- culture to an instrument of survival, opposition or es summarised under the term ‘new materialism’ domination in such a contested hyper-presence. At (Coole/Frost 2010), processes are now thought more the basis of such reasoning lies what Marshall Sahl- complex: one considers the many connected (mate- ins (2002, 21) has termed the ‘neo-functionalism of rial) systems that produce effects. power’, i.e. the idea that culture in its material and These developments in theories about mate- immaterial forms is the outcome of and a means to riality may transform the relationship between sustain power relations: ‘Now, however, ‘power,’ givers and receivers. On the one hand, the gift itself is the intellectual black hole into which all kinds 28 Roland Hardenberg
of cultural contents get sucked, if before it was ‘so- past events. For these future archaeologists, Ingold cial solidarity’ or ‘material advantage’.’ (Sahlins claims, it has become evident that every past event 2002, 20). is a condition for subsequent events. The subjects of What are the alternatives? Long back Evans- DUFKDHRORJ\DUHQRORQJHUȴ[HGSHULRGVRIWKHSDVW Pritchard (1950) argued in his famous Marett Lec- but movements and dynamics through time. Again, ture that anthropologists like historians – and I our collaborative research centre can be seen as here may add archaeologists – study history in the contributing to this shift within archaeology as our sense of cultural representations and sequence of interest lies in the sociocultural dynamics of engag- events and that they basically share the same aims ing with resources through time. As Ingold says, we and methods: they provide cultural translations, de- all ‘follow what is going on’ (Ingold 2010, 160). scribe and thereby interpret developments, make statements about social systems and engage in com- parison. If there are indeed such common grounds, New Perspectives on Resources then the division of time into pre-, ancient, middle or modern history continues to be a useful tool for Lucas argues that archaeology as the ‘science of specialisation within disciplines, but no longer pos- absence’ clearly differs from anthropology (or ‘eth- es a barrier for interdisciplinary cooperation. nography’) with its focus on present people. Yet, Similarly, the disciplinary divisions of the in his view both disciplines have in common that world into specific societies and cultures – past archaeologists as well as anthropologists seek ab- or present – which often obstruct academic ex- stract systems (e.g., ‘culture’, ‘society’) and make change between archaeologists, historians and generalisations about processes (e.g., ‘develop- anthropologists, may be overcome if we focus on ments’, ‘movements’): ‘In this sense, both archaeol- another common ground: the study of sociocultur- ogy and ethnography are chasing abstract subjects, al dynamics. For example, in a paper entitled ‘No entities that occupy a different ontological plane to more ancient; no more human: the future past of WKHLUHPSLULFDOȴHOGRISHRSOHDQGWKLQJVȇ /XFDV archaeology and anthropology’, Tim Ingold (2010) 2010, 30). In other words, terms such as ‘cultures’ imagines a meeting of the Association of Social or ‘resources’ are abstract concepts which help Anthropologists in the year 2053. At this meeting, to engage in generalisations, model building and DQWKURSRORJLVWVȴQGWKHQDPHRIWKHLUDVVRFLDWLRQ interdisciplinary comparisons. In an attempt to awkward because their discipline has changed and reach this ‘different ontological plane’ the collabo- is no longer simply studying the social life of par- rative research centre is studying various dynam- ticular human beings, but ‘the conditions and po- ics and is developing a number of new concepts. tentials of life in a world peopled by beings whose First, the word resource has been given a special identities are established not by species member- meaning. It no longer refers to useful things as ship but by relational accomplishments’ (Ingold such but to a particular perspective on tangible %\WKLVKHPHDQVWKDWWKHVSHFLȴFIRUPV and intangible means for creating social relation- of on-going interaction between humans, animals, VKLSVRULGHQWLWLHV2QHFRXOGDUJXHWKDWWKLVGHȴ- things etc. turn out to be the major focus of anthro- nition is so broad that basically anything can be pology, which for him is a historical subject. In my included in this category and that this fuzziness re- view, our collaborative research centre paves the duces the analytical value of the concept. Confront- road towards this future, as we have developed a ed with this argument the initial proposal for the wide concept of agents including human beings, collaborative research centre included a passage, gods, ancestors, spirits, animals for studying their in which we argued that only those things are con- engagement with material and immaterial re- sidered resources, which are the most essential for VRXUFHVDVWKHVHGHȴQHWKHȆFRQGLWLRQVDQGSRWHQ- particular people at a certain time. 5 This argument tials of life’. however, does not solve the problem but rather in- Ingold also imagines how archaeologists in 5 Conceptual Introdcution, 18,
troduces another fuzzy aspect: the question of val- historically formed’ and consists of ‘entities that ue, scale or hierarchy of resources, which is often people appropriate, make, allocate and use in rela- highly contested, both among scholars and people tion to one another’ (Gudeman 2005, 97). The dif- using resources. In my view, the resource concept IHUHQFHLVWKDW*XGHPDQGHȴQHVEDVHLQUHODWLRQ of the research centre receives its analytical value to a certain community or institution, while the from its anti-essentialism. Indeed, anything may term ResourceComplex refers to everything – ma- be considered a resource, yet the collaborative re- terial and immaterial – people need when engag- search centre offers particular perspectives for ing in the above mentioned processes of valuation, studying the procedural dimensions of resources. value production and value extraction of a certain resource, may this be silver, knowledge or divine power. Processes of Valuation
Concretely, the SFB 1070 focuses on three dynam- RESOURCECULTURES ics: first, the process of valuation, which raises question like ‘what are the values and symbolic The third new concept, RESOURCECULTURES, is of par- meanings ascribed to resources’? ‘Who ascribes ticular importance as the whole collaborative re- these values and meanings’? ‘Are they contested, search centre derives its name from it. However, negotiated, changed’? Second, the process of value given the centrality of the concept for the overall production, which involves various cultural prac- project, so far the notion of RESOURCECULTURES lacks WLFHVVXFKDVGLJJLQJIRUJROGUHȴQLQJRLOFRRNLQJ theoretical elaboration. In the original application, food or learning scriptures, i.e. any action meant RQHȴQGVWKHIROORZLQJGHȴQLWLRQ ȆRESOURCECULTURES to provide access to a resource. Third, processes of FDQEHVHHQDVVSHFLȴFG\QDPLFPRGHOVFRQQHFW- value extraction, i.e. the concrete use – and often ing certain resources, social forms of use, social re- transformation – of resources for various purpos- lations, units and identities in a contingent, mean- es related to their ascribed values and meanings. ingful way’. 7 This definition includes two main Each of these three dynamics has a social dimen- presuppositions. First, a ResourceCulture is a mod- sion because these processes require social com- el. The term ‘model’ raises perhaps more problems munication and interaction. For studying this so- than it solves because it may refer to mechanical cial dimension one can raise questions like ‘Who or statistical models created for various purposes FDQGHȴQHWKHYDOXHRIWKHUHVRXUFHȇ"Ȇ:KRSUR- (see Lévi-Strauss 1963, 287) and bearing different duces the value of the resource’? or ‘Who uses the relations to observable, ‘real’ life (Frigg/Hartmann resource and how?’. +RZHYHUWKHRULJLQDOLQWHQWLRQLQGHȴQLQJ RESOURCECULTURES as models was to draw attention to the interconnections between the various phenom- ResourceComplexes ena studied. Such interconnections are in my view not simply observable but emerge in the analytic A second concept developed by the collaborative process when comparing or generalising data. Sec- research centre is that of ResourceComplexes. In RQGWKHGHȴQLWLRQLVEDVHGRQWKHLGHDWKDWWKHVH the initial proposal to the German Research Coun- interconnections do not derive from natural laws FLOD5HVRXUFH&RPSOH[ZDVGHȴQHGDVDSDUWLFXODU or predictable cause-effect relations but are the ‘combination of objects, persons, knowledge and products of historical processes and cultural evalu- practices’ necessary for the ‘preservation, distri- ations, in other words, they are contingent. bution or use’ of a particular resource. 67KLVGHȴ- The original definition of RESOURCECULTURES in QLWLRQSURȴWHGIURP6WHSKHQ*XGHPDQȆVFRQFHSW the collaborative research centre highlights the in- of a base, which according to him is ‘locally and terconnections between three aspects: resources,
6 Conceptual Introdcution, 18,
use of resources and social effects. However, since these three aspects are already part of the defi- nition of resources, nothing new is introduced when talking about RESOURCECULTURES. Therefore, I think these aspects should be replaced by a focus RQWKHWKUHHPDMRUUHVRXUFHG\QDPLFVLGHQWLȴHG by the research centre: ‘valuations’, ‘movements’ and ‘developments’. Thus modified, the study of RESOURCECULTURES makes visible the interconnec- tions between these three dynamics by answer- ing questions like ‘How do new valuations affect the movement of people and things?’, ‘In how far does movement lead to social developments?’, and ‘In which way do social developments lead to new Fig. 1. New Mosque: ‘Central Mosque of Tüp (Yssykköl Oblast, Kyrgyzstan) and the Memorial for the victims valuations?’. in the Afghan War’ (Photo by Yanti Martina Hölzchen).
Correspondences Case Studies from Anthropology and Archaeology Such interconnections may be conceived of as open-ended lines or ‘correspondences’ in the sense Let me illustrate these ideas with examples from given to the term by Ingold (2013, 105–108). 8 To both anthropology and archaeology. The following Ingold, lines represent processes or movements case studies show that the above mentioned theo- that correspond or ‘answer’ to each other. When retical framework can be applied to different times we represent the elements of an environment and spaces and can be used for comparisons across as bounded entities, we miss the point that they GLVFLSOLQHV,QKHUUHFHQWȴHOGZRUNIRUWKHUHVHDUFK exist through time and react upon each other. centre Yanti Hölzchen has identified Islamic re- 7KLVȵXLGLW\PD\EHWWHUEHFDSWXUHGE\UHSUHVHQW- ligious knowledge as a new and increasingly im- ing things, animals and people as lines. Similarly, portant resource in present-day Kyrgyzstan. Islam RESOURCECULTURESDVGHȴQHGDERYHDUHQRWHVVHQFHV came relatively late to Kyrgyzstan, especially to the or bounded entities, but processes related to tangi- mountainous northern areas and was strongly sup- ble and intangible things reacting upon each other. pressed during the 70 years of Soviet rule. With the On a more abstract level, and thus going beyond FROODSVHRIWKH6RYLHW8QLRQDQGWKHRɚFLDOGHFODUD- Ingold, the three dynamics within a RESOURCECUL- tion of Independence in 1991, the country opened TURE – valuations, movements and developments up and attracted religious institutions from var- – may also be represented as overlapping, open- LRXVFUHHGV,QWKHODVWȴYHWRWHQ\HDUVWKHQXP- ended lines (Ingold 2007, 169 f.): the lines indicate ber of Islamic organisations and funds from Turkey the procedural dimensions of resources through and Saudi Arabia has steadily increased. They are time, the overlapping points the correspondences spreading various forms of religious knowledge in between these processes. Kyrgyzstan and have been successful in stimulat- ing discourses about the Koran, good and bad life and the right faith. According to Hölzchen (2017), a ResourceComplex for getting access to Islamic knowledge is massively expanding. Everywhere in the country religious schools (madrassas), prayer and meeting halls (mosques) as well as pilgrimage networks (darvat) offer local people an access to religious knowledge (ȴJ). The result is the for- 8 I am grateful to Tobias Marschall for making me aware of Tim Ingold’s concept of lines and correspondences. mation of a new ResourceCulture: institutions are Dynamic Correspondences 31
Jagannatha. To have access to this resource, differ- ent ResourceComplexes developed over centuries. Thus, Müller in her work focuses on the impor- tance of making donations (waqf), participating in rituals and doing voluntary work in the shrine as means for getting access to the highly valued UHVRXUFH,PDP5H]D,QWKH,QGLDQFDVH=¾ȵHLQ- vestigates the production, distribution and con- sumption of mahaprasad, the food containing the divine essence, as a ResourceComplex (ȴJ). On the one hand, in both cases resource and Resource- Complex have a long history of institutionalisation and are protected by various rules and practices Fig. 2. Pilgrims in Puri: ‘Pilgrims sharing holy food UHDɚUPLQJWUDGLWLRQ2QWKHRWKHUKDQGLQ,UDQ in Puri, Odisha’ (Photo by Roland Hardenberg). and in India, the systems are subject to increasing expansion, promotion and commercialisation. The RESOURCECULTURES in Mashhad and Puri thus seem to newly established, yet the resource itself as well share certain similarities. In both cases, an estab- as the attached ResourceComplex are highly con- lished corpus of texts and oral traditions are de- tested. As Hölzchen discovered, Kyrgyz people dis- termining the value of the resource and demand cuss the value of Islamic knowledge by comparing continuity without change. Unlike in Kyrgyzstan, it with what they consider their traditional way of the value of the resource is not contested, only the life. What is new, what is old? What is local, what is access to the resource. However, in contexts where foreign Islam? What is the proper relation between change is allowed, commercial values and practic- religious and secular knowledge? These valuation es are used to increase the value of the resource. processes become intensified with the spread of For example, elaborate forms of advertisement for mosques and madrassas throughout the country the religious resource attract pilgrims and tourists HQDEOHGE\WKHWUDQVQDWLRQDOȵRZVRINQRZOHGJH who contribute to the fame of Imam Reza and ma- money and personnel. This spatial mobility is not haprasad. This increases not only spatial mobility, unidirectional: more and more Kyrgyz seek Islamic but also leads to development in the sense of insti- knowledge outside the country. This double move- tutional growth and increased differentiation: the PHQWOHDGVWRDGLYHUVLȴFDWLRQRIWKH5HVRXUFH&RP- number of personnel in both institutions, especial- plex: the number of books, religious parapherna- ly in the administration, is constantly rising, large lia and institutions increases, the organisational investments are made in sacred buildings, new VHWXSEHFRPHVGLYHUVLȴHGZLWKGLIIHUHQWVFKRROV technologies, such as digital media and the inter- of Islamic thought which correspond with various QHWDUHTXLFNO\LQWURGXFHGDQGWKHLQȵXHQFHRI social differences: Islam for students and intellectu- the religious institutions is expanding into politics als, Islam for business people, Islam for village folk. and economy. While in Kyrgyzstan demands for Is- Compared to this evolving ResourceCulture lamic knowledge produce a diversity of competing in Kyrgyzstan, the situation studied by Katharina institutions, the long established RESOURCECULTURES 0¾OOHU LQ,UDQDQG/LVD=¾ȵH LQ,QGLD in Iran and India are marked by a high degree of is quite different. Both deal with long-established centralisation. religious institutions, the Shia shrine of Imam My last example derives from the work of Sil- Reza in Mashhad and the Hindu Temple of Jagan- viane Scharl from Cologne University, who inves- natha in Puri. The resource in both contexts is a tigated and analysed the form and distribution of means of mediation: in Mashhad, the holy Imam silex in northwest Bavaria during the early and Reza mediates between the believers and Allah, middle Neolithic. Using various theories from ar- while in Puri the holy food mahaprasad is the me- chaeology and anthropology, Scharl (forthcom- dium of exchange between the devotees and God ing) develops her own interpretation of the data, 32 Roland Hardenberg
KRZHYHU,KHUHXVHKHUȴQGLQJVWRLOOXVWUDWHWKH has perhaps become a symbolic resource for cre- conceptual framework of the collaborative re- ating identity. This ResourceCulture does not pro- search centre. Given the wide distribution and GXFHGLYHUVLȴFDWLRQDVLQ.\UJ\]VWDQEXWUDWKHU use of silex as knifes, she clearly investigates a XQLȴFDWLRQ+RZHYHULQDOOWKUHHFDVHVWXGLHVWKH YDOXHGUHVRXUFHDVGHȴQHGE\WKHUHVHDUFKFHQWUH existence of central places for production, distribu- In her work, she describes a ResourceComplex tion and consumption of resources as well as inten- that lasted for a long time and consisted of prac- VLȴHGFRPPXQLFDWLRQDERXWWKHYDOXHRIUHVRXUFHV tices for extracting silex, for making knifes from appear to be decisive factors in the expansion of the raw material, for improving or recycling tools RESOURCECULTURES. and for distributing or exchanging raw as well as transformed materials. In northwest Bavaria, this ResourceComplex underwent a certain change Conclusions from the early to the middle Neolithic because one type of silex, the so-called Plattenhornstein In this paper I have argued that the interdiscipli- from Abensberg-Arnhofen, became the favourite nary cooperation between anthropology and ar- resource while other materials, which were used chaeology faces certain challenges but also offers LQHDUOLHUWLPHVORVWVLJQLȴFDQFH2QHFRXOGVD\D chances to overcome biases and asymmetries. In new ResourceCulture emerged. First, in terms of particular, I argue against the widespread opinion valuation, the silex has probably changed from that anthropologists have a privileged access to a good produced casually and mostly for subsist- values and meanings and are the sole experts for ence into a commodity, i.e. a product of organised abstract theories and far-reaching generalisations. work meant for exchange. Second, this new valu- In my view, archaeologists offer an approach to the ation appears to go along with new forms of mo- study of values, which has only partly been used bility. Scharl suggests that perhaps in the middle by anthropologists due to their focus on conscious Neolithic people from particular settlements were values expressed by the people they study. When it sent to the Franconian Alb in order to acquire raw comes to meanings, I argue that on the one hand silex through exchange. Maybe, these people took anthropologists have lost their superior position as more raw material than needed for subsistence in ‘givers’ due to post-modernist theories of discourse order to have an exchange commodity to be traded and subjectivity. On the other hand, post-proces- in their place of origin. Third, these new movement sual archaeologists have found new ways of talk- patterns may be related to social developments at ing about the meanings of things. I follow Lucas that time. Trade becomes the dominant mode of when arguing that both disciplines share – despite exchange, because a larger population has to be all differences of data – one important commonal- supplied with silex. Furthermore, the settlement ity: archaeologists and anthropologists strive to go patterns change from early to middle Neolithic: beyond their empirical data and make statements Settlements become larger and denser and villages about social and cultural systems as well as certain as social units of solidarity rise in importance. Ad- dynamics through time. This insight lies at the ba- ditionally, the quickly changing fashions of ever sis of the new SFB 1070, which combines members more complex ceramics may be taken as an indica- of these disciplines in the joint effort of generalis- tion for increasing communication, and taking into ing the dynamics deriving from the use of cultur- account the construction of circular earthworks DOO\GHȴQHGUHVRXUFHV)RUWKLVFRPPRQDLPQHZ throughout middle Europe one may even speak concepts are introduced, which allow the involved of interregional communication (Scharl forthcom- VFLHQWLVWVWRȴQGDFRPPRQSODQHIRUFRPSDULQJ ing). Such places probably allowed people to ex- their various studies. Central to the new corpus change experiences, knowledge and material cul- of concepts is the notion of RESOURCECULTURES which ture such as silex tools. Taking these social changes brings to the fore the ‘correspondences’ between into consideration, Scharl expresses an interesting three interrelated dynamics: developments, move- hypothesis: The prominence of one particular type ments and valuations. This is illustrated with three of silex in this area shows that the Plattenhornstein DQWKURSRORJLFDOȴHOGVWXGLHVIURP.\UJ\]VWDQ,UDQ Dynamic Correspondences 33
and India and one archaeological investigation into the pre-history of northwest Bavaria, Germa- Roland Hardenberg ny. A comparison of these three RESOURCECULTURES Institut für Ethnologie shows that the existence of central places for pro- Norbert-Wollheim-Platz 1 duction, distribution and consumption of resourc- Goethe Universität Frankfurt HVDVZHOODVLQWHQVLȴHGFRPPXQLFDWLRQDERXWWKH D-60629 Frankfurt am Main value of resources seem to be decisive factors in [email protected] WKHH[SDQVLRQDQGXQLȴFDWLRQRIRESOURCECULTURES. This proves that the approach of the collaborative research centre has the potential to identify corre- spondences between processes of valuation, spa- tial movement and social development so that in the end we may be able to better understand the internal mechanisms of RESOURCECULTURES.
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Bedeutungen, Konzepte, Disziplinen (Stuttgart 2014) 226–229. 6SLUR : M. E. Spiro, Postmodernist Anthropology, Subjectivity, and Science: A Modernist Critique. Com- parative Studies in Society and History 38.4, 1996, 759–780. 7ULJJHU: B. Trigger, A History of Archaeological Thought (Cambridge 2007). =¾ȵH /=¾ȵH7KHWZR)DFHVRI0DKDSUDVDGD5LWXDODQG%XVLQHVVLQWKH.LWFKHQRI6UL-DJDQQDWKD In: Hardenberg 2017, 281–308. 35 HANS PETER HAHN Kinds of Resources and Ways of Perceiving $QWKURSRORJLFDO७5HȵHFWLRQV७RQ७D७&RQWHVWHG७ Category Keywords: materiality, contexts of things, ethno- Parallel to the appreciation and the societal graphy, affordance, needs con sensus about the value of a resource we also have to consider the dissolution of value and the disappearance of resources. A prominent histo rical Abstract example is the fate of relics during the 15th cent. AD. These valuable objects became worthless – rub- Resources have a massive impact on societies. bish, so to say – within a short period of time. Public However, the question who defines a resource’s opinion tended to reject their value and to disbe- value, i.e. recognises it, and the way it is approved, OLHYHWKHUHODWHGVWRULHVRIRULJLQ$WȴUVWJODQFH LHVRFLDOO\FRQȴUPHGGHSHQGVRQPDQ\IDFWRUV 0XQQȇVGHȴQLWLRQVHHPVWREHYHULȴHG+RZHYHU Starting with Sahlins’ statement about ‘original af- closer historical and ethnographic exa mination ȵXHQFHȇZHKDYHWRUHYHUVHRXUXQGHUVWDQGLQJRI might highlight internal tension and different (reli- ‘scarcity’ (Sahlins 1968). Consequently, any given gious) fractions, each addressing the value (and its resource requires a definition of its value and ‘resource character’) differently. SDUWLFXODULW\7KHQHFHVVLW\WRGHȴQHDUHVRXUFHȇV This contribution focuses on the multilevel value and productivity is always culturally speci- character of resources and the power of nego- ȴF7KHEHVWZD\WRVWXG\WKHVHVSHFLȴFZD\VRIDV- WLDWLRQVVLPXOWDQHRXVO\GHȴQLQJDQGREIXVFDWLQJ sessing a resource’s productivity is to consider its properties of potential resources. career or obsolescence. Is novelty in terms of mate- rial or technology appreciated? What about avail- able resources that are of no interest for anyone? Introduction: Negotiations about a resource’s value result 5HVRXUFHVDV&RQȴJXUDWLRQV LQDFRQXQGUXPRISURSHUWLHVGHȴQHGRQGLIIHU- ent but often inseparable levels. What about holy In the following, I shall approach ‘resources’ as a water for instance? Obviously, it is a highly appre- relational term: It contains a description of an ac- ciated resource for health, well-being or simply the tor’s relation to a material or immaterial pheno- material manifestation of religious belief. It is al- menon. This seemingly obvious or even banal most impossible to identify the relevant properties statement is probably the best point of departure by which water becomes ‘holy water’. However, in order to tackle the issue of resources on an the existence of such properties cannot be denied. anthro pological level, i.e. from a cross- cultural Apart from the material properties it is obviously per spective. Therefore, the first section of this the stories connected to objects, materials and contri bution deals with the concepts of resources places that turn these items into distinguished re- in societies worldwide, related for instance with sources. According to Munn attaching stories is the ideas of scarcity and abundance. Secondly, I shall SULQFLSDOSUDFWLFHWRLGHQWLI\DQGDɚUPWKHYDOXH narrow down the conception of resources by fo- of whatever is considered as desirable in a society cusing on material resources and, more pre- (Munn 1968). cisely, by a sking for the perception of a particular 36 Hans Peter Hahn resource in the context of its materiality. This ques- speaking material culture are not just expressions tion is also related to phenomena of the social and of whatever imaginable designs objects might cultural production of resources through interpre- have, but more importantly demonstrate, which tation. Thirdly, I shall deal with the emergence, dif- material resources are available. fusion, and disappearance of resources. Doing so, I My own research is based on long term ethno- will address the historical changes that inevitably graphic studies in West Africa and deals with affect the resources’ appreciation or dismissal. material culture of different cultures within the In a common-sense framework, the term ‘re- sub- region. My observations are less historically source’ appears to be a crucial concept to explain oriented, but rather focuses on current day issues WKHFXUUHQWFRQȴJXUDWLRQRIDVRFLHW\DVZHOODVLWV about access to and valuations of materials. Draw- history and future. This holds true even more in ing on these data, I intend to make state ments that the context of material culture studies: Every ma- are valid in the context of current anthropo logical terial object is associated with a resource, at least research. In a broader sense this contri bution I in the sense of ‘being made out of a substance’. wish to support a con structive dialogue between The experiences of melting down bronze and anthropology and archaeology. As a matter of prin- brass objects in times in which this alloy was con- ciple such a dialogue should focus on the model- sidered a critical resource, reminds us of the fact ling of social and cultural phenomena, rather than that the character of ‘being a substance’ is a perma- being misled by the interests of certain archae- nent condition of most objects of material culture ologists who aim at appropriating ethno graphic (Hahn/Soentgen 2010). However, in accordance ȴQGLQJVDQGFRQVWUXFWLQJDQDORJLFSDUDOOHOVWRWKH ZLWKRXULQLWLDOGHȴQLWLRQRIUHVRXUFHVJLYHQDWWKH archae o logical record. beginning of this contribution we also have to con- Anthropology and archaeology share a consid- sider the discursive dimension of resources. Equat- HUDEOHDPRXQWRILQWHUHVWVDQGVFLHQWLȴFSUHPLVHV ing an object or a substance with a resource is an (Hahn 2012b). However, if both disciplines are per- expression of a certain attitude of a group or an in- ceived as part of the more complex framework of GLYLGXDOWRZDUGVDSDUWLFXODUFRQȴJXUDWLRQRIWKH humanities, the limited use of the results of one HQYLURQPHQWLQWKHȴUVWLQVWDQFH'RXEWOHVVO\WKLV disci pline for answering the questions of another includes the positive evaluation of such a confi- proves to be a quite problematic practice. To say guration. A resource may include objects or sub- WKHOHDVWLWZRXOGUHVXOWLQDELDVHGJDPHRIȴQGLQJ stances or a culturally ascribed feature. Resources answers, based on dubious assumptions about the are not always ‘objectively’ identifiable because history of mankind. Instead, I suggest, a fruitful an- they are constructed in historical processes. This thropological-archaeological coop eration should concept certainly is a challenge in the broader in- strive to delimit shared questions, resulting from terdisciplinary context of this book and it cannot overlapping concepts and a joint basic understand- be adopted easily by all participating dis ci plines. ing of the concept of ‘cultural phenomena’. Ques- Still, I will stick to it here, because it is always use- tions such as how to think about technologies and, ful to choose a broader concept at the beginning in PRUHVSHFLȴFDERXWȆUHVRXUFHVȇDUHJRRGH[DPSOHV order to provide space for a certain level of com- in this context (Hahn 2009). This may concern the plexity, instead of avoiding complexity by making relationship between humans and their physi- WKHFRQFHSWWRRQDUURZDQGVSHFLȴF cal environment, the social regu lations of access In the following section, I shall frame my re- to substances and things (= social structure), and marks with references to ethnographic research, emic concepts of a resource as such. both from classical authors like Richard B. Lee DQG0DUVKDOO6DKOLQVDQGIURPP\RZQȴHOGZRUN The latter refers to my work on material culture in Scarcity and Abundance: parti cular. A society’s materiality is unintelligible How Resources Are Conceptualised if we do not deal with the problems caused by the DFFHVVRUWKHODFNRIDFFHVVWRUHVRXUFHVȴUVW6KDSH We are used to understand contemporary Western and form of crafted things, and more generally QDWLRQVDVVRFLHWLHVRIDɛXHQFH *DOEUDLWK Kinds of Resources and Ways of Perceiving 37 Never before in the history of mankind people foodstuff, he will encounter social disapproval. In have owned so many things nor have they ever such societies each individual is supposed to limit had access to such a wide range of different mate- his personal possessions to what he can carry him- rial resources available as in Western societies of self; nobody is to hunt or collect more food than he the 20th cent. AD. The availability of things seems himself can consume within a few days. Sahlins limitless. In this context, currently relevant ques- emphasises that the ideal in these societies is the tions are restricted to issues of fair distribution contempt of accumulation. and the appropriate equivalents that we are will- Whoever has hunted a large head of game is ing to invest in order to obtain certain goods and not supposed to dry the meat and keep it for him- commodities. self, but to share it with his community. Further However, anthropology has shown that other norms in these societies regard the depreciation of societies know quite different concepts of the rela- work. Sahlins assumes that they follow the social tion between individuals and their environment. rule of maximising idleness. Marshall Sahlins has summarised some related in- Empirical studies have shown that the weekly vestigations in a polemical text entitled ‘The orig- working time among hunter-gatherers amounts to inal affluent society’ (Sahlins 1968; 1978, 1–40). OHVVWKDQKRXUV6LWWLQJDWWKHFDPSȴUHVSHQGLQJ In this provocative essay, Sahlins turns the usual time in the grass huts, or relaxing in the shade of a perspective upside down. By presenting some good large tree is much more important than working reasons for doing so, he describes consumer soci- to them (Widlok 1999). Someone who avoids social eties as ‘societies of scarcity’, whereas that type of time or lounging collectively is considered mali- society, which we habitually regard as impaired by cious. Sahlins calls this system of norms the ‘Zen extraordinary scarcity, is characterised by him as way of prosperity’. Saturation and affluence are ȆDɛXHQWVRFLHW\ȇ not obtained by making full use of the available The empirical basis of his studies is the life- resources, but rather by focusing on the essentials VW\OHRIVRFDOOHGȆKXQWHUJDWKHUHUVRFLHWLHVȇ$WȴUVW and a contempt for everything else. glance, it seems that these groups, which today At the time of publication, about 40 years account only for a tiny fraction of humanity, lack ago, Sahlins’ study received an overwhelming almost everything: They only have minimal mate- response. It was discussed intensely and trans- rial equipment, their tools are extremely simple, lated into several languages, including German and their diet depends on what is offered by na- (Sahlins 1978). However, it also drew criticism ture, entirely. In addition, their current habitats, that has to be addressed. Certainly, some of the e.g. semi-deserts and rainforests, are often associ- data that Sahlins has used need to be re-assessed ated with extreme scarcity of resources (Lee 1968; care fully. Nevertheless, the relevant aspect for Köhler 1991). According to a widely unquestioned this paper is his fundamental statement, which Western assumption the every day life of such includes a general explanation about the concept people in these climatically marginal regions with of resources and is worth to be considered again their particular habitats and lifestyles is marked by from the angle of our current interest: As Sahlins hardship and the struggle for survival. But Sahlins points out there are quite different ideas about shows that the opposite proves to be true. Members how to access the environment. Notions like, for of hunter-gatherer societies eat very well; their nu- instance, the ‘exploitation’ of what nature offers trition is rich in vitamins and protein and, most of or the ‘optimal use’ of what is available at reason- the year, there is more food available than can be able cost, dominate Western thinking about re- consumed. Furthermore, Sahlins refers to earlier sources. It is precisely these ideas that need to be observations about the total carelessness of these relativised. people regarding their resources: Men and women Sahlins calls such perceptions elsewhere a ‘cos- only use what they need for the day; everything mology of capitalism’ (Sahlins 1988; 1996). Follow- else is left behind (Testart 1982). If any member of ing Sahlins, it is a fundamental mistake of the West society intents to intensify the exploitation of re- to consider its own ‘cosmology’ (including the idea sources in order to store a considerable amount of of a scarcity of resources) as universal. 38 Hans Peter Hahn It is worth to take a closer look at the history of cereals, has turned out not to have any major ef- HFRQRPLFVWRȴQGRWKHUUHOHYDQWFDVHVWXGLHVWKDW fect. If prices for agricultural products increase, provide alternative concepts of the distribution of farmers reduce their production. They only pro- resources. For instance, the Russian historian of GXFHWKHPLQLPDODPRXQWRIFDVKFURSVVXɚFLHQW agriculture, Alexander Tschajanow has published to obtain their goal (e.g. to pay school fees). If the a remarkable study, dealing with the principles of harvest exceeds the expectations, the surplus is income generation among Russian peasants, in the used for social activities. This can be done directly late 19th cent. AD. He found out that the peasants by organising big festivals or indirectly by con- were neither oriented towards available or called- serving surpluses that are distributed in times of for work nor towards the wages offered (Tscha- scarcity. janow 1987). Instead, they only worked as much The key arguments of Sahlins and Tschajanow as necessary to earn a limited amount of money. are parallel to the described agricultural pheno- They just wanted to satisfy the nutritional needs of mena in West Africa. In all situations, available themselves and their families for a few days; they resources (game for hunting, money, cereals, and were not interested to generate more income, even other cash-crops) are considered as something that if there was an opportunity. When the wage rises LVQRWDYDLODEOHLQLQȴQLWHTXDQWLWLHV/LPLWDWLRQV were implemented to stimulate a higher willing- DUHGHȴQHGFXOWXUDOO\DQGDSSO\LQVSHFLȴFUHJLRQDO ness to work, the farmers did not react as expected: and historical contexts. A resource, one might con- They simply did not work longer. On the contrary, clude, is not what someone needs, or what appears they reduced their working hours in order to ob- to be available, but rather what appears to be a tain the same wage they would have earned for reasonable offer from the material envi ron ment to longer working hours at the previous hourly rate. VSHFLȴFDFWRUV$UHVRXUFHLVUHJDUGHGDVVXFKRQO\ Tschajanow’s work, originally published in when the cultural setting renders its appropriation 1923, is still appreciated by the experts as a valu- relevant. able lesson in development policy. It shows, through its comprehensive empirical basis, that the resource ‘pecuniary income’ is not utilised ac- Perception of Resources cording to its availability. The appeal of ‘income’ as a resource is rather limited to short-term goals of The above statement about the perceived relevance survival. of a resource links the previous section with the fol- Although Tschajanow’s work has not been quot- lowing one. How a ‘resource’ is perceived is not only ed by Sahlins, the contributions, one from Southern a matter of relevance, but also one of competence Africa, the other from Russia, are closely related: and knowledge. Ethnographic research teaches the Both of them contextualise the idea of a resource. careful observer that perceived pro perties of things In both cases, the ‘availability’ is outweighed by and substances have a major impact on its categori- social limitations. Furthermore, one and the other sation as a resource. Whereas the previous section give low priority to the optimal exploitation in dealt with hierarchies of values and consequently their hierarchy of values. It is easy to relate these practices the following passage focuses on this very findings to current challenges of the agricultur- aspect. Yet, there is of course no sharp distinction al production in West Africa (Krings 1991; Okike between these two approaches to resources and the et al. 2001; Stamm 2001). In West Africa, there is a differ en tiation suggested here only serves heuristic longstanding problem of chronic underproduction. purposes. Currently, several countries in the region have to From of the many potential qualities of things, import staple foods to nourish their rapidly grow- in each society only a few are selected as charac- ing populations. Farmers in these countries would te ristic for them. Although this restriction in per- certainly be able to produce more crops than they cep tions might appear as a ‘culturally induced need for themselves. The expectation of develop- limitation’ it is the constructive basis for the reli- ment economists to stimulate production through able embedding of a resource, i.e. linking a mate- higher market prices, e.g. for various types of rial or an object with meanings and connections Kinds of Resources and Ways of Perceiving 39 in a stable manner. Tim Ingold (2007) argues in Jakob von Uexküll, who described an old oak tree this context that culture ultimately serves to sim- with different animals, which live on or under the plify the complexity of the physical environment. tree (Uexküll/Kriszat 1934). The essay deals with It selects and pushes some useful proper ties of the the different perceptions of each of these animals. material features to the forefront while it simulta- The respective interests and habits lead to special neously ignores others. sensitivity concerning particular areas of the tree. The often sought-after ‘scientific objectivity’ The bark beetle has detailed knowledge of the hard in the description of material items has little to do and soft parts of the bark; the blackbird particu- with our everyday perception of objects. Dealing larly appreciates some hidden crotches that serve with material culture and substances as well as ac- as a nesting site; the woodpecker lives in a cave in cess to resources has much more to do with ‘igno- WKHWUXQNDQGWKHEDGJHUȴQGVVKHOWHUEHQHDWKWKH rance’. People use things without really knowing, roots. All animals perceive the same object, the old which characteristics are inherent in these things oak tree, yet differently from their respective per- (Hahn 2015). spectives. Von Uexküll concludes: There is no need Imagine a complete list of properties of a thing, for an idea of the whole. The analytical perspective as it should be possible to establish for an anthro- of the tree as an entity with a complex set of prop- pologist or an archaeologist. It is obvious that the HUWLHVLHWKHȆREMHFWLȴHGNQRZOHGJHȇLVQRWDSULRU- every day user will be aware only of a quite small ity. What really counts is the precise coordination part of these properties. Of course, the inverse RISHUFHSWLRQZLWKUHJDUGWRVSHFLȴFLQWHUHVWV UHODWLRQVKLSLVDOVRWUXH 9HU\VSHFLȴFSURSHUWLHV 7KHWKLUGȴHOGWRZKLFK,UHIHUKHUHLQRUGHU PD\EHRYHUORRNHGLQWKHVFLHQWLȴFFRQWH[WHYHQ to underline the usefulness of such a selective per- though they may play quite an important role in ception has been elaborated by Tim Ingold with his users’ subjective perception and appreciation as a notion of ‘affordance’. The affordance of a thing is resource. a partial picture; it is the appearance of the object A simple example, which relates to the origin that comes to the fore in the eyes of the beholder of goods and commodities, demonstrates to which (Ingold 1992). The thereby perceived quality may H[WHQWREMHFWLȴHGNQRZOHGJHDQGHYHU\GD\FXOWXU- be, for instance, the roughness or the hardness of ally embedded knowledge diverge. Of course now- a surface. Considering the appreciation of many DGD\VLQHYHU\(XURSHDQKRXVHKROGZHFDQȴQG metals, it may also relate to the plasticity and hard- goods that have been produced or assembled in all ness of these materials. Artefacts that are used continents. In everyday action however, the origin frequently, like a toothbrush, are often shaped in of an object is of minor importance. People do not a way that makes it hard to miss their affordance know where these things come from. The pathway (Garrow/Shove 2007). But of course also wrong or of a household item from its place of production even dangerous incentives can occur. For example via long distance trade and regional distribution the use of sweetener causes people to eat exces- mechanism to the supermarket does not really in- sive amounts. The availability of garments at a low terest the average consumer (Arnold et al. 2012). price can contribute to the habit of wearing clothes Undeniably, this ignorance has a positive aspect. only once. Not being able to differentiate between things of Building on the framework of ‘ignorance’, ‘se- different origins makes it possible to use them, lective perception’, and ‘affordance’, many of the regardless of their origin at the same time. ‘Igno- correlating ethnographical examples are more com- rance’ is therefore a basis for using many different plex. One of these deals with the meanings and uses things as a reliable resource. of water. A closer examination of this ‘substance’, 7KXV,KDYHVKRZQDȴUVWUHDVRQKRZVHOHF- which is of course a highly relevant one reveals tive perception is advantageous in a particular an irritatingly wide range of different evaluations. FRQWH[W,QDGGLWLRQWRWKLVWKHEHQHȴWVRIVXFKD Members of Western societies consider the com- selective perception can be shown in two other pletely transparent and tasteless form of water as ȴHOGV2QHKDVLWVFRQFHSWXDOIRXQGDWLRQLQWKHVR the ‘ideal form’ of the substance. But in West Africa called ‘Ecology of Mind’. An example is provided by things are different. In my ethnographic work I had 40 Hans Peter Hahn to learn that rainwater and surface water has a requirement for understanding resources in their more appealing taste because of its opacity and the complexity. ȴQHSDUWLFOHVLWFRQWDLQV +DKQD In the context of water there is a dominant opinion on a global level describing it as a sub- Changeability stance with uniform properties. There are strong normative rules that decide in each individual The perception of a resource does not only differ FDVHZKHWKHUWKHZDWHUȴWVIRUKXPDQFRQVXPS between one locale and another; it is also subject tion or not (Goubert 1989). Ethnographic data to historical processes. Therefore, it is of particu- show a quite different perception of this ‘resource’, lar importance to address these changes explicit- and particularly of the Ganges in Northern India ly. The dynamics of the increasing appreciation or (Cless 2014). The water of this sacred river is in- neglect make it possible to understand some more disputably murky, but it is considered as ‘pure’. aspects of the concept of ‘resources’. It is probably This purity is by no means only metaphorically; it no mistake to use the metaphor of ‘cultural and is perceived as a manifest property of the Ganges VRFLDOȴOWHUVȇWKDWOHDGSHRSOHWRDFFHSWRUWRUHMHFW water. People in India drink this water in order to something as a resource at a particular moment in rinse themselves internally. They swim in the river history. in order to obtain external purity (Weiz 2005; Zühl- A quite well documented historical example ke 2013). Believers claim that bottled water from is that of the history of asbestos. Asbestos or ‘Sala- the Ganges does not rot and even that it maintains mander’ is a material known since antiquity. It is its good taste. said that Charlemagne possessed a tablecloth made ,WLVGLɚFXOWWRȴQGWKHREMHFWLYHGLPHQVLRQLQ of asbestos, which he used to impress his guests such statements. Yet, this accounts for an impor- E\WKURZLQJLWLQWRWKHȴUH %¾WWQHU ,QWKH tant characteristic of resources: The selection of 19th cent. AD people began to use the property of perceptions and characteristics that constitutes ȴUHUHVLVWDQFHIRUȴUHSURRIFORWKLQJIRUȴUHȴJKWHUV the relational phenomenon we call ‘resource’ Quickly asbestos became a popular material. The can hardly be determined objectively. We can 20th cent. AD was the moment to introduce cheap, FRQFOXGHKRZHYHUWKDWWKHLGHQWLȴFDWLRQRIDUH- ȴUHUHVLVWDQWEXLOGLQJPDWHULDOVIRUH[DPSOH(WHU- source always includes some explicit and particu- nit. Just at the time of its most intensive use in hous- lar features. Without desirable characteristic no ing, industrial plants and other buildings research resource! The scientific knowledge about water ȴQGLQJVRQVHYHUHKHDOWKKD]DUGVRIDVEHVWRVZHUH and its properties have led to a de-valuation or confirmed (Roselli 2014). Asbestos completely elimi nation of the resource ‘water’. The power of changed its role and losing its attri bution as a re- FXOWXUHLQGHȴQLQJUHVRXUFHVEHFRPHVREYLRXVLQ source turned into a dangerous substance. The cost the case of the ‘holy water’ from Lourdes. It is al- of disposing this hazard are enormous and will be PRVWLPSRVVLEOHWRLGHQWLI\WKHVSHFLȴFSURSHUWLHV relevant in the future as well. that transform ordinary water into a precious re- This example is closely connected with the VRXUFHIRUKHDOWKLQDȆVFLHQWLȴFDOO\REMHFWLYHȇZD\ question of ‘clean water’ the key example of the (Hänel 2009; Worster 2006). previous section. Water and asbestos both show 'LIIHULQJSHUFHSWLRQVRIUHVRXUFHVDɚUPDWLYH VLJQLȴFDQWFKDQJHVLQHYDOXDWLRQLQWKHFRXUVHRI as well as critical positions have probably always history. At any particular moment, only certain existed. Nevertheless, we need to address an impor- properties are recognised, while others do not ap- tant question: What are the limits to the differences pear. In addition to ‘recognition’ in the sense of in perceiving resources? If there is no water at all perception, the implementation of new insights anymore, the question about the qualities of wa- that are not necessarily visible for the naked eye is ter loses its relevance. What is the scope of ‘drink- DOVRUHOHYDQW1HZȴQGLQJVPD\OHDGWRWKHGHYDOX- able water’ in different cultures? Such questions ation or upgrading of a resource. FDQEHDQVZHUHGRQO\LQVSHFLȴFUHJLRQDODQGKLV- There is an abundance of ethnographic case torical settings. To ask them however, is a basic studies that describe how ordinary things become Kinds of Resources and Ways of Perceiving 41 appreciated resources. Frequently, such descrip- differences in relevance. If a thing, a substance, tions also deal with the question of how ‘value’ is or a social position (prestige) is considered to be generated. The most famous example in this con- a resource, this means primarily a relation, estab- text concerns the kula objects, which circulate lished and recognised by the individual, but also among different societies in Oceania as described by the society and culture. To summarise the key in the classic monograph by Bronislaw Malinowski arguments of this chapter, three aspects need to be (1922). The objects in question, soulava and mwali, mentioned: are made out of different kinds of shells and trav- 1. ‘Resource’ cannot be a universal concept. In el over long distances with their temporary own- a first approach, the relations between a so- ers in order to be exchanged (Strathern/Stewart ciety and the materiality of the environment 2005). Malinowski compares these valuables with have to be examined, as I have demonstrat- the crown jewels of the Queen of England and de- ed above drawing on different studies on the scribes in detail how particular value objects are hunter-gatherer societies. As indicated through OLQNHGWRVSHFLȴFVWRULHV+DYLQJDSDUWLFXODUVWR- the following examples from Russia and West- ry is a value-increasing attribute. Malinowski’s Africa agriculturalists, this is by no means study, alongside other studies on the mechanisms only relevant for ‘exotic’ societies! Even in the of value generation, inspired Nancy Munn to pres- present there are social environments where ent a more general concept of value generation a universal resource concept cannot apply. 0XQQ +HUVSHFLȴFLQWHUHVWIR- Whether and how resources are recognised as cusses on the relatedness of a particular person’s such, cannot be answered without consider- appreciation with the value of a prestigious object. ing of ‘valuation’, ‘perception’ and ‘usages’. All This is no surprise given the importance of memo- WKHVHWKLQJVDUHFXOWXUHVSHFLȴFDQGPD\YDU\ rabilia in Western culture (Oesterle 2006). It is im- considerably as has been shown in the chapter portant to link this concept of social and cultural by different examples. ‘value generation’ to the idea of a resource. 2. ‘Resources’ needs both, the reference to things, The generation of value is one of the classical including the materiality of the environment topics in anthropology, however mainly with re- as I have shown with reference to Uexküll’s gard to the decrease of value or the rejections of work, as well as the discursive processes de- things. Anthropologists have frequently considered termining the appreciated characteristics of a their own work as a documentation of things and resource highlighted by Munn. To some extent, other phenomena, seemingly on the verge of dis- the required equilibrium between the natu- tinction. There is a general trend in anthropology to ral dimension and the power of the discursive believe that traditions are devaluated. ‘Traditional’ framing can be compared with the old story of objects seem to lose their role as valuable resources Scylla and Charybdis. Any bias towards one of in the societies under examination. But quite often the two (‘naturalism’ or ‘culturalism’) will lead this rather worried and critical assessment turned to an inacceptable simplification. Referring out to be wrong. Instead, it was shown by ‘re- to resource only with regard to one of the two studies’ that traditions are stronger than expected. domains will lead to a failure of the concept as Objects linked to traditions may change their role, such. It is important not to consider a resource UHOHYDQWFXVWRPVDUHPRGLȴHGEXWWKHLQVWLWXWLRQV as something ‘given’. The historical context, the persist. At least, this is the case for the kula valu- increase of value, but also the disappearance ables (Malnic/Kasaipwalova 1998). of valuation should be taken in account. I have H[HPSOLȴHGWKLVKHUHZLWKWKHFDVHRIDVEHVWRV On the other hand, there are also limits to the Conclusion possibility of generating resources through spe- FLȴFGLVFRXUVHV'LDPRQGȇVERRNRQWKHFROODSVH Dealing with resources requires a careful exami- of societies presents a collection of examples on nation of the available conceptual tools. We need to how societies fail to acknowledge the impor- understand cultural embedding and the respective tance of particular resources (Diamond 2005). 42 Hans Peter Hahn 3. There is a specific relation between ‘knowl- perception contribute to the complexity of the edge’ and the recognition of resources. This term ‘resource’, assessed in a cross-cultural per- also includes an observation of the interface spective. Although talking about limited resources between different resources. The rejection of is part of the political negotiations on an everyday one particular resource can contribute to the basis and plays a role in all domains, we still need appreciation of another. Identifying a new re- to assemble many quite disparate elements across source may lead to a decrease in relevance of disciplines. What is more, we will have to engage previously existing resources. The relation be- in further research in order to gain a proper un- tween limited perception and resources can derstanding of the meanings of this term. also lead to ignorance of the potentials of a re- source, but also to an elimination of resources WKURXJKLQFUHDVLQJȆVFLHQWLȴFREMHFWLYLW\ȇDVLQ the case of water. Probably ‘not knowing’, i.e. Hans Peter Hahn ‘ignorance’, about material properties of things Institut für Ethnologie - Campus Westend and substances plays a considerable role on Goethe-Universität Frankfurt, cultural approaches to potential resources. Norbert-Wollheim-Platz 1 Taking the three aspects together, (1) the cultural D-60323 Frankfurt am Main specificity, (2) the double embeddedness in na- [email protected] ture and discourses, and (3) the limitations in the Bibliography $UQROGHWDO: J. E. Arnold/A. Graesch/E. Ragazzini/E. Ochs (ed.), Life at Home in the Twenty-First Cen- tury. 32 Families Open Their Doors (Los Angeles 2012). %¾WWQHU: J. U. Büttner, Asbest in der Vormoderne. Vom Mythos zur Wissenschaft. Cottbuser Studien zur Geschichte von Technik, Arbeit und Umwelt 24 (Münster 2004). &OHVV : K. Cless, Menschen am Brunnen. Ethnologische Perspektiven zum Umgang mit Wasser (Bielefeld 2014). 'LDPRQG: J. M. Diamond, Collapse. How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed (New York 2005). *DOEUDLWK -.*DOEUDLWK7KH$ɛXHQW6RFLHW\ %RVWRQ *DUURZ6KRYH: D. Garrow/E. Shove, Artefacts between Disciplines. The Toothbrush and the Axe. Ar- FKDHRORJLFDO'LDORJXHVߕ *RXEHUW : J.-P. Goubert, The Conquest of Water. The Advent of Health in the Industrial Age (Cambridge 1989). +DKQ : H. P. Hahn, L’ancienne métallurgie de fer en Afrique de l’ouest. Problèmes ethnoarchéologiques et interprétations. In: S. Magnavita (ed.), Crossroads. Cultural and Technological Developments in First Millennium BC/AD West Africa. Journal African Archaeology Monograph Series 2 (Frankfurt am Main ߕ +DKQD: H. P. Hahn, Water as Substance and Meaning. Anthropological Perspectives. In: H. P. Hahn/K. Cless/J. Soentgen (eds.), People at the Well. Kinds, Usages and Meanings of Water in a Global Perspec- WLYH )UDQNIXUWDP0DLQ ߕ +DKQE: H. P. Hahn, Archäologie und Ethnologie. Welche gemeinsamen Grundlagen? Forum Kritische $UFK¦RORJLHߕ +DKQ: H. P. Hahn (ed.), Vom Eigensinn der Dinge. Für eine neue Perspektive auf die Welt des Materi- ellen (Berlin 2015). +DKQ6RHQWJHQ: H. P. Hahn/J. Soentgen, Acknowledging Substances. Looking at the Hidden Side of WKH0DWHULDO3KLORVRSK\DQG7HFKQRORJ\ ߕ Kinds of Resources and Ways of Perceiving 43 +¦QHO '+¦QHO'DJPDU+HLOLJHV:DVVHUߕKHLOHQGHV:DVVHU.XOWXUDQWKURSRORJLVFKHEHUOHJXQJHQ zu Handlungspraxen und Deutungen am Beispiel ‘Lourdes’. In: G. Hirschfelder/A. Ploeger (eds.), Purer *HQXVV":DVVHUDOV*HWU¦QN:DUHXQG.XOWXUJXW )UDQNIXUWDP0DLQ ߕ ,QJROG : T. Ingold, Culture and the Perception of the Environment. In: E. Croll/D. J. Parkin (eds.), Bush %DVH)RUHVW)DUP&XOWXUH(QYLURQPHQWDQG'HYHORSPHQW /RQGRQ ߕ ,QJROG 7,QJROG0DWHULDOV$JDLQVW0DWHULDOLW\$UFKDHRORJLFDO'LDORJXHVߕ .¸KOHU : O. Köhler: Die Welt der Kxoé-Buschleute im südlichen Afrika. Eine Selbstdarstellung in ihrer eigenen Sprache, II. Grundlagen des Lebens. Wasser, Sammeln und Jagd. Bodenbau und Tierhaltung. (Berlin 1991). .ULQJV : T. Krings, Agrarwissen bäuerlicher Gruppen in Mali/Westafrika. Standortgerechte Elemente in den Landnutzungssystemen der Senoufo, Bwa, Dogon und Somono (Berlin 1991). /HH : R. B. Lee, What Hunters Do for a Living, or, How to Make out on Scarce Resources. In: R. B. Lee/I. De Vore (eds.), Man the Hunter. The First Intensive Survey of a Single, Crucial Stage of Human Devel- RSPHQW0DQȇV2QFH8QLYHUVDO+XQWLQJ:D\RI/LIH &KLFDJR ߕ 0DOLQRZVNL %0DOLQRZVNL$UJRQDXWVRIWKH:HVWHUQ3DFLȴF$Q$FFRXQWRI1DWLYH(QWHUSULVHDQG Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea, I (London 1922). 0DOQLF.DVDLSZDORYD : J. Malnic/J. Kasaipwalova, Kula. Myth and Magic in the Trobriand Islands (Wahroonga 1998). 0XQQ : N. Munn, Visual Categories. An Approach to the Study of Representational Systems. American $QWKURSRORJLVW ߕ 0XQQ : N. Munn, The Transformation of Subjects into Objects in Walbiri. In: R. M. Berndt (ed.), Aus- tralian Aboriginal Anthropology. Modern Studies in the Social Anthropology of the Australian Aborigi- QHV 1HGODQGV ߕ 0XQQ : N. Munn, The Fame of Gawa. A Symbolic Study of Value Transformation in a Massim (Papua New Guinea) Society (Cambridge 1986). 2HVWHUOH: G. Oesterle, Souvenir und Andenken. In: U. Schneider/B. Gablowski/G. Körner (eds.), Souve- QLU(ULQQHUXQJLQ'LQJHQYRQGHU5HOLTXLH]XP$QGHQNHQ .¸OQ ߕ 2NLNHHWDO: I. Okike/M. A. Jabbar/V. Manyong/J. W. Smith/J. A. Akinwumi/S. K. Ehui, Agricultural ,QWHQVLȴFDWLRQDQG(ɚFLHQF\LQWKH:HVW$IULFDQ6DYDQQDKV(YLGHQFHIURP1RUWKHUQ1LJHULD6R- cio-Economics and Policy Research Working Paper 33 (Nairobi 2001). 5RVHOOL: M. Roselli (ed.), The Asbestos Lie. The Past and Present of an Industrial Catastrophe (Brüssel 2014). 6DKOLQV 0'6DKOLQV1RWHVRQWKH2ULJLQDO$ɛXHQW6RFLHW\,Q 5%/HH,'HYRUH HGV 0DQWKH Hunter. The First Intensive Survey of a Single, Crucial Stage of Human Development (Chicago 1968) ߕ 6DKOLQV : M. D. Sahlins, Ökonomie der Fülle. Die Subsistenzwirtschaft der Jäger und Sammler. In: F. 'XYH HG 7HFKQRORJLHXQG3ROLWLN;,,'LH=XNXQIWGHUNRQRPLH 5HLQEHN ߕ 6DKOLQV 0'6DKOLQV&RVPRORJLHVRI&DSLWDOLVP7KH7UDQV3DFLȴF6HFWRURIȆ7KH:RUOG6\VWHPȇ3UR- FHHGLQJVRIWKH%ULWLVK$FDGHP\ ߕ 6DKOLQV : M. D. Sahlins, The Sadness of Sweetness. The Native Anthropology of Western Cosmology. &XUUHQW$QWKURSRORJ\ ߕ 6WDPP 96WDPP,QWHQVLȴFDWLRQ3DWWHUQVLQ:HVW$IULFDQ$JULFXOWXUH6RFLDODQG&XOWXUDO&RQGLWLRQV DQG&RQVWUDLQWV=HLWVFKULIWI¾U:LUWVFKDIWVJHRJUDSKLHߕ 6WUDWKHUQ6WHZDUW: A. Strathern/P. J. Stewart, Ceremonial Exchange. In: J. G. Carrier (ed.), Handbook RI(FRQRPLF$QWKURSRORJ\ &KHOWHQKDP ߕ 7HVWDUW $7HVWDUW7KH6LJQLȴFDQFHRI)RRG6WRUDJHDPRQJ+XQWHU*DWKHUHUV&XUUHQW$QWKURSRORJ\ ߕ 44 Hans Peter Hahn 7VFKDMDQRZ : A. Tschajanow (ed.), Die Lehre von der bäuerlichen Wirtschaft (Frankfurt am Main 1987). 8H[N¾OO.ULV]DW : J. von Uexküll/G. Kriszat, Streifzüge durch die Umwelten von Tieren und Menschen. Ein Bilderbuch unsichtbarer Welten (Berlin 1934). :HL]: B. Weiz, Water Reservoirs in South India. An Anthropological Approach (München 2005). :LGORN : T. Widlok, Living on Mangetti. “Bushman” Autonomy and Namibian Independence (Oxford 1999). :RUVWHU ':RUVWHU:DWHULQWKH$JHRI,PSHULDOLVPߕDQG%H\RQG,Q 77YHGW72HVWLJDDUG HGV 7KH:RUOGRI:DWHU$+LVWRU\RI:DWHU /RQGRQ ߕ =¾KONH: L. Zühlke, Verehrung und Verschmutzung des Ganges. Zusammenhang der ökologischen Probleme und der religiösen Bedeutung des heiligen Flusses (Berlin 2013). 45 HARTMUT LEPPIN AND CHRISTIAN A. MÜLLER Discourses of Weakness and Resource Regimes Preliminary Remarks on a New Research Design1 Keywords: weakness, discourses of weakness, edited, and the other is in Frankfurt am Main. The GHȴFLHQF\VWUHQJWKUHVRXUFHVUHVRXUFHUHJLPH Frankfurt group is called Schwächediskurse und means, power, mobilisation, indication, transfor- Ressourcenregime (Discourses of Weakness and mation, agency, value, affordance, materiality, Resource Regimes). 2 This diverse group includes immateriality KLVWRULDQVRIVHYHUDOȴHOGVDPRQJWKHPVSHFLDOLVWV in contemporary history, Chinese history, the his- tory of sciences, economic history, and the history Abstract of law as well as anthropologists and philosophers. Resources and written discourses form the main Changes in the handling of resources are of central focus of this research centre. interest to historical research. The CRC (colla- In this short contribution, we will attempt to borative research centre) 1095 Discourses of Weak- explain our very abstract concept and set out to ness and Resource Regimes addresses this question articulate a few methodological trials and tribula- by analysing how discourses of weakness influ- tions. In doing so, we will focus on the term of re- ence the handling of resources, with a particular sources that the research centres in Tübingen and focus on the impact of power relations in these in Frankfurt have in common. Given that it is an processes. Thus, the CRC deals with a crucial aspect article about work in progress, ultimately it will of historical transformation. Our leading suppo- raise more questions than it answers. sition is that discourses of weakness may possess The title of the Frankfurt collaborative research indicating and mobilising functions in different centre sounds strange, and deliberately so: both historical formations in as much as they highlight concepts – discourses of weakness and resource which resources are missing for attaining the goals regimes – are not very familiar to the scholarly of a historical formation. community. They will certainly evoke some ideas, but they do not refer to notorious buzzwords from elaborate theories. It is not even clear why dis- Introduction courses of weakness and resource regimes should relate to each other. Resources have become a crucial issue of our times. Our core research question, however, is very It comes therefore as no surprise that there are simple and at the same time tremendously far currently two collaborative research centres that reaching: how can we describe transformation deal with resources. One is located in Tübingen in a way that is not only metaphorical? There is (SFB 1070 RESSOURCENKULTUREN), where this volume is a huge debate about concepts such as causality, 1 The research design described here has been developed 2 See, emergence, interdependency and so on, but it is historical formation can be described as weak and not easy to connect them to the way historians do as strong at the same time which is quite often the write history. How can we determine where trans- case. You may think of the Hansa, which is weak in formation took place and which part of a historical view of its political ability to act if confronted with formation was affected by it? How can we identify territorial powers, and strong when we look at its factors that induced change in a way that allows economic capacity of organisation and its persis- for comparisons between various fields within tent existence. 3 Or, to give another example from a society and even between societies on a global the work program of the CRC, in Europe and North level? We look at this from a perspective that spans America forms of organisation that were not state- various cultures and historical epochs. The com- like, for instance kinship or patronage, are usually parative approach is fundamental for this research regarded as weak, even though some proved to be design (for the comparative approach see Oster- both functional and enduring after all. 4 hammel 2004). ,WLVWKHUHIRUHLPSHUDWLYHWRGHȴQHWKHFULWHULD It is obvious, however, that questions of this according to which a historical formation could EUHDGWKPXVWEHVSHFLȴHG2QHXVHIXOWRROLVWKH and can be described as weak. In addition, weak- term ‘historical formation’. This expression invites ness may be described in various ways, as short- misunderstandings for English speakers. The Ger- DJHGRZQIDOOFULVLVLQVLJQLȴFDQFHLQHIIHFWLYHQHVV man language distinguishes between Formierung GLVLQWHJUDWLRQȵHHWLQJQHVVLQVHFXULW\YXOQHUDELOL- and Formation7KHȴUVWGHQRWHVDGHYHORSPHQW ty and so forth. But we want to avoid reproducing the second a result. The English word ‘formation’ WKRVHQDUUDWLYHVLQRUGHUWRȴQGDPRUHDQDO\WLFDO can apparently mean both, but most hearers will approach. Our question therefore lies in how we be more likely to think of development. Yet, for- can identify the factor or the factors that are lack- PDWLRQDVZHGHȴQHLWPHDQVWKHVWUXFWXUHQRWWKH ing in a historical formation to such a degree that it process. On the one hand, it denotes structured his- is perceived as weak, i.e. that it comes under pres- torical constellations and implies a high degree of sure and might fall short of its goals. reproductivity, stability and security, on the other This is the place where the concept of re sources hand these constellations always depend on var- turns up. We describe weakness in correspond- ious resources. The advantage of the very general ing terms of resources. Discussing resources is an term ‘formation’ is that it can be applied to more everyday topic of our political debates. Everyone phenomena than the term ‘order’ since it is less will easily agree on resources being important, ȴ[HG $QWHU 7KXVWKHWHUPȆKLVWRULFDOIRU- but there are few convincing narratives or theo- mation’ embraces societies as well as their sub-sys- ries about resources. Two debates are especially tems, for example the sphere of science. prominent: We engage with every kind of historical forma- In some strands of German environmental tion in principle, but only if it has arrived at a cer- history the ambivalence of the use of resources is tain stage in its development, i.e. when the agents highlighted. The Ressourcenhunger der Moderne, are under the impression that they will fail to the ‘modern hunger for resources’, has become a UHDFKZKDWLVWKHLUPDLQDLP:HGHȴQHWKRVHIRU- crucial and popular issue that lends itself to catas- mations as weak. Thus, weakness is not something trophist scenarios (Uekötter 2010). It is easy to absolute, but it is an ascription and it is mostly connect it with the idea that modern societies will made by agents, who also pursue interests within unavoidably suffer from lack of resources. On the the historical formation. Therefore, it can never be other hand, the growing efficiency of the use of taken at its face value. resources, Ressourcenschonung, can be seen as The word weakness is abundantly used by his- WRULDQVEXWPXFKOHVVRIWHQUHȵHFWHG7KLVLVDFKDO- 3 a history of technical and moral achievements: This can be described more precisely when whereas Gustave Eiffel deployed 7.000 tons of steel we refer to concepts of the systems theory: in the to build the Tour Eiffel, today 2.000 tons would do language of this theory, resources are part of the (Wengenroth 1995). These two narratives of re- environment, not part of the system (Luhmann sources in modern times seem to be opposed to 1984, 242–285). This has an important implication: each other, but underline completely different as- certain resources are crucial for a historical for- SHFWVDQGWKH\PD\HYHQLQWHUDFW WKHHɚFLHQWXVH mation, but no resource is inextricably connected of resources can even increase (and legitimise) the to one. They must be identified as resources in hunger for resources. Another popular concept the chaotic rush, the Rauschen as Luhmann says concentrated on the availability of resources is the graphically, of the environment while their availa- resource curse, which insinuates that easy avail- bility as resources depends upon the fact that they DELOLW\RIUHVRXUFHVZRXOGPDNHLWPRUHGLɚFXOW DUHGHȴQHGDVVXFK%XWLIUHVRXUFHVKDYHEHHQGH- to identify deeper problems and might thus pre- ȴQHGE\DV\VWHPWKHV\VWHPPD\HDVLO\GHSHQGRQ vent necessary change, which leads to a dialectical them. view. 5 This implies that scarcity of resources puts any Currently there is a debate among sociologists historical formation in grave danger. Against this about the conduct of life today and the limitations background, we look at transformation as a pro- of perspectives modern people hold. This approach cess that changes – among other things – the use is based on the thesis that resources are impor- of resources. Naturally, we must always keep in tant, but an obsession with resources results in a mind that there is also historical change beyond re- problem, because it bereaves us of a crucial hu- sources. Further research must determine the rela- man value, which is describable as ‘resonance’ (cf. tionship between those factors more precisely. Rosa 2016, 16). It is clear from these very brief and What does this mean on a more concrete level? somewhat erratic remarks that there is a huge and To illustrate the implications of our approach, we variegated interest in resources, but no scholarly will present a few examples from the broad range consensus about how to deal with resources scien- of our subprojects. One of these subprojects exam- WLȴFDOO\,WLVDQLQWULJXLQJWDVNWRVHWRXWWRGHȴQH ines the use of sacred objects in the Roman-Persian historical narratives based on resources. wars of the 6th cent.6 Many Romans were convinced at this time that their successes were due to objects such as particles of the true cross or holy pictures Core Concepts that had been put on display. In that sense, sacred objects became resources that appeared to replace The point of departure of our research is an ex- military resources such as weapons and manpower. WUHPHO\ZLGHGHȴQLWLRQRIUHVRXUFHV LQDȴUVWVWHS Another project focuses on the role of Aristo telian we regard as a resource what is crucial for a his- philosophy as a resource for the stabilisation of im- torical formation in order to attain its goals. This perial power in the 14th cent.7 An anthropological PHDQVWKDWHDFKIRUPDWLRQFDQDQGPXVWGHȴQH project discusses the question of how in modern what it accepts as a resource. Everything and every Africa, the communication of weakness can become concept can be turned into a resource. It has been DUHVRXUFHWKDWKHOSVWRDWWDLQȴQDQFLDOVXSSRUW8 DUJXHGWKDWWKLVLVQRGHȴQLWLRQDWDOO,WLVFHUWDLQO\ E\QRPHDQVDQHVVHQFLDOLVWLFGHȴQLWLRQEXWLWLVD 6 It becomes apparent that innumerable objects further analysis and are therefore important ob- and thoughts can develop into resources as well jects of study in themselves. We assume that these as lose this status in an ever-changing world. This discourses are an excellent, if not the best source to might give the impression of a completely volun- identify problems. This seems to be obvious. If the taristic approach; it is therefore very important to strength of a historical formation is praised, it does keep the functional and long-term perspectives in not make sense to speak about what is lacking. But mind: which of these phenomena is really crucial discourses of weakness offer yet another important as a resource? This is a core problem in the every- perspective: they are usually intended to mobilise day work of our research. people and some will be successful in this; only in Moreover, our approach leads to various ques- a few cases might they aim at demobilising their WLRQV)LUVWRIDOO ZKRLGHQWLȴHVZKDWLVODFNLQJLQ audience. In that sense discourses of weakness WHUPVRIUHVRXUFHV"7KHLGHQWLȴFDWLRQFDQEHFDU- seem even to be ‘necessary’ for societies since they ried out on various levels. It can be done by the undermine complacency and indicate problems agents, by their contemporary observers or by – such as in the case of the resource curse. The ex- second- order-observers, to apply another phrase istence of discourses of weakness can be an asset from Luhmann. If we recall the example of sa- of a historical formation. One of our subprojects cred objects in late antiquity, in this case modern therefore will discuss the discourses of weakness in second- order-observers would perhaps concede post-war Europe as a base for the dynamics of this that sacred objects can have a certain psycholog- region.9 ical impact on motivation, but they would agree Discourses of weakness must be studied very with the diagnosis that the real problem lay in the carefully however, since they typically have stra- lack of weapons and manpower. In the current tegic implications: in various cultural traditions, stage we privilege the perspective of the contempo- ZHȴQGZKDWPLJKWEHFDOOHGDUKHWRULFRIZHDN- raries, which will, however, always be placed in re- ness, and there are literary traditions that may be lationship to the position of modern research. This LQȵXHQWLDODVLVHYLGHQWLQ5RPDQDQG&KULVWLDQ might be altered in future stages. narratives. Many societies faithfully remember no- The next problem is: how can we actually iden- torious examples of failure such as the fall of the tify the aim of a given historical formation? There Roman Empire, which has been seen as a caution- is no need to explain that various contemporaries ary tale by Westerners throughout periods of their would identify different aims for a given historical history, and there are many similar cases. One of formation. We can, however, assume that, typical- our subprojects deals with the question of how the ly, every agent in a historical formation will share fates of foreign ‘ruined states’, such as Poland and the basic goal of the formation‘s survival. There India, were perceived in China at the turn from the may be differences about everything, naturally 19th to the 20th cent. 10 Poland, which had seized to also about the question which elements are actu- exist as an independent polity after being parti- ally lacking and thus become crucial resources. It tioned by its neighbours, became emblematic for is important to observe how those debates evolve ‘national downfall’ in China, which itself had been DQGH[DPLQHWKHUHODWLRQVKLSEHWZHHQUHȵHFWLYLW\ encroached upon by foreign powers for decades. as expressed in discourses and resources as located Traditions of this kind are much more than a in practice. Which measures are taken after a re- literary ornament to be easily detached from the source has been considered lacking? real problems. Even if the perception of reality is Thus, the study of discursive factors is critical shaped by literary or intellectual traditions, it must for our research programme (for a general ap- have made sense to some people. Traditions of this proach Landwehr 2009). However, not every dis- course holds the same interest for our studies. We 9 NLQGFDQDOVRLQȵXHQFHRUHYHQGHWHUPLQHKRZD in a position to identify which resources are lack- formation sees itself, and which problems can be ing, and can do so most effectively. discerned. Clearly, single resources are not isolated, but In consequence, discourses of weakness need must be considered in connection with other re- not necessarily strengthen historical formations, sources. There are always assemblages and ar- but can contribute to their weakening for example rangements of several resources and a resource when they lead the agents in the wrong direction. regime has not only to regulate the access to indi- This may have been the case in the late Roman Em- vidual resources, but also their entanglement with SLUHZKHQWKHVXFFHVVRIVDFUHGREMHFWVMXVWLȴHG HDFKRWKHU7KHWHUPFDQEHVSHFLȴHGIXUWKHULQ financial disengagement in military affairs. Sins accordance with the social context. Within a com- were regarded as greater threats than the lack of SDQ\WKHVSHFLȴFXVHRIUHOHYDQWDVVHPEODJHVRIUH- weapons. This could be proven on the basis of the sources may be called resource management and Old Testament narratives, most convincingly so for so on. contemporaries, less so for later generations. Un- In our terminology, the concept of resource re- intentional consequences must therefore also be gime is to be distinguished from that of resource taken into consideration (Steiner 2014). configuration. The last describes how any given If we discuss discourses of weakness as a mobi- historical formation is linked to resources in the lising force in historical formations, it is again nec- sense of the arrangement of different elements and essary to discuss human agency (for an interesting their relation to each other. In contrast, the term discussion about the human factor see Steinberg resource regime is focused on power. It takes into 2002). This leads to the next catchphrase of our consideration how means of disposal of resources project: resource regime. This concept has been are distributed in a historical formation and the re- proposed and debated among economics on sus- spective institutions involved. tainability where it is used primarily to describe One important question is how resources are the handling of scarce resources (Liebscher 2013, arranged in space. A whole set of subprojects is 264–276). In our context, however, in contrast to devoted to the question of how centre and periph- the colloquial usage the term ‘regime’ does not ery interact in relation to resources: how does in- imply any pejorative connotation (for an early ex- IRUPDWLRQDVDUHVRXUFHLQȵXHQFHWKHUHODWLRQVKLS ample of this use see Hasenclever et al. 1997). Sim- between centre and periphery in the Papal State, ilarly, it does not connote solely the political order for example? 12 How can citizenship serve as a re- of a historical formation in general. It rather indi- source to keep the periphery loyal to an empire? 13 cates norms and practices in distributing rights How can the rule of law embrace the periphery of and opportunities to make use of resources. Again, an empire? 14 the core questions are quite simple: what was the impact of power-structures on the use of resourc- es? What are the norms regulating the use and Problems and Perspectives to be Discussed distribution of resources? 11 Thus, the concept of re- gimes is the basic tool with which to analyse how :KDWLVDUHVRXUFHDQGZK\LVWKHUHDVSHFLȴFOLQN historical formations organise their dependence to discourses of weakness? The environmental his- on and their access to resources. This is especially torian Frank Uekötter once claimed in a discussion important since resources are always at risk of be- WKDWLWLVIDLUO\GLɚFXOWWRLQIXVHWKHUHVRXUFHWRSLF ing scarce. In most cases they are mobile. They can disappear, they can be taken away, and they can be fought over. In addition, the regime may affect the 12 with any intellectual friction. 15 This might sound To clarify this we would like to introduce a surprising given that, as we said, the relevance of GHȴQLWLRQRIWKHWHUPUHVRXUFHWKDWLVDQDFWLRQ resources and their presence in discourses is com- theory approach and is geared towards the basic pletely undisputed, if not overpowering (for ex- distinction between goals, means and results of ample Klare 2002; Reder/Pfeifer 2012). But the ob- an action. 19 Actions, in the simplest case, are made servation is intriguing because the resource-topic plausible by a reference to the goal of the action, might be dismissed too quickly: what are the open because the goal normally informs us adequately and pressing issues of resource history right now? about the actors and their situations. But if we Which research approaches have failed? Where look for resources, the emphasis of the observation do we reach a dead end conceptually? What is left shifts. The focus is now on the means that were when standard narratives and the overwhelming used to realise the actions. Resources are always critical value of prominent singular resources (oil, a necessary element for the execution of an action education) are put aside? (and accordingly for its description). When an ac- The problem of resource dependency is not tion is not primarily understood by its goal, but by DSKHQRPHQRQWKDWLVVSHFLȴFWRWKHPRGHUQDJH the accompanying use of resources a vital aspect of since resources have always been of vital impor- the CRC-understanding of resources becomes ap- tance for societies. If we think about food re sources SDUHQW ZHGHȴQHUHVRXUFHVPHUHO\LQDIXQFWLRQDO in subsistence economies and the danger of crop approach by their contribution to the success of an failures for instance, the dependence on resources action. The value of a resource ultimately stems was arguably a lot higher in pre-modern times than just from this position in an action-context, which in the present.16 LVVRPHWKLQJWKDWDOVRHPSKDVLVHVWKHVSHFLȴFDI- In many discussions resources are only vaguely fordance of resources (the classical work on this GHȴQHGZKLFKLVVRPHZKDWVXUSULVLQJFRQVLGHULQJ is Gibson 1979. But see the nuances in Costall/ their importance. It becomes even more obvious Richards 2003, 82–93), which is open-ended from if we look into encyclopedias of a few decades ago a bifocal perspective: on the one hand it is open to where resources were simply and without further discussion with which resources a goal is actually explanation defined as auxiliary means, respec- reached. Our subproject about sacred objects illus- tively funds (Hilfsquellen, Geldmittel). 17 We believe trates this problem since, suddenly and unexpect- KRZHYHUWKDWWKLVGHȴQLWLRQDOYDJXHQHVVLVQRWD edly, sacral objects begin to act as military objects coincidence but rather stems from the resource in the place of conventional weaponry. Another issue itself. For a long time resources were primar- question is whether the use of a resource actually LO\GHȴQHGH[FOXVLYHO\DVUDZPDWHULDOVZKLFKLV accomplishes the success of an action, since re- still the crucial and most familiar aspect, which is sources naturally cannot guarantee the outcome of researched at the CRC from an economic history the action they are employed in. view point, taking chemical companies as an exam- If resources are examined in this context, we ple. 18 For the CRC however, a conceptual broaden- need radically different perspectives and theory ing of our understanding of resources is necessary. concepts because (and this distinction is impor- tant) we are not looking for discourses of resources initially. Our starting point is not what is said about resources (even if it is interesting and normally ac- 15 During the preparation of the Historikertag 2012: H- Soz-u- Kult Debatte zu “Ressourcen” in den Geschichtswis- companies accounts of the use of resources), but senschaften: 1. Teil, in: H-Soz-Kult, 20.09.2012, which can be followed by the establishment of re- mandatory, but which from our standpoint opens gime structures (for a perspective on practices see up new perspectives on certain dynamics and – in Reckwitz 2002, 245–265). This will be followed by the long run – the transformation that is connected other steps, which will then include resources. with it. However, if we think about resources in this To sum up the theoretical aspect: by examin- action-theoretical way, research-related advantag- ing resources, attention shifts to systems of action es and disadvantages occur: an important advan- in general and particularly to the element of action tage is that we are not only able to clarify what a that has only instrumental value. In this case, re- resource is under various historic circumstances VRXUFHVSURYLGHDFOHDUO\GHȴQDEOHFRQWULEXWLRQWR but also how something (whether it is coincidental, the success of an action but do not constitute the demonstratively playful or even as an incidental le- success itself and cannot even guarantee it, which gal consequence) turns into a resource. The acqui- makes them an essentially polyvalent research VLWLRQRIVRPHWKLQJDVDUHVRXUFHȴUVWO\UHTXLUHV subject. the micro-level of action to obtain a look at larger formations from this point of departure. A decisive disadvantage though is the obvious broadening of Subsequent Questions the potential object of investigation because every action can now be investigated for its potentially A lot of new questions emerge from this back- used resources and additionally everything can ground: one major problem is whether meaning- essentially be a resource. The Eiffel Tower (already IXODQGXVHIXOFODVVLȴFDWLRQVRIUHVRXUFHVFDQEH mentioned) cannot only be described as a sys- developed. We are able to provide just a few ideas tematically arranged pile of resources but also as, about the wide range of possibilities. As they refer for example, as a visual resource to obtain urban to various categories and are still under discussion prominence. There is the danger of arbitrariness in our group, our list may look a bit patchy, but in the sense of a purely linguistic valorisation of all they are important issues in our ongoing research. sorts of resource-related contexts. The spectre of a The examples given so far lay stress on what one voluntaristic approach becomes visible again. may call immaterial resources such as Aristotelian This is where the concept of discourses of concepts of politics or the rhetoric of weakness. weakness comes into play, which provides us with Other subprojects discuss resources such as infor- crucial specifications in the sense of where and mation, citizenship or knowledge; 20 even history when resources become relevant for the CRC. We can be a resource with which to make certain assume that resources are not always discussed in claims. 21 There is, however, also one subproject the same manner in different periods. It is more that focuses explicitly on material resources, in probable that agents will search for resources this case, the commodities that are required for the when they perceive a risk that the objectives of an chemical industry. action might not be accomplished without them. Generally speaking however, the distinction We treat the considerations and reflections that between material and immaterial resources has FRPHZLWKWKLVDVWKHGLDJQRVLVRIGHȴFLWWKDWFDQ only a limited heuristic value. In contrast to im- EHGHȴQHGE\WKHWHUPGLVFRXUVHVRIZHDNQHVV material resources, material ones are based on But of course, discourses have their own power. We assume that discourses of weakness can 20 For subprojects regarding to the history of science have indicating and mobilising effects in regard see: a substratum in the atomic world. But there is of But there is a dimension that some of us would course no material resource without immaterial call essentialistic and which might transcend pure qualities. Commodities and knowledge are always functionalism: since there are some basic needs of embroiled in each other. individuals and societies (such as food), we must Immaterial resources for their part can depend take into account some basic, indispensable and in on materiality: if we think again of the sacred ob- that sense essential resources. However, even they jects the difficulties are evident – those objects, can be substituted, if only to a degree: food cannot VXFKDVDKRO\LPDJHDUHȴUVWRIDOOPDWHULDORE- be substituted as such, but various forms of food MHFWV%XWWKHLUZRUWKDVDUHVRXUFHLVGHȴQHGE\ can. Bread can be substituted with muesli, meat something different, namely the sanctity ascribed with soy and so on. One might argue that there are to the object. On the other hand, the sanctity does some universally basic needs and it would be a not exist independently from the material. The ob- most promising approach to see which level of ab- ject had to be shown, transferred, in many cases VWUDFWLRQPXVWEHUHDFKHGLQRUGHUWRGHȴQHWKRVH even touched. There are sacred resources such as needs and how the actual resources of a historical prayers that are not material, but powerful sacred formation relate to them. objects are also material by necessity. Thus, the $QRWKHUFODVVLȴFDWLRQPD\IRFXVRQWKHTXHV- distinction between materiality and immateriality tion of how far certain resources depend on others may be a distinction by degree. 22 as commodities on knowledge. Law can be a cru- $QDOWHUQDWLYHFODVVLȴFDWLRQLVWKHGLVWLQFWLRQ cial resource in making resource regimes work at between tangible and non-tangible resources. Here all. We believe that discussing these forms of de- the contrast is sharper, or more palpable. But prob- pendence and interdependence will be a main task lems remain: gases escape from the distinction be- of our CRC during the next years. cause they have different qualities. They are tan- Some resources are connected with certain gible but often not perceptible. And in regard for qualities in their use: sacred objects presuppose instance to their industrial use they have much in believing users, but food may be eaten by anyone. common with resources that are typically material, Additionally, the users may handle the resources in such as coal or oil (for the concrete industrial use of completely different ways. Even the mobility of a this resource see Stokes/Banken 2015). On the other resource may be restricted under the aspect of its hand, although tangible resources can be only re- user: education for example is indissoluble from garded as resources if they are interpreted as such, the individual persons; it can be incorporated but their usefulness as resources suggests itself much not delegated. This is another aspect where agency more easily and is much less controversial than the plays an important role. expediency of most non-tangible resources. Still more classifications suggest themselves: Moreover, as already mentioned, resources in distinctions between such resources must then be RXUVHQVHVKRXOGEHFODVVLȴHGE\IXQFWLRQZKLFK examined against the background of their respec- seems to engage well with our functionalistic theo- tive contexts; another question would be how far retical framework, for example political resources one can disengage the classifications from their in contrast to resources for healing, knowledge re- contexts in order to make them the base for com- sources, economic and religious resources and so parisons across cultures and historical epochs. This RQ7KLVSUHVXSSRVHVWKHGLVWLQFWLRQRIVRFLDOȴHOGV is where empirical studies are indispensable for or subsystems that might be derived from other the establishment of a theoretical model. In a later theoretical concepts. VWDJHRIWKH&5&ZHPLJKWFRQVLGHUDFODVVLȴFDWLRQ of resource regimes on this basis. Another core task is to study how change af- 22 For the handling of this distinction see also our sub- fects individual resources. Or, to put it differently: project in medieval history: RQZKDWLVGHȴQHGDVDUHVRXUFH IRUH[DPSOHE\ Eking out resources or substituting them are, a discourse of weakness. Heuristically, we distin- of course, heuristic categories that sometimes guish two fundamental ways of dealing with this overlap. Knowledge that enables a new and more situation: resources can be eked out or thinly dis- HɚFLHQWZD\WRH[WUDFWQDWXUDOUHVRXUFHVFDQEH tributed (in the sense of making them go further acknowledged as a new resource and at the same as described by the German word strecken, which time can contribute to eking out other resources. LVGLɚFXOWWRWUDQVODWHLQWR(QJOLVK DQGUHVRXUFHV In addition, one has to keep a third variable in can be substituted. Eking out can take place in var- mind. A historical formation can change its aims LRXVZD\V WKHȴUVWLVDFFXPXODWLRQ1HZQDWXUDO and thus bring about change to the whole set of UHVRXUFHVZLOOEHH[WUDFWHGZKHQSHRSOHȴQGQHZ resources. This leads to another important point: deposits or new mines. They may also be taken it depends upon the resource regime which agent away from other people, which is usually a major is entitled to decide how this problem is to be han- reason for wars. Eking out can also come in the dled. Again, the question of power and of human IRUPRIXVLQJDUHVRXUFHPRUHHɚFLHQWO\RULQGLI- agency plays a crucial role in our concept. 24 ferent ways. These ideas are familiar to us from If we follow the concept of resources as ex- present-day discussions about ‘sustainability’ and plored so far, we are confronted with an extremely ‘responsible use’. Some resources, especially nat- high degree of variability; we will have to develop ural resources will by necessity, reach the limits our framework further in order to grasp this com- of growth – as all of you will know, this most fa- plexity. Each and every variable may change and mous discourse of weakness has accompanied restructure the field. Of course, not every sub- modern western societies at least since the nine- project will have to deal with all variables – this teen seventies. 23 would be impossible, given the lack of sources in The supply of many resources can be extended, PDQ\ȴHOGV1HYHUWKHOHVVWKLVFRPSOH[LW\UHPDLQV and it appears that some can even be multiplied a real challenge, though it may also be an advan- unboundedly. This is especially true of certain tage of the approach in that it deliberately attempts immaterial resources such as titles, university de- to face the multifaceted themes systematically. In grees or citizenship. But this can prove disadvanta- our view, this may even be one of the approach‘s JHRXVVLQFHLQȵDWLRQPD\GHYDOXHDUHVRXUFH(YHQ major strengths, especially when compared with in the case of commodities exorbitant extension 3LHUUH%RXUGLHXȇVH[WUHPHO\LQȵXHQWLDOFRQFHSWRI can be dysfunctional. Resource regimes must thus various forms of capital, which is otherwise much carefully control not only the lack, but also the ex- more far-reaching: Bourdieu’s distinction of vari- tension or multiplication of resources. ous forms of capital is based on an economistic lan- A resource however, may also be substituted by guage that is perhaps too restrictive. 25 In addition, others, either as a whole or in part. We mentioned the concept of capital gives the impression of sta- above the example of bread being supplanted by bility and enduring availability of things that can muesli, and similarly coal can be supplanted by so- be appropriated. But is it in fact helpful to describe lar energy. There are some extremely interesting resources such as honour in this way, i.e. as re- cases when immaterial resources supplant material sources that are only generated by communication resources or the other way around. Nationalism as (Schlögel 2004, 185–225, 208, n. 88)? a resource can substitute weapons in wars to a de- gree. Knowledge can substitute commodities under certain circumstances. It will be a major task of our project to determine which resources can be sup- planted under which circumstances and how (or whether) resource regimes can react when it is sim- 24 The question, if non-humans are active, is also relevant SO\LPSRVVLEOHWRDWWDLQVXɚFLHQWUHVRXUFHV for the question about resources. For the debate in social theory see Passoth et al. 2012. 25 For the problem of the economistic concept of Bourdieu 23 See Meadows et al. 1972. see Nassehi 2004, 155–188, esp. 173–177, 182. 54 Hartmut Leppin and Christian A. Müller Conclusions The combination of the two elements, discourses of weakness and resource regimes is, admittedly, by The topic of our CRC is not only an intellectual con- QRPHDQVFRJHQW:HFDQQRWȴQGDGHWHUPLQLVWLF struct, nor is it only directed at the past. We believe relationship between discourses of weakness and that it will contribute to a most important and even resource regimes. There are many more possibili- topical debate. Some subprojects examine modern- ties of how to discuss transformation from a com- day problems, such as the role of NGOs in modern parative perspective. Nevertheless, we hope that Indonesia and in West Africa. One of our core ques- our approach allows for a new perspective on the tions is fundamental for dealing with crises today: relationship between discourses and practice as to which degree are historical formations able to a method of doing research in humanities; this is carry out adequate self-diagnosis? Which disposi- possible because the question of agency comes into tions may impede self-diagnosis? Today it is widely the fore thanks to the concept of resource regimes. felt that a lack of resources endangers the western However, one may say that there is a voluntaristic world. Discourses of weakness of this nature per- element and rightly so. Our approach is risky as it vade modern society. brings together diverse concepts, but we are con- Almost every single European would agree fident of being successful since our concept has that a lack of resources menaces modern societies. already stimulated people to design a whole series %XWLWLVYHU\GLɚFXOWWRH[SODLQZKDWWKLVDFWXDOO\ of subprojects that promise to offer fresh insights means. Positions become diverse as soon as people into historical and anthropological problems. discuss the question of which resource is actually Therefore, we are convinced that the connection lacking. Some will point to oil, others will name ed- between discourses of weakness and resource re- ucation, a third party will dwell on issues of moral gimes is worth investigating, not for the answers attitudes. In regard to the question of the existence given, but for the questions posed. and impact of climate change we observe a bewil- dering rift between some scientists and politicians, but also among scientists themselves, who struggle Hartmut Leppin to advise politicians. 26 And then, there is the inter- Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main esting idea in our society that there can be such SFB 1095 Schwächediskurse und things as sustainable energy, that everlastingness Ressourcenregime ZLOOEHPDQPDGH7KHVHDUHGLVFRXUVHVWKDWLQȵX- Norbert-Wollheim-Platz 1 ence our self-perception, our everyday behaviour 60629 Frankfurt am Main as well as decision-making in politics: while other Tel. +49 (0)69 798 32462 discourses seem to remain without any palpable [email protected] HIIHFW:HKRSHWKDWRXUKLVWRULFDOUHȵHFWLRQVFDQ make a contribution to a better understanding Christian A. Müller how those discourses emerge, how they function, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main KRZWKH\ZRUNDQGȴQDOO\KRZWKH\HQJDJHZLWK SFB 1095 Schwächediskurse und resources resulting from concrete practices. Ressourcenregime We have chosen an unusual experimental Gräfstraße 78 setup for our CRC. It is not meant as a mandatory 60486 Frankfurt am Main theoretical framework, but as something to work Tel. +49 (0)69 798 33951 on, as something to provoke questions. This con- [email protected] tribution is merely a report on on-going research. 26 An interview with Ralph Keeling is extremely instruc- WLYHIRUWKLVFRQȵLFWVHHȆ'LHDNWXHOOHQ0HVVZHUWHPDKQHQ zum Handeln’. Ein Gespräch mit dem amerikanischen Kli- maforscher Ralph Keeling über den jüngsten Kohlendioxid- Rekordwert, in: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, April 20, 2016, N2. Discourses of Weakness and Resource Regimes 55 Bibliography $QWHU: A. Anter, Die Macht der Ordnung. Aspekte einer Grundkategorie des Politischen (Tübingen 2004). $XW\ : R. Auty, Sustaining Development in Mineral Economies. The Resource Curse Thesis (London 1993). &RVWDOO5LFKDUGV: A. Costall/A. Richards, Canonical Affordances: The Psychology of Everyday Things. In: Paul Graves-Brown and Rodney Harrison (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of the Contemporary World (Oxford 2003) 82–93. *LEVRQ : J. J. Gibson, The Ecological Spproach to Visual Perception (Boston 1979). *LGGHQV : A. Giddens, The Constitution of Society. Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley 1984). +DVHQFOHYHUHWDO : A. Hasenclever/P. Mayer/V. Rittberger, Theories of International Regimes. Theories of International Regimes 55 (Cambridge 1997). +HLQULFK3OHLQHV: A. Heinrich/H. Pleines, Resource Challenges. Die politische Dimension von Öl- booms. Neue Politische Literatur 75, 2012, 443–477. .ODUH 0.ODUH5HVRXUFH:DUV7KH1HZ/DQGVFDSHRI*OREDO&RQȵLFW 1HZ 57 KARINA IWE, JEANNE FÉAUX DE LA CROIX AND SUSANNE FEHLINGS Theoretical Promises and Practical Implementation ,QWHUGLVFLSOLQDU\७(QFRXQWHUV७EHWZHHQ७ $UFKDHRORJLVWV७DQG७(WKQRORJLVWV७LQ७D७ &ROODERUDWLYH७5HVHDUFK७&HQWUH७௱6)%௲ Keywords: interdisciplinarity, ethnology, social and compare these conclusions with the international cultural anthropology, archaeology, collaborative literature on interdisciplinarity. research, science careers, research cycles Introduction Acknowledgements Which image captures the concrete work of a We would like to thank Maria Venne, our inter- large interdisciplinary endeavour such as the viewees and the SFB team for their time and the RESOURCECULTURES SFB best: Should we compare it interesting talks and answers. WRDODUJHH[SHULPHQWDOȴVKLQJH[SHGLWLRQFRP ELQLQJȴVKLQJWHFKQLTXHVWRKDXOLQDXQLTXHFDUJR RIGHHSVHDȴVK"2UVKRXOGZHLPDJLQHLWPRUHOLNH Abstract an international UN cocktail party, where each in- terest group huddles together, appearing only as In 2013, an interdisciplinary, collaborative research a group at plenary meetings? After pursuing com- centre (SFB) on RESOURCECULTURES was founded at mon goals for almost two years, our analysis of 33 the University of Tübingen. After almost two years anonymised interviews concentrates on the ques- of collaboration, the authors carried out a survey tion to what extent and how ethnologists and ar- among the 80 SFB members on the potential and FKDHRORJLVWVKDYHDFWXDOO\LQȵXHQFHGHDFKRWKHUȇV challenges of cooperation between the various work. What experiences did employees – from PhD disciplines, with a particular focus on archaeology students to professors – report on this exchange? and ethnology. We enquired into the perception of Where can we trace the new ‘ingredient’ of inter- the partner discipline, the added value of this in- disciplinarity in research processes and outcomes? terdisciplinary endeavour as well as its disappoint- To anticipate a very generalised answer: In our ments. Based on 33 in-depth interviews, this article survey we came across a very wide range of ex- SURYLGHVDVQDSVKRWRIFROODERUDWLRQWKDWUHȵHFWV periences. There were positive and enthusiastic both success stories and setbacks. We take these YRLFHVIURP6)%PHPEHUVDVZHOODVXQIXOȴOOHG FROOHFWHGH[SHULHQFHVDVDQRSSRUWXQLW\WRUHȵHFW expectations. The overall tenor could be described on varying definitions of interdisciplinarity and as a marriage of convenience for common goals, practical means to foster its success. Finally, we rather than a ‘falling in love’ with the approaches 58 Karina Iwe, Jeanne Féaux de la Croix and Susanne Fehlings of the partner discipline. We discuss the causes and Disciplines can be understood as a particular consequences of this characterisation below, point- form of creating and organising knowledge, a set ing to structural ‘channels’ and ‘barriers’ to mutual of rules that structures a conversation about the learning. further development of this knowledge. Hence, The question of the ideal process of coopera- interdisciplinarity can be understood as a kind tion, as well as the question of actual experiences of ‘undisciplined’ move, creating room for ‘wild with interdisciplinarity has provoked a specialist thinking’ (Fischer 2015, 14). literature in its own right (Klein 1990; Strang/ It will be immediately apparent that interdisci- McLeish 2009; Weingart/Padberg 2014). The type SOLQDULW\LVWKXVDȴHOGLQZKLFKVXFFHVVHVGHSHQG of collaboration examined here is a funding model on overcoming in-built tensions. In the following, (‘Collaborative Research Centre’ aka Sonderfor- we discuss the collected perspectives on this chal- schungsbereich) originally launched by the Ger- lenging path, and draw some practical conclu- man Research Foundation, the country’s largest sions about the methodology of inter-disciplinary independent funding body. The purpose of these collaboration at this SFB. The following part focus- research centres is to ‘implement excellent joint es on the explanation of the gathered perspectives research, to create focus points and structures at of this potential. We thus pin-point more exactly, institutions [... and] to promote interdisciplinary where the SFB lies on the continuum between the collaboration’. The German Research Foundation ȆFRFNWDLOSDUW\ȇDQGȆȴVKLQJH[SHGLWLRQȇ:HȴUVWRI- calls for an ‘ambitious and long-term research pro- fer a brief overview of the genesis and history of gram [and] coherent network of individual pro- collaboration between archaeologists and ethnolo- jects’.1 This funding policy seems to be a response gists in English- and German-speaking countries. 3 to the ever-increasing specialisation of individual We then examine the SFB set-up and concept in scientists and subjects, a trend that requires ad- studying RESOURCECULTURES. We discuss the empiri- justments and mechanisms to allow for mutual cal experiences of researchers – mainly archaeol- understanding and interaction. The growing ‘isola- ogists and ethnologists – who have been working tion’ of individual disciplines and sub-disciplines is together in the SFB since 2013. Finally, we highlight DOVRUHȵHFWHGLQWKHJURZLQJQXPEHURIVSHFLDOLVHG WKHPRVWLQȵXHQWLDOIDFWRUVIRUDVXFFHVVIXOȆKDXOȇ journals, a development that increasingly means LQGHHSVHDȴVKLQJ relevant research results are not recognised, used As mentioned above, we conducted a total of RUHYHQXQGHUVWRRGE\UHODWHGȴHOGV thirty-three semi-structured interviews, document- In our own understanding of interdisciplinarity, ed with tape recordings and transcripts, where ap- we follow Dressel et al., who describe it as: ‘es- propriate. The survey encompassed a wide range tablished forms of cooperation between different of colleagues, from SFB management positions VFLHQWLȴFGLVFLSOLQHV7KHWRSLFDOIRFXVLVDWWKHFHQ- to postdocs, PhD students and employees in the tre of the entire research process. This necessitates public relations department. The majority of in- a strong connection between content and modes of terviewees were ethnologists and archaeologists. organisation, requiring a high degree of communi- Since philologists, historians and geographers cation between the sciences.’ 2 were also exposed to archaeology and ethnology, we also included these SFB members in our study (see breakdown in ȴJ). The study itself was in 1 http://www.dfg.de/foerderung/programme/koordi- many ways an interdisciplinary experiment it- nierte_programme/sfb/kompakt/index.html (last access self, as it was conducted by an archaeologist and 05.04.16) three ethnologists, who developed a catalogue of 2 Quote in the original: ‘geregelte Form der Koopera- tion verschiedener wissenschaftlicher Disziplinen. Im Zen- questions together, carried out and analysed inter- trum steht die Themenzentrierung während des gesamten views. Interviewees were preferably assigned an Forschungsprozesses. Dadurch sind Sach- und Organisations- ebene miteinander verknüpft, was einen hohen Kommu- nikationsaufwand zwischen den Wissenschaften mit sich 3 Because the Tübingen discipline calls itself ‘Ethnologie’, bringt. Interdisziplinarität beruht auf selbstorganisierenden we have maintained this term in English, though we also in- Prozessen, die ihrem Wesen nach nicht planbar sind‘ (Dressel clude anglophone Social and Cultural Anthropology in our et al. 2014, 21). discussion of the discipline. Theoretical Promises and Practical Implementation 59 to studying human nature and its history. Both subjects share a fascination with the universality and diversity of human behaviour. Archaeology and ethnology both document social structures and economies, exploring all aspects of human life, from warfare to art. Both disciplines estab- lish their own data sets (rarely large enough to be statistically exploitable), and use interpretive methods. In the early years of these budding disci- Fig. 1. Statements of SFB researchers participating plines stood important common endeavours such in our survey. as the Haddon Expedition in 1907 to Melanesia. Key debates such as the question of ‚diffusion‘ of interviewer from the partner discipline, so that the inventions and social change were shared. Until conversation itself was part of the crossover and the mid-20th cent., it was a matter of course for key FRXOGWRVRPHH[WHQWVHUYHDVDȆȴHOGȇRIGHPRQ- figures such as Boas, Frobenius and Kroeber to strating interdisciplinarity in action. The dialogue GUDZRQUHVXOWVIURPERWKȴHOGV lasted about seventy minutes on average and full In ‘ethno-archaeology’, which established itself anonymity was guaranteed to respondents. We as a subdiscipline of archaeology in the late 1970s, felt it important that all four researchers on the ZHFDQSHUKDSVȴQGWKHPRVWREYLRXVFRPELQD- study were either very new employees of the SFB, tion of archaeological and ethnographic material. or financially independent of its structures. The Ethnoarchaeologists try to interpret evidence from research team thus offered a ‘tangential’ position prehistory by looking for analogies with ethno- in relation to the SFB and was not managed from graphic data from contemporary societies. How- within the SFB hierarchy. 4 ever, in most cases this attempt did not result in The key questions of our interviews focused on direct co-operations between archaeologists and how colleagues dealt with methods and forms of anthropologists. Instead, archaeologists them- knowledge introduced from the partner discipline, selves, started to collect ethnographic material and their effect on their own work and people’s take on used new methods that had been established in the the advantages and weaknesses of the interdisci- 1960s and 1970s in the course of the ‘new archaeol- plinary endeavour. In this paper, we have consol- ogy’, or ‘processual archaeology’ movement in the idated the survey results in thematic blocks. We United States (Porr 1998; Göbel 1993). Meanwhile consider the SFB RESOURCECULTURES a practical case ‘new archaeology’ and ‘processual archaeology’ study that allows us to discuss the enriching and tried to overcome the limits of archaeological re- limiting aspects of collaboration between disci- cords in reconstructing ‘cultural processes’ (Eggert plines. We have therefore attempted to generalise 1978; Earle/Preucel 1987). In striving for greater SRWHQWLDOREVWDFOHVWRWKHEHVWSRVVLEOHȆȴVKLQJȇDV objectivity, this school of thought focused on statis- well as making some recommendations for over- tics and quantitative analysis. This approach gen- coming these hurdles. erated a lot of criticism, challenging the results of asymmetric comparisons of cultural similarities, which often ignored the embeddedness of prac- Archaeology and Ethnology – Twins tices and material artefacts into complex contexts Raised Apart? (Porr 1998). For example, ‘straight’ comparisons of contemporary hunter-gatherer societies with pre- Like all social sciences and humanities, ethnology historic societies were criticised for treating these and archaeology began life in the nursery of the contemporary humans as ‘pre-modern’ or ‘less European Enlightenment and its broad approach developed’. In the 1980s ‘post-processual archaeology’ 4 In order to ensure anonymity, we have limited direct arose as a critique of ‘processual archaeology’. It quotes in this paper and occasionally disguised the gender identity of interviewees. was argued that ‘processual archaeology’ not only 60 Karina Iwe, Jeanne Féaux de la Croix and Susanne Fehlings ignored the behaviour and gender of past societies however claim that ethnology has broadly taken but also cultural frameworks. ‘Post-processual ar- archaeology as a starting point for these explora- chaeology’ was sceptical of claims to objectivity, tions (yet). and celebrated subjectivity as an essential part of An SFB which explicitly studies cultures clear- archaeological interpretations (e. g. Bernbeck 1997; ly owes much to the above mentioned schools Johnson 1999). A structuralist approach stresses of thought.7 The attraction of archaeology and WKHLGHDWKDWSHRSOHȇVDFWLRQVDUHOLQNHGWRVSHFLȴF ethnology to each other is often put down to the concepts and cosmologies. SURGXFWLYHUHODWLRQVKLSEHWZHHQWKHȴUPKROGRQ Alongside these fundamental debates, a fruit- ‘deep’ history that archaeology affords, and the ful connection between archaeology and ethnol- extensive repertoire of ethnology on near-con- ogy has nevertheless been maintained mainly in temporary human societies. However, signifi- WKH86ȆIRXUȴHOGDSSURDFKȇRIDQWKURSRORJLFDO cant cracks in bridging this formidable spread departments uniting archaeology, biological, lin- of knowledge on human societies have recently guistic, and cultural anthropology in common appeared. This is particularly due to archaeology institutes and teaching curricula.5 However, the adapting many new natural science methods and FU\VWDOOLVDWLRQRIVXEȴHOGVVXFKDVȆOLQJXLVWLFDQ- techniques, while ethnology continues to operate thropology’ and others means that the common to a large extent solely with hermeneutic tools. ground of debate has often been lost from view. This means that an archaeologist now has an eas- At the same time, we can observe new mergers ier time in conversation with zoologists or geolo- that are highly innovative, such as computational gists, while ethnologists share their approaches linguistics, and their consolidation as units (Barry much more easily with historians and political et al. 2008, 23). In this sense, we can understand scientists. In addition, ethnology has, towards the the SFB R ESOURCECULTURES as a moment in a historic end of the 20th cent., become rather cautious and ‘dance’ involving moves both towards and away withdrawn from explicit and systematic global from different dance partners. comparisons. In light of these developments, es- The latest internationally recognised rein- tablishing a sustained collective exchange on an carnation of these ‘siblings’ is associated with ambitious topic such as RESOURCECULTURES certainly the ‘material turn’ (Gosden 1999; Garrow/Yarrow poses a timely challenge. How can ethnologists 2010). The ‘material turn’ actually consists of a and archaeologists consistently engage in joint number of schools of thought that seek to rethink research? What kind of framework can favour a or overcome the division between mind and mat- goal-oriented meeting of the lost ‘twins’? ter. Several of these intertwine with the concerns of ethnology and archaeology, such as feminist geographies, Latourian conceptions of actors and On the Structure of the SFB 1070 actants, or the marxist-inspired production and RESOURCECULTURES consumption studies of David Miller.6 Certainly, ethnologists beyond museum-specialists have re- The research network has been investigating socio- cently introduced a more explicit focus on things cultural dynamics in the use of resources since into their work (examples of quite different forms $WWKHUHVHDUFKFHQWUHUHVRXUFHVDUHGHȴQHG of engagement include Buchli 2013; Hoskins as: ‘tangible or intangible media, used by protag- 1998; Ingold 2007; Oushakine 2013). One cannot onists to create, sustain or vary social relations, XQLWVDQGLGHQWLWLHV7KLVGHȴQLWLRQDEROLVKHVWKH 5 Worth mentioning is also the Soviet tradition of ethno- separation between natural and cultural resources. JUDSKLFȴHOGZRUNZKLFKLVVRPHWLPHVVWLOOSUDFWLFHG7KLV In our understanding, also resources that are taken generally involves a multi-disciplinary team of researchers VKDULQJDȴHOGZRUNVLWHLQRUGHUWRGRFXPHQWDOODVSHFWVRI IURPQDWXUHDUHDIIHFWHGDQGGHȴQHGE\FXOWXUDO human life holistically. 6 The 2007 debate between Ingold, Tilley, Knappet and 7 See the Conceptual Introduction SFB 1070, 32, last up- Miller in Archaeological Dialogues 14.1 charts some of the dated 2015, activity. On principle we assume that resources do remain in their departments, mostly in the Cas- not appear isolated, but instead as part of what we tle of Hohentübingen. Meetings and discussions call ResourceComplexes (see below), a combina- among individual projects mainly take place tion of objects, individuals, knowledge and practic- during guest lectures or when project results are es. Thus, the resource use includes the exploitation presented. Alongside these, there are also infor- DQGSURGXFWLRQDVZHOODVSUHSDUDWLRQUHȴQLQJ mal gatherings such as reading circles. Other pos- distribution and use of socially relevant resources sible exchanges, such as reciprocal visits in the and ResourceComplexes. It triggers specific dy- ODERUDWRU\RUȴHOGRUFULWLFDOFRXQWHUUHDGLQJRI namics, multidimensional processes of change, chapters have remained rare. In the following which affect certain parts of a society or the society we discuss the effect of existing collaborative ar- as a whole’. 8 rangements on individual projects and the train- The SFB aims to use results from the cluster of ing of researchers, as far as they are described by projects to create models for the kind of processes those involved themselves over the last two years. described above. These evolving models are put to the test through interdisciplinary conversations. These models are intended to recast the resource Results of the Survey concept and integrate, for example, symbolic di- mensions of resources. Furthermore, these models :HLGHQWLȴHGVHYHUDODUHDVRIFRQFHUQLQDQVZHU aim to suggest patterns of changes within different to our queries. Firstly, the idea of interdisciplinar- time horizons, spatial expansions and processes of ity was repeatedly discussed and problematised. identity formation. 9 Secondly, the generative and limiting aspects of The collaborative research centre involves different forms of collaboration were considered. around 80 employees, bringing together a wide Thirdly, the SFB members discussed the types of range of subjects and methods. These include ar- H[FKDQJHSODWIRUPVDYDLODEOHDQGUHȵHFWHGRQWKH chaeologists from various sub-disciplines (Pre- basic requirements for successful partnerships. History and Early History, Medieval Archaeolo- Before broaching the main topic of ‘interdiscipli- gy, Classics, Near Eastern Archaeology, Biblical narity within the Collaborative Research Centre’, Archaeology), ethnologists, but also geographers, we started our interviews by asking about current philologists, economic historians and others. The stereotypes on different disciplines. What does twenty individual projects of the research cen- ‘the archaeologist’ think about ‘the ethnologist’, tre cover topics such as agricultural resources in and vice versa? We set out with this question to Palestine of the Bronze and Iron Age, the resource DOORZȆXQRɚFLDOȇFRUULGRUVSHDNDQGHPRWLYHDV- concept in Hesiod’s ancient Greek poetry and re- sessments about the partner discipline to surface. search on rice and medicinal plants in South In- The deliberately formulated clichés (ȴJ) show dia. These individual projects are usually conduct- that there are quite a few expectations and prej- ed from within a single discipline, and not set-up udices with respect to the other discipline. Such immediately in an interdisciplinary manner. generalised assumptions can easily affect collabo- Most of the PhD students and the SFB admin- ration, so it is helpful to actively address and dis- istration have offices in a shared building. The mantle them in the course of work (Strang/Bell professors of the participating institutes however 2013). To highlight two common examples of such ‘cliché-prejudices’, here are two excerpts from our 8 See the Conceptual Introduction SFB 1070, 32, last up- dated 2015, 13, Fig. 2. Stereotypes of archaeologists and ethnologists from the conducted survey – a ȴUVWVWHSWRZDUGVWKH ‘other’ subject. Individual and Collective Understanding was felt that discussions of research by the other of Interdisciplinarity projects would often get misunderstood and need laborious explanation of basic terms and para- It became obvious early on in our conversations meters. The researchers clearly set out on the SFB that respondents held a wide variety of ideas on track from very different starting points of experi- what interdisciplinary work actually involves. At ence with the respective subjects. what point does interdisciplinarity begin, and how Despite these potential obstacles, the inter- far can or should you take it? The discrepancies in viewees regularly expressed mostly positive expe- the range of expectations to a large extent explain riences with the partner discipline. Their expe- the wildly diverging assessments on collaboration riences with interdisciplinarity can be divided we heard. These pointers to different expectations according to different criteria: According to the of collaboration can already be found in the ini- level of interaction (single researchers, formal or tial description of the SFB: Some projects focused informal group encounters), the duration of inter- from the start on close cooperation, while others action, and its place in the research process. Some only envisaged sporadic contact points to other dis- scientists of the SFB thought a lot of interdiscipli- ciplines. Therefore, the programme was marked nary practice was already taking place when col- from the outset by differently accentuated interdis- leagues shared ideas across disciplines, in infor- ciplinary connections. mal conversation. Planning a joint workshop was The importance of earlier training in the part- mentioned as a potential result and visible product ner discipline or interdisciplinary environments of such conversations. On the other hand, one em- was emphasised by many respondents. A number ployee questioned whether any interdisciplinary of employees highlighted their interdisciplinary work happened at all, beyond the small project background, for example in human geography teams themselves. Another respondent rather pro- or a combination of major and minor subjects in vocatively stated that ‘there is a lot of talk about WKHLUȴUVWGHJUHH6HYHUDOUHSRUWHGWKDWVWXG\LQJ interdisciplinarity, but then little actually happens’ abroad had introduced them to a much broader (‘Es wird viel von Interdisziplinarität geredet, aber disciplinary horizon and knowledge basis than dann passiert wenig’). their aca demic work in Germany. In consequence, Because of the large number of archaeolo- VRPHSRLQWHGRXWWKHGLɚFXOWLHVDULVLQJIURPQRQ gists split into sub-disciplines with very different existent or piecemeal training in the partner disci- methodological approaches and periods of con- pline. Personnel changes between the preparation cern, from Pre-History to Classics and Medieval phase of the project and actual implementation Archaeology, it was often argued that even putting also often caused disjunctures and need for ‘catch- these in touch with each other was an interdiscipli- up’ in project assumptions. For these reasons, it nary achievement. We also encountered the format Theoretical Promises and Practical Implementation 63 ‘Shift of perspective’ 6XUSOXVSURȴWIRUERWKGLVFLSOLQHV Increasing of the data base ‘getting quicker explanations from others’ within a collaborative research centre Building a bridge to the modern world Long-term effects of collaboration Fig. 3. Positive aspects of interdisciplinary co- oper ation within the SFB 1070. Guideline Different education background Terminology Material limits Time factor Supervision Approval Fig. 4. Limiting aspects ([WHQGHGȴHOGZRUN of interdisciplinary co- oper ation within the SFB 1070. that interdisciplinarity takes place when data gen- that these aspects were brought together in the erated by the other subject is used in one’s own conversation. research (comment from a project that combined The shift in perspective and expansion of hori- disciplines). On the other hand, interviews may be zons enabled by the sister discipline was most fre- SDUWRIDUFKDHRORJLFDOȴHOGZRUNEXWDUHQRWFRQ- quently highlighted (‘Perspektivenverschiebung’). sciously classed as interdisciplinary methods, or ‘Similar social and sacred contexts despite varia- HYHQSHUFHLYHGDVVSHFLȴFPHWKRGVDWDOO&RQYHU- tions in time and place’, (‘trotz unterschiedlicher sations revealed a broad range of expectations on Räume und Zeiten ähnlicher sozialer und sakraler what the partner discipline might have to offer: Kontext’), ‘different point of view on the resources Ranging from the idea that ethnology could pro- topic’ (‘unterschiedliche Blickwinkel auf das The- vide ‘living examples’ of hunter-gatherer societies ma Ressourcen möglich’) are some of the concrete to compare with Palaeolithic societies, to the hope ways that respondents described these shifts and for a productive examination of key terms such as the effect on their own research material. Many ‘resources’ and ‘cultures’. thought the SFB model leads to an intense theoret- While talking to the SFB staff members we LFDOUHȵHFWLRQRIWKHLUUHVHDUFKGHVLJQDQGRXWSXW identified a number of positive aspects of inter- Furthermore, an ethnologist argued that his pro- disciplinarity (ȴJ). The size of the blocks in the ject ‘had begun very much with actions and rela- graph indicates how frequently these aspects tionships in mind, but the experience in the SFB were mentioned. The connecting edges indicate brought material aspects more clearly to the fore’ 64 Karina Iwe, Jeanne Féaux de la Croix and Susanne Fehlings (‘zu Beginn sehr stark von Handlungen/Beziehun- interdisziplinärer Arbeitseinstieg am Beginn der gen ausgegangen, durch die Erfahrungen im SFB Zusammenarbeit schwer ist’). ist aber auch das Materielle spürbar in den Fokus In an interdisciplinary environment, different gerückt’). He argued that the archaeologists’ fo- GHȴQLWLRQVRINH\WHUPVVXFKDVPRELOLW\FXOWXUH cus on material culture helped ethnologists pay religion or secularism was an immediate challenge, more attention to visible objects. In addition, it we heard. ‘This leads to misunderstandings and an was noted that the available database grows with explanation often has to start with the basics in or- the diversity of participating disciplines, allowing der to help colleagues understand, how this (term) them to increase the validity of their conclusions. is handled in that particular discipline’, as one Members appreciated the opportunity the SFB researcher pointed out (‘Missverständnisse kön- offered to ‘have something quickly explained to nen dadurch erzeugt werden und eine Erklärung you’ by colleagues (‘schneller von anderen etwas PXVVK¦XȴJEHL1XOOEHJLQQHQXPGHQ.ROOHJHQ erklären zu lassen’). The interface of archaeolo- zu erklären, wie das jeweilige Fach damit umgeht’). gists and ethnologists was also felt to offer a bridge 7KHUHIRUHGLVFXVVLRQVDUHFKDUDFWHULVHGE\ȆGLɚ- between the past and the present, although there culties in understanding the representative of that were also concerns about handling these compar- subject, since they are speaking a different lan- isons properly and not making the mistake of as- guage or using different vocabulary’ (‘ein schwie- suming direct analogies. One interviewee was of riges Verstehen der jeweiligen Fachvertreter, da the opinion that results of the interdisciplinary diese eine andere Sprache bzw. ein anderes Voka- encounter might not always be immediately obvi- bular sprechen’), as another colleague put it. Being ous, but that the potential long-term effect should unclear about these differences, or failing to reach not be ignored. The interdisciplinary context might a consensus on their meaning could quickly lead to not immediately come to fruition in the current an impasse. 10 UHVHDUFKSURMHFWEXWPLJKWZHOOLQȵXHQFHWKHFDVW Frequently, the different methodological ap- of future projects. Moving on from these laudable proaches were discussed, challenging the limits of aspects, we now turn to the limiting or negative as- their applicability. The ‘meeting of two chronolog- pects of the interdisciplinary experience that our ically distant [research] areas’ was considered a survey also documented (ȴJ). great challenge (‘Begegnung von zwei zeitlich völ- lig unterschiedlichen Bereichen’) as well as the dif- ferences in general outlook on what good project Different Terminologies, Data Sets and implementation would look like. It was felt that Research Questions sometimes ethnological theories were too com- plex, and the archaeological data too fragmented Our respondents reported that problems in co- to pursue a comparison. ‘Sometimes we just don’t operating lay with discongruities in the field of have the material to e. g. make claims about social terminology, but also with the differing nature of processes’, an archaeologist commented (‘Manch- sources and methods. One researcher thought ‘it mal fehlt einfach das Material um z. B. über so- depends on the research question posed, whether ziale Prozesse Aussagen zu treffen’). Different one can engage with interdisciplinarity’ (‘ob man research material would also lead to a number of mit Interdisziplinarität viel anfangen kann, hängt problems. For example, ‘if archaeologists hoped von der Fragestellung der Arbeit ab’). On bridging that ethnologists could interpret particular funeral ODQJXDJHVDVWDIIPHPEHUGHVFULEHGWKLVGLɚFXOW\ ULWHVEXWWKHVHZHUHXQDEOHWRPDNHWKHVHGHȴQL- as ‘a lack of basic understanding for concepts and tively or uncritically’ (‘wenn sich Archäologen von sources, since we did not study both disciplines’ den Ethnologen Deutungen für beispielsweise be- which is why ‘an immediate interdisciplinary stimmte Bestattungsweisen versprachen, die aber start to collaboration is difficult’ (‘ein fehlendes Grundverständnis für Begriffe und Quellen, da wir 10 Interestingly, this problem was not widely regarded as a nicht beides studiert haben’, weshalb ein ‘direkter positive challenge, but as ‘ballast’. Theoretical Promises and Practical Implementation 65 nicht völlig unkritisch von jenen gemacht werden colleagues note that an opening towards other dis- konnten‘). Another limiting factor could be the dif- FLSOLQHVLVSDUWLFXODUO\SURȴWDEOHZKHQUHVHDUFKHUV ference in the kinds of questions explored by the KDYHJDLQHGFRQȴGHQFHLQWKHLURZQGLVFLSOLQHD different disciplines. VWHSWKDWVKRXOGLQFOXGHDUHȵHFWLYHFULWLTXHRILWV weaknesses (Marzano et al. 2006, 187). Since PhD students cannot be expected to set out on their re- Interdisciplinarity: A Disadvantage for VHDUFKZLWKVXFKDGHJUHHRIFRQȴGHQFHDQGPDWX- Career Planning? rity, and since they are striving for consolidating a knowledge base, we can see that interdisciplinari- Many employees thought the question whether ty in this phase can cause particular tensions and concepts, theories and methods from other disci- come to look like a risk, rather than an opportunity. plines could be included in their research was, at So far the perspective of junior researchers. the end of the day, a question of committing time. More experienced staff members noted that the They felt this question was not to be taken lightly learning effect or the advantage of demonstrating and worried that too much emphasis on interdis- a broad expertise might not be discernible during ciplinarity in subjects unaccustomed to the prac- the SFB period. As with any good teaching, it is like- tice, could have real disadvantages for their career. O\WKDWPXFKFDQRQO\EHLGHQWLȴHGLQUHWURVSHFW Would the introduction of ideas from the partner and not always directly attributable. ‘We should discipline be assessed positively? Respondents also count as knowledge ideas that can become voiced concerns that the need to communicate inspiring much later’ (‘unter Wissen sind auch with an interdisciplinary audience could lead to Ideen zu verstehen, die noch viel später ausstrah- GDPDJLQJO\RYHUVLPSOLȴHGRUVXSHUȴFLDOSRUWUD\- len können’). Experienced researchers also saw DOVRIWKHLUUHVHDUFK:HUHWKH\VDFULȴFLQJWKHGH- the capacity to convey research to non-specialist velopment of key competencies in their discipline, audiences in a much more positive light, rather to interdisciplinary ‘extras’ irrelevant in the com- than a ‘dumbing down’ exercise. Thus far, their petitive job market? Doctoral students in particular experience can be counted as assuaging the fears HPSKDVLVHGWKDWDFOHDUGLVFLSOLQDU\SURȴOHZDV of ju nior researchers. But this perspective also de- QHFHVVDU\WRȴWWKHFXUUHQWMREPDUNHWLQZKLFK mands patience and, shall we say, a certain love of they felt presenting interdisciplinary competences adventure and willingness to engage in ‘creative would not be particularly advantageous (cf. Lund dawdling’ that need not bear immediate results. et al. 2006, 42). These different perspectives however also high- These uncertainties lock into a general sense of light different needs and positions of researchers struggle for employment in the academic sphere. at different points of their careers: while the PhD For the majority of employees, the SFB project is aims to specialise, people further on in their career completed in four years and does not offer an ex- want to broaden their expertise and address uni- tension, which some felt made a heavy investment versal problems. These are patterns that are adapt- in interdisciplinarity unreasonable and unlike- ed to the established academic expectations and ly. These structural resistances to ‘strong’ forms reward system. of interdisciplinarity that could cast doubt on the ‘true’ disciplinary identity of researchers, was par- ticularly keenly felt by PhD candidates who consti- Different Research Cycles and Fora of tute about half of the SFB membership. The PhD Exchange period is of course characterised by an effort at specialisation and deep immersion in a very spe- A practical problem was described in relation to FLȴFUHVHDUFKTXHVWLRQ$WWKHVDPHWLPHWKLVLV the different research cycle of the disciplines. As also usually the phase in which young researchers one respondent commented: ‘ethnologists start ȆȴQGWKHLUIHHWȇDQGHVWDEOLVKWKHPVHOYHVLQWKHSD- off straight away with theories and develop ques- rameters of their choice. However, Marzano and WLRQVIURPWKHVH DUFKDHRORJLVWVȴUVWKDYHWRFROOHFW 66 Karina Iwe, Jeanne Féaux de la Croix and Susanne Fehlings material and can only then develop such questions Solution Strategies: Structural and and engage with theories. This disjuncture in tim- Situational ing means that our work phases don’t match each other and we have different needs, in different The survey of SFB members showed a broad range phases’ (‘Ethnologen beginnen gleich mit Theo- of ideas about what constitutes interdisciplinarity rien und entwickeln daraus Fragen; Archäologen and how to make it happen. The different timing müssen erst Material sammeln und können dann in research processes, as well as differences in the Fragen stellen und sich mit Theorien beschäfti- meaning of concepts and the role of theory were gen. Diese Ungleichzeitigkeit führt dazu, dass die LGHQWLȴHGDVSDUWLFXODUPRPHQWVRIIULFWLRQ$VWKH Arbeits phasen nicht zusammenpassen und es die particular nature of these frictions only emerges Bedürfnisse zeitlich verbschiebt‘). 11 In addition, in the course of collaboration, solutions cannot each discipline requires different patterns of ab- necessarily be forecast. As in any good research VHQFHIURP7¾ELQJHQ9LVLWLQJȴHOGVLWHVIDUDZD\ endeavour, the results of an interdisciplinary col- from Tübingen University, or even Germany, is an laboration cannot be fully projected in advance. As integral part of most SFB projects. But these ab- Dressel put it, much ‘interdisciplinarity relies on sences are timed differently, leading to a discon- self-organising processes, which are in themselves nection and lack of overlap in research phases. not planable’ (Dressel et al. 2014, 21). 12 For these Fieldwork will include over a year of absence reasons, we do not recommend accommodating for ethnologists, for example, and archaeologists some group members’ anxieties by establishing de- are also hard to contact during excavations. It tailed guidelines for interdisciplinarity or explicit was commented that these patterns reduced the ‘instructions’ for harnessing the other discipline. time available for organising joint events: There &ROODERUDWLRQDOZD\VUHTXLUHVDFHUWDLQȵH[LELOL- were periods where collaboration was simply not ty and curiosity. Nevertheless, projects working in feasible or of low-intensity. VXFKDG\QDPLFȴHOGDUHZHOODGYLVHGWRSHULRGL- Respondents also discussed the question, in cally review their interactions across disciplinary what form and on what occasions interdiscipli- boundaries, and to renegotiate them. nary conversations actually took place. They iden- In pursuing their great common interest in An- WLȴHGDQXPEHURILQWHUGLVFLSOLQDU\DUUDQJHPHQWV thropos, many respondents emphasised personal Seating different kinds of researchers together in engagement as a sine qua non of successful inter- common offices, the resulting casual conversa- disciplinarity. They used the German phrase ‘man tions in corridors, regularly scheduled meetings muss sich darauf einlassen’ to describe this open- such as cross-sectional areas (project divisions), ness and willingness to move towards each other, research colloquia, working groups on concepts DORQJVLGHWKHQHHGWRȴQGFRRSHUDWLYHFROOHDJXHV like ‘ResourceComplexes’, ‘materiality’ or ‘cul- The need to communicate extensively in order to tural memory’, and conferences. PhD students in ȴQGSURGXFWLYHLQWHUVHFWLRQVZLWKRWKHUVXEMHFWV particular repeatedly mentioned that there were was also mentioned. Members did not feel that no guidelines on how to conduct an interdiscipli- all research topics were conducive to interdisci- nary SFB, something that these members missed. plinary enquiry, and that a judgment on its uses Despite a wide variety of structured encounters, should be made on a case by case basis. many of the more junior researchers did not see Mutual understanding is described both as this lack of guidelines as a freedom, but rather as a basic requirement, as well as an effect of these DGHȴFLW moves. Several respondents underlined that this engagement required time and could be com- pared to ‘sort of doing a second degree’ (‘quasi dem Nachholen eines Studiums gleich’). One su- pervisor noted ‘one needs to learn the disciplinary 11 Whether this is really a fair description of how all 12 Original quote: ‘Interdisziplinarität beruht auf selbstor- ethnologists and archaeologists work is a question that goes ganisierenden Prozessen, die ihrem Wesen nach nicht plan- beyond the scope of this paper. bar sind’ (Dressel et al. 2014, 21). Theoretical Promises and Practical Implementation 67 vocabulary of the others. That can’t be done solely have indeed been successfully laid in many respects through conversations’ (‘man muss den Fachjar- since 2013. Concrete results such as the production gon der Anderen erst lernen. Das ist nicht nur in of this volume, but also the development of new Gesprächen getan’). For these purposes, the offer joint project ideas, bear witness to this. We have of a ‘crash-course’ in the partner discipline in the documented here the gains SFB members feel they initial phase of an SFB would be helpful. Such a have made by interacting with partner disciplines. course would not only present the main methods We have also noted the tensions and resistances and history of the sister discipline, but also discuss that needed to be overcome, in order to make these the habitus of researchers and current debates. gains, and moments when resistances can threaten Such an introduction would also serve to make productive encounters. These tensions involve sig- researchers aware of what, in fact, needs explain- QLȴFDQWJDSVLQXQGHUVWDQGLQJHDFKRWKHUȇVYRFDE- ing about their work, in dialogue with other disci- ulary, research process and goal-orientation. But plines. Other methods of fostering such awareness they also include very practical concerns such as might be a tandem system modelled on language PLVPDWFKHVLQRɚFHSUHVHQFHLQ7¾ELQJHQRUZRU- learning. ries about the status of interdisciplinary research on The sometimes deleterious effect of divergent D&96RPHRIWKHVHDUHVWUXFWXUDOLVVXHVWKDWUHȵHFW expectations of interdisciplinarity could be coun- tensions and strictures on many levels, from global tered by initially asking participants to voice these GHEDWHVRQWKHEHQHȴWVRILQWHUGLVFLSOLQDU\GHVLJQ expectations explicitly, to make them conscious to to an SFB’s four-year timeline. SFBs are only able to WKHPVHOYHV7KLVZRXOGDOORZPRUHUHȵHFWHGGH- solve some of these, such as the much-lauded (and cision-making in choosing partners for events, for expandable?) practice of providing SFB members example. Certainly, structures such as an SFB are with common office space. Our 33 interviewees perfectly capable of encompassing different col- highlighted that the abstract endeavour of ‘interdis- laborative goals. Models for fruitful collaboration ciplinarity’ in fact depends in many ways on quite could be discussed by introducing a range of cases mundane, everyday practices and structures of sci- as positive examples in which ethnologists and entific ‘cohabitation’. It is clear that interdiscipli- archaeologists have worked together. The asyn- narity primarily consists of communication work, chronicity of research processes could also be an- the scope of which is endlessly expandable, and ticipated, and discussed explicitly when projecting from which one should not expect a ‘smooth’ ride or such a four-year cycle. This would allow a certain even a sense of ‘arrival’. We therefore recommend adjustment of ‘collaborative cycles’ and of expec- a highly conscious handling of differences, rather tations as to what the partner researchers can de- than papering over gaps, as a bridge to ‘strong’ in- liver or need at any time. The earlier interdiscipli- terdisciplinarity (ȴJ). nary ‘binoculars’ can be attached to a researcher’s From the range of responses caught by our sur- disciplinary ‘magnifying glasses’, the better. vey, we can move to a characterisation of the SFB Since respondents commented on a lack of disci- as a particular type of interdisciplinarity: A model plinary mix in several project areas, it would be use- that sites many small projects with clear discipli- ful to consciously design over-arching project teams nary identities under the umbrella of a common to always include a balance of disciplines. This mix- research question. The practical value of the neigh- LQJDOUHDG\ZRUNVZHOOLQWKHȴHOGRIFURVVVHFWLRQDO bouring discipline is mainly pursued through com- areas (project divisions). parisons and shared theoretical literature. This in- terdisciplinary endeavour is not one that attempts to fundamentally reform or adapt disciplinary Conclusion: The SFB as an Intellectual research processes to incorporate methods from Laboratory between Expectations and a neighbouring subject. Such a ‘revolutionary’ in- Experimentation terpenetration by the other discipline was not ex- pected or discussed by respondents. We noted a The experiences of the SFB 1070 ‚ RESOURCECULTURES‘ certain imbalance in the burden of expectation reveal that the foundations for a fruitful cooperation towards partner subjects: The Tübingen ethnology 68 Karina Iwe, Jeanne Féaux de la Croix and Susanne Fehlings Fig. 5. Interdisciplinary exchange at conferences, example of the Berlin colloquium „Begegnungen. Archä- RORJLHXQG(WKQRORJLHLP'LDORJ(UIDKUXQJHQXQG5HȵH[LRQHQDXVGHU3UD[LVLQ9RUGHUXQG=HQWUDODVLHQXQG Nordafrika“ (27.11.2015). department seems to have been assigned the role IRUPDYLWDOFRPSRQHQWRIFROOHFWLYHVFLHQWLȴFOLIH as a ‘theory service centre’ by some, and one that It is the very struggle for a common language and also delivers ‘living examples of alternative social understanding that generates creativity in the pur- forms’. The benefits expected from the archaeo- suit of solving common problems. logical subjects by ethnologists seemed much less clearly formulated. This imbalance may be a con- sequence of the disjuncture in research cycles Karina Iwe mentioned above: At the point of interview, many Graduate School ethnologists PhD students had only just returned ‘Human Development in Landscapes’ IURPDYHU\H[WHQVLYHȴHOGSHULRG Kiel University One might see the above portrait of interdisci- Leibnizstr. 3 plinarity in practice as a rather sober assessment, D-24118 Kiel a kind of ‘marriage of convenience’ rather than a love match. However, most business relations are Jeanne Féaux de la Croix after all, highly productive ‘marriages of conveni- Asia Orient Institute ence’. Historians and ethnologists see ‘arranged’ Department of Ethnology marriages in which forms of love can bloom, but University of Tübingen are not obligatory, as a very successful and com- Burgsteige 11, Castle Hohentübingen mon practice. Or, to return to our initial metaphor D-72070 Tübingen RIȆGHHSVHDȴVKLQJȇDQGȆ81FRFNWDLOSDUWLHVȇLQWR- day’s world of fast multiplying specialisation and Susanne Fehlings fracturing of research on human life, it seems UN- Institute for Social and Cultural type fora that struggle through the many different Anthropology points of view, are essential. Just like the United Na- Goethe-University Frankfurt am Main, tions (including its cocktail parties), collaborative Norbert-Wollheim-Platz 1 research centres on big ideas like ‘RESOURCECULTURES’ D-60323 Frankfurt am Main PD\QRWRIIHUDGLSORPDWLFȆTXLFNȴ[ȇEXWWKH\GR Bibliography %DUU\HWDO: A. Barry/G. Born/G. Weszkalnys, Logics of Interdisciplinarity. Economy and Society 37.1, 2008, 20–49. %HUQEHFN : R. Bernbeck, Theorien in der Archäologie. UTB 1964 (Tübingen 1997). Theoretical Promises and Practical Implementation 69 %XFKOL: V. Buchli, An Anthropology of Architecture (London 2013). ')*: Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, Sonderforschungsbereiche. Kompaktdarstellung, II. Resources and Processes of Social Change 73 NORMAN YOFFEE Prolegomena to the Study of Collapse, Resilience, and Sustainability +RZ७GR७‘Cultural Resources’ Help Us 8QGHUVWDQG७WKH७‘Fate’ of Ancient Cities DQG७6WDWHVఈ Keywords: ancient cities and states, collapse, to the rise and fall of ancient cities and states. regeneration, fragility, complexity and simplicity The Collaborative Research Centre SFB 1070 RE SSOURCENKULTUREN explicitly intends to place ‘re sources’ in an ontological perspective, that is, Abstract to explore how natural resources and landscapes are culturally constructed. How do people under- This essay interrogates certain key terms that have stand their lives, their pasts, and how must they been used to discuss the ‘cultural resources’ critical adapt these understandings in times of social in the evolution of the earliest cities and states. Are and environmental change? How do we study early states ‘integrated’ by political and/or religious ‘resources’ in this new light? What terms guide our systems? Do early states ‘collapse’ because leaders investigations? failed to understand environmental circumstances; In this article I also take the liberty of intro- or does ‘collapse’ occur when otherwise stable, GXFLQJP\VHOIDVDȆVFLHQWLȴFDGYLVHUȇ DQGGast- complex systems fall to superior armaments of Wissenschaftler) to the project’s team. First, I am their enemies? Under what conditions are early a historian of ancient Mesopotamia who is also states ‘sustainable’ and/or able to ‘regenerate’? invested in ‘world history’. That is, I assert that to understand the rise of cities and states in Mesopo- tamia it is necessary to consider the rise of cities Introduction1 and states on a global scale (Yoffee 2015b; Yoffee 2015c; Yoffee 2016a). It is only in this expanded This brief paper presents some thoughts (really temporal and geographical perspective that one just an outline) on aspects of social evolutionary can appraise why Mesopotamian institutions took theory (see Yoffee 2005) and how a focus on ‘cul- the form they did and not other forms (Baines/ tural resources’ might clarify some issues relating Yoffee 1998). Also, to consider cultural forms, rep- resentation, and meaning my research is also nec- 1 Thanks to speaker Martin Bartelheim, coordinator Anke essarily archaeological. If my research, thus, blurs Scholz (and colleagues) and also to Peter Pfälzner for invit- the line between history and archaeology, I join ing me to participate in the SFB 1070 RESSOURCENKULTUREN. This other scholars who have utilised and must utilise paper preserves much of the oral presentation at the confer- ence and also its brevity. As my talk served as my introduc- both historical and archaeological data, especial- WLRQWRWKHSURMHFWDVDȆVFLHQWLȴFDGYLVHUȇDQXPEHURIFLWD- ly in studying the phenomena of ‘collapse’ (Yoffee tions are to articles and books I happen to have written and edited. This essay resumes my earlier work and places it in 2016b; Yoffee/Cowgill 1988; Tainter 1988; Middle- the perspective of research on cultural resources. ton 2012 and 2016). 74 Norman Yoffee ‘Fate’ and Cultural Resources taxes and tribute, and control their subject peoples. Under the Inka a system of ropes with various Jared Diamond has written the best-sellers, ‘Guns, knots and in various colours, called quipus (or Germs, and Steel. The Fates of Human Societies’ khipus), was conceived and which functioned not (1997) and ‘Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or unlike a digital computer (Urton 2015). In the Aztec 6XFFHHGȇ ,QWKHȴUVWERRN'LDPRQGGHSLFWV empire in the capital, Tenochtitlan, the architec- a triumphant West because agriculture, as it devel- ture of procession ways leading to ceremonial pre- oped in ‘Eurasia’, resulted in large surplus produc- cincts, as well as written codices (Gutierréz 2015), tion of resources and also conferred an immunity demonstrated the power of rulers and their desire to certain diseases and finally the production of to ‘simplify’ their societies (see below for ‘complex- superior weapons. Since natural resources are the LW\ȇDQGȆVLPSOLȴFDWLRQȇ key to the West’s triumph, history and culture count Under the conquering Spanish, who were just for little. The Rest was ‘fated’ to fall under the domi- as cruel as Aztec or Inka emperors, some natives nation of the West. were able to improve their lives. Marginals, that is, In the second book, it would seem that Diamond people of low status (for various reasons) in native contradicts his story: people ‘choose’ to fail by over- kinship and other social systems, and those people exploiting natural resources or were unable to deal of higher status whose rights were abrogated by with climate change that left natural resources vul- Inka and Aztec overlords could and did appeal to nerable. Poor leadership was the main cause of col- Spanish courts for redress of grievances, especial- lapse according to Diamond. Again history and cul- ly in land claims (Moore 1958). The Spanish system ture are little considered as resources. became a resource, if in a limited way, for con- It is easy to show that most of the examples, quered Indians. especially of ‘collapse’, that Diamond explores are The demographic story of collapse is similarly under-researched or wrong (see the extended cri- more complicated than depictions of ruin and tiques of Diamond’s theses in McAnany/Yoffee abandonment. In the Petén of the Maya, as is well- 2010). Without going into detail about his fail- known, most of the large cities were abandoned ures, one can simply note that Diamond does not (McAnany et al. 2016), but not at the same time or distinguish between the collapse of dynasties and DWWKHVDPHVSHHG,QGHHGRWKHU0D\DFLWLHVȵRXU- political systems and the cultural systems that can ished to the north (McAnany/Gallareta Negrón promote new dynasties. In rare cases a cultural tra- 2010), and there are about 8 million Maya living dition may collapse (Yoffee 1988). today. They celebrate their past by building altars and conducting ceremonies in the ‘abandoned’ Classic period sites. Some Examples of ‘Collapse’ and Aban- Perhaps the most famous putative case of over- donment in the Perspective of Cultural exploitation of natural resources is that claimed Resources IRU(DVWHU,VODQG 5DSD1XL $IWHUWKHȴUVW3RO\QH- sian colonisation of the island around 1200 CE in a Some of Diamond’s examples show how we must few hundred years deforestation occurred and the reorient terms like ‘fate’ and ‘collapse’. The Aztec construction of giant statues, moai, ceased (Hunt/ Empire (Guttiérrez 2015; Berdan 2014) and the Lipo 2010). However, the archaeological evidence Inka Empire (Cahill 2010) each lasted about a cen- does not show a decrease in population attendant tury and a half. The empires were vast (but in the with deforestation. Furthermore, deforestation Aztec case discontinuous) and demands for re- is attributed, at least in part, to rats which were sources and people to work on imperial ventures brought by Polynesians (as stowaways probably) were enormous. These demands were resisted (to a and which ate pine nuts. Rat population explod- certain extent), and the Spanish found allies ready ed on Rapa Nui, and archaeological discoveries of to join them against the Aztec and Inka emperors. pine nuts in habitation sites show gnawing by rats. Inka and Aztec conquerors invented new re- Population did decrease markedly, but only after sources to administer their empires, account for the Dutch discovery of Rapa Nui in 1722. Prolegomena to the Study of Collapse, Resilience, and Sustainability 75 Some collapses, in brief, are not as sudden or became independent, destined to compete for as complete as they appear from afar, and the im- power with rivals. The so-called empire of Ham- pact of contingent events is often large enough to murabi, after struggles with other cities in the early make them inherently unpredictable and therefore eighteenth century BC, asserted a dominance that not all ‘fated’. lasted less than a decade before it came asunder (for a history of Mesopotamia, see Van De Mieroop 2016). Mesopotamian political systems were unsta- ‘Integration’ and ‘Stability’: Towards a ble at the regional level. Local cities resisted over- Counternarrative and a Mesopotamian arching power, and within cities local communities Example and ethnic groups themselves contested for power. ‘Stability’ and a lack of struggle do not characterise If ‘fate’ and ‘collapse’ tell us little about the histo- Mesopotamian cities and states. ry and resilience of ancient cities and states, the terms ‘integration’ and ‘stability’ do not help us un- derstand how people led their lives and considered The ‘First’ Mesopotamian City their own pasts, that is, what cultural re sources connected people and in what limited ways. In the Uruk (Warka) until recently has been considered literature on social evolution, ancient cities and WKHȴUVW0HVRSRWDPLDQFLW\DQGWKDWHDUO\FLWLHV states are often held to be ‘integrated’ (or ‘system- first appeared in southern Mesopotamia (Iraq). ic’), that is, their inhabitants and beliefs are held That view has changed because cities like Tell Brak together in political and religious systems (see the appeared in the north at least as early as Uruk (Em- VWLOOHYRFDWLYHFULWLTXHRI%UXPȴHO %HFDXVH berling 2016). Still we know more about Uruk in the integration, by various ‘means’ (Feinman 2012) is 4th mill. BC than about other cities in the south or thought to be a good thing, such ‘complex’ societies the north, thanks to long-term German excavations are ‘stable’ until something bad happens: climate (Cruesemann 2013; Finkbeiner 1986; Nissen 2015). change, more powerful enemies, bad decisions that From the middle of the fourth millennium through lead to the destruction of essential resources (as in the start of the third millennium, Uruk encom- the Diamond scenario). But is this so? I provide one passed more than 300ha and a population in the slightly extended example from Mesopotamia (but tens of thousands. German excavations of this time regret to eschew illustrations in this essay) and period, the Middle and Late Uruk, concentrated then a few shorter examples from elsewhere. on two ceremonial precincts, the Eanna precinct In Mesopotamia political integration is an emic and the Anu Ziggurat, which were originally in goal. The Sumerian King List, a document com- two different communities that later were joined posed in the time of the Third Dynasty of Ur but re- by the mid-4th mill. in one city. From the Middle to ferring to the earliest history of the land, proclaims the Late Uruk period everything changed. Not only that only one city ruled at any one time before rule were there many large temples, plazas, and other passed to another city (for translation, Michalowski buildings in Eanna, which covered 9ha, but in the 2006). Although this version of history had its own creation of the ceremonial district of Eanna the cul- purposes (Michalowski 1983) and is thus a histor- tural life of the city of Uruk was transformed. The ical document, it ignores the contemporaneity of first clay tablets with pictographic writing were powerful, independent cities and omits certain invented, perhaps by one person. (A colleague cities in order to maintain its literary character. has noted that it’s hard to imagine that a commit- Indeed, city-states competed for power in the early tee invented writing. There were various forms of 3rd mill. BC. When a unification under Sargon of notation, such as small clay tokens, sometimes in- Akkade was created, it lasted a little more than serted in clay envelopes, and potters’ marks, but one hundred years as rival cities re-established WKHDSSHDUDQFHRIZULWLQJMXVWDWWKHWLPHWKHȴUVW autonomous rule. When subsequent unification city took shape, was an invention). Cylinder seals was effected by rulers of Ur around 2100 BC, that, were created and carved scenes were rolled over too, lasted less than a century before cities again clay tablets, on jar stoppers, and on clay stoppers 76 Norman Yoffee on doors (of storerooms). These decorations noted DQGULWXDOFORVXUHRI(DQQDDOVRHQWDLOHGWKHȵLJKW the authority and personnel who were responsible of ‘losers’ in whatever factional struggle may have for transactions of various sorts. In a slightly later occurred in Uruk. In any case, the earliest experi- stage of the evolution of clay tablets, early cunei- ment of urbanism in Mesopotamia failed. The city IRUPZULWLQJRIOH[LFDOOLVWVIRUH[DPSOHRIRɚ- of Uruk and Mesopotamian culture that was in cials, wood items, or cities were used in schools. It part created in the city did not fall to zero, and a is not entirely facetious to claim that writing was new city of Uruk grew. Indeed, the city of Uruk in developed so that there could be schools. its various forms survived into Hellenistic times Among other changes in the late Uruk period, DQGȴQDOO\XQGHUWKHKHJHPRQ\RIYDULRXV3HUVLDQ spanning the archaeological levels of Uruk IV, was dynasties. the appearance of new forms of sculpture. Notable History is not a report-card. If Uruk in its earli- among these is the ‘Uruk vase’. 2 The vase, about a est urban phase can be said to have ‘failed’, one can meter high, shows in three levels the production also attribute the cumulative ‘cultural resources’ of plants and animals, the products themselves as leading to its successful regeneration. However, heaped in containers and carried by slaves, and Uruk was never again a leading player in the strug- the agricultural products placed before the goddess gle for political hegemony in Mesopotamia; as a Inanna. The Eanna precinct was sacred to Inanna, centre of Inanna/Ishtar worship it was a centre – and the earliest texts document the accounting of one of several – of Mesopotamian culture. products brought to the temple complex (Nissen et al. 1993). Also in the late levels of Uruk IV beveled-rim Vignettes of Comparison in the Growth bowls, plausibly interpreted as ration containers and Collapse of Early Cities (Nissen 2015), are found in sites of this period. These include some of the so-called ‘Uruk colonies’ The ‘fragility’ of early cities is common (Yoffee (Algaze 2008). These sites, found in Western Iran 2016c), and in one early city, Teotihuacan (in south- and up the Euphrates in Syria and southern Anato- ern Mexico), (Clayton 2015), the ritual centre was lia, have been interpreted as ‘trade colonies’, and/ also ceremonially burned in the late 6th cent. CE, or places of ’expansion’ from the Urukian heart- (whereas the residential areas of the city continued land. In one heterodox interpretation, however, to be occupied. The earliest cities (or city-states) in Gregory Johnson (1988/89) speculated that the China 3 in the 2nd mill. BCE (i.e., Erlitou, Zhenzhou, Urukian presence outside the heartland was due to Anyang [Yinxu]) were the largest cities in the world ‘collapse’ of the city of Uruk itself (and perhaps of in their time. Anyang at 1200 BCE is estimated by the Urukian system). There is reason to take John- Tang Jigen, its current director of research, at more son’s speculation seriously. than 30km2 and with a population around 200,000 The spectacular array of temples in the last (personal communication). Each of these massive phase of the Uruk IV levels at Uruk, which marked cities, however, lasted less than two centuries. The a renovation of earlier temples, was razed, and a enormously powerful rulers controlled many re- series of offering places throughout the Eanna sources, both goods and people, campaigned far precinct was installed. The glories of Uruk, which and wide, and were spectacularly brutal, but they grew explosively from the 4th mill. BCE, with sev- were unable to ensure the their legitimacy and un- eral enormous areas of ceremonial display, new der challenges were quickly abandoned. IRUPVRIH[WUHPHVWUDWLȴFDWLRQDQGVRFLDODQGHFR- Cahokia, near the modern city of St. Louis, nomic differentiation, the centre of a cultural iden- Missouri, was created in a ‘big bang’ (Pauketat tification of Mesopotamian-ness and worship of et al. 2015) around 1050 CE (springing from a Inanna, were destroyed. Perhaps this destruction small village almost overnight, as it were). Cahokia consisted of a ceremonial district with one major 2 Excellent images of the vase are found in M. Guimarães Lima mound and dozens of other mounds, a huge cere- People do know their own history which they mate- monial plaza and outlying districts, including an- rialise in a variety of ways (Van Dyke/Alcock 2003; other ceremonial mound and surrounding area Mills/Walker 2008), and they try to avoid problems in East St. Louis. Altogether, there were around of the past. As things change, people make decisions 50,000 people in the Cahokia complex, many mi- of what part of their identity they privilege. Resist- grating to the new city from surrounding areas. ance to central power, to integration, occurs as the Rulers seem to have been ritual leaders, and sacri- centre tries to appropriate local beliefs and leader- ȴFLDOFDSWLYHVZHUHLQWHUUHGDVSDUWRIFHUHPRQLHV ship in local organisations. The attendant struggle However, this spectacular and unprecedented city over who controls symbolic and ideological re- survived for about 150 years. sources can lead to collapse. It is in the nature of WKDWFROODSVHWKDWRQHPLJKWȴQGDȆUHJHQHUDWLRQȇLQ which people might use their understanding of the ‘Integration’, Resilience, and Sustainabi- past to build new institutions (that are often depict- lity: What are the Critical ‘Resources’? ed as not new at all). In Mesopotamia in the collapse of dynasties James Scott has argued that the leaders of some new dynasties appeared. Sometimes these new dy- modern states seek to ‘simplify’ their societies, nasties were the creations of ethnic groups, such make them ‘legible, orderly and so easier to un- as Amorites or Kassites, who were hardly foreign- derstand and control’ (Scott 1998). Scott’s examples ers in Mesopotamia. The leaders of these ethnic indicate that the very attempt to simplify physi- groups as well as their followers maintained their cal and cultural aspects of a society in fact tend to own identities for purposes of political advantage destabilise that society. Furthermore, such attempts but also were concerned to become ‘Mesopota- can lead to increased resistance to the new social mians’. They honoured Mesopotamian gods and order imposed by rulers (Scott 2009). Trends to- customs and faithfully copied ancient texts. They ward simplification and legibility in early states did not write in their own languages or sponsor may well have resulted in the tactics of resistance new cultural forms, new ideologies of royal be- to those states. Although archaeologists tend to use haviour; they attempted to legitimise their rule as the term ‘integration’ to refer to the new political Mesopotamians. and religious institutions of emerging states as inte- After the conquest of Persians, Greeks, and grating these ‘complex societies’, that is, highly dif- more Persians, starting in the 6th cent. BCE, the new IHUHQWLDWHGDQGVWUDWLȴHGVRFLHWLHVWKHLURQ\LVWKDW rulers certainly honoured venerable Mesopotamian such attempts may have led to their collapse. Early traditions but not at the expense of their own rul- cities and states evolve in large part as a result of ing ideologies. Gradually, Mesopotamians chose to the in-migration of new peoples and their dispa- become Greeks or Persians or eventually Muslims. rate cultural institutions and local organisational People had resources of identity, in fact, multiple systems. The irony is that the many new parts in identities. early cities and states do not function ‘systemical- ly’, and attempts to tie the parts through control mechanisms from the top can also accentuate the Concluding Remarks ‘cleavage planes’ of identity and community or- ganisations that pre-existed the formation of cities One sometimes reads that Mesopotamians de- and states. The cases presented above indicate that stroyed their own civilisation by ignoring prob- collapse can occur precisely in this dialectic of com- lems of over-irrigation and resulting salinisation, SOH[LW\DQGVLPSOLȴFDWLRQ by destroying their natural resources. In fact, it Quasi-ecological metaphors of resilience and ZDVRQO\XQGHU6DVDQLDQ3HUVLDQVDQGWKHȴUVWFD- sustainability must also be questioned. Social sys- liphates in Iraq that massive canals were built in tems that collapsed and then reformed/regenerated order to bring new land under cultivation and by (see essays in Schwartz/Nichols 2006) did not sim- ignoring local knowledge about the need to leave ply spring back into their previous existence. agricultural land fallow (Adams 1982). These late 78 Norman Yoffee kings wanted large quantities of resources in order to fund their political goals. Early Mesopotamian Norman Yoffee rulers simply did not have the power to engineer Departments of Near Eastern Studies and their own environmental disaster. 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Emberling (ed.), Social Theory in Archae- ology and Ancient History. The Present and Future of Counternarratives (Cambridge 2016) 259–290. Prolegomena to the Study of Collapse, Resilience, and Sustainability 79 0F$QDQ\ INGO SCHRAKAMP Ressourcen und Herrschaft RESSOURCENKULTUREN७LP७5HLFK७YRQ७$NNDGH७ ௱௹௹ఓ௺ఁ௺७Y௷७&KU௷௲ Schlüsselwörter: Mesopotamien, Imperium, Res- They established a late Akkadian territorial state, sourcen, Grundeigentum, Patronage, Ideologie which encompassed parts of northern Babylo- nia, the Diyala valley, and Upper Mesopotamia. Eventually the Guteans and the Elamites under Danksagung Puzurinšušinak would successively occupy central and northern Babylonia, conquer the capital, and Der vorliegende Beitrag entstand im Rahmen des eliminate Akkade from the political stage. Half a Exzellenzclusters 264 TOPOI – The Formation and century later, the concept of the territorial state Transformation of Space and Knowledge in An- was revived under Urnamma, the founder of the cient Civilizations. 3rd dynasty of Ur (2110–2093 BC). The Sargonic period brought about numerous political, socio-economic, and ideological trans- Abstract formations and is therefore regarded as a turning point in Mesopotamian history. Among these trans- At the end of the 24th cent. Sargon of Akkade IRUPDWLRQVWKHXQLȴFDWLRQRIWKHZKROHRI%DE\OR- (2324–2285 BC) defeated Lugalzagesi, king of Uruk, nia proper into a single territorial state, the spread DQGXQLȴHGWKHZKROHRI%DE\ORQLDSURSHUIRUWKH of ‘privately’ owned land, the integration of the ȴUVWWLPHLQWRDVLQJOHWHUULWRULDOVWDWHWKXVOD\LQJ former city-states into the royal palace economy, the foundation of the Akkadian Empire. Sargon, his DQGWKHGHLȴFDWLRQRIWKHOLYLQJUXOHUIHDWXUHPRVW sons Rimuš and Maništušu (2284–2262 BC), and his prominently. The Akkadian empire’s geographi- grandson Naramsin (2261–2206 BC) led their ar- cal scale and reach, mode of administration, and mies as far as the Mediterranean in the west and FRQFHSWLRQRINLQJVKLSKDGORQJODVWLQJLQȵXHQFH reached the springs of the Euphrates and Tigris in It became a paradigm for future dynasties, whose the north. They campaigned as far as highland Iran model-like character is also apparent in later li- in the east and reached the Arabian Gulf in the terary texts. Nevertheless, repeated upheavals south, dominating the political landscape of Meso- against Akkadian rule and the ambivalent tradition potamia for more than a century (2300–2181 BC). that evolved around Naramsin indicate that these Under Naramsin’s son Šarkališarri (2205–2181 BC), transformations caused major political tensions Amorites from the west and Guteans and Elamites especially in the Sumerian south of Babylonia. from the east penetrated deep into the empire. The present paper describes Akkadian rule Provinces defected and Akkade was reduced to a in terms of the concept of RESOURCECULTURES, i.e. the petty state. After a short period of confusion, when VSHFLȴFZD\LQZKLFKUHVRXUFHVDUHDSSURSULDWHG four members of the former Akkadian bureau- used, and allocated. It argues that Akkadian rule cracy and army rivalled for the succession to the meant the forcible implementation of a specific throne (2180–2178 BC), Dudu and Šudurul (2177– RESOURCECULTURE, which was politically, socio-eco- 2142 BC) presided over an Akkadian resurgence. nomically, and ideologically incompatible with 82 Ingo Schrakamp the RESOURCECULTURE prevalent in the Sumerian und Elamern zusammen, und die zu Provinzen south. This ‘northern’ RESOURCECULTURE was borne degradierten ehemaligen Stadtstaaten Sumers pro- by a secular and autocratic kingship with territo- klamierten ihre Unabhängigkeit. Für sie bedeutete rial claims to power, characterised by patrimoni- die akkadische Oberherrschaft tiefgreifende po- al dominion, a network of royal patronage, and a litische, sozioökonomische und ideologische Um- tributary or palace-economy based on royal land wälzungen, die sich wiederholt in Rebellionen ge- holdings. gen die akkadische Herrschaft entluden und auch The paper further demonstrates that royal land in der späteren literarischen Überlieferung noch holdings were the base of the Akkadian economic greifbar sind. Der vorliegende Beitrag beschreibt SRZHU7KH\ZHUHDSSURSULDWHGWKURXJKFRQȴVFD die Zeit der akkadischen Oberherrschaft über ganz tion and purchase, and administered and exploited Babylonien als den Zusammenprall zweier distink- through a centralised administration, the inclusion ter RESSOURCENKULTUREN, deren politische, sozioöko- of the provincial economies of the former city- states nomische und ideologische Ausformungen unver- into the royal household, and the establishment of einbar waren. rural agricultural domains. Through allocations of FURZQODQGWRDɚOLDWHVRIWKHUR\DOFRXUWDQGPHP- bers of the local elite the kings of Akkade estab- 1. Das Reich von Akkade OLVKHGDIDUȵXQJQHWZRUNRIUR\DOSDWURQDJHZKLFK also included parts of the local populace. Gegen Ende der Frühdynastisch IIIb- oder präsar- Akkadian rule caused political, economic and gonischen Zeit (2475–2300 v. Chr.) 1 beherrschte ideological distress, which led to repeated rebel- Sargon (2324–2285 v. Chr.) von seiner Hauptstadt lions of the south, and the downfall of the empire. Akkade aus, die man heute in der nordöstlichen Although this meant a return to political particu- Peripherie Babyloniens bei Samarra vermutet larism, the concept of empire prevailed when the (Sommerfeld 2014; Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 3rd dynasty of Ur (2110–2004 BC) united Babylonia 90, 104), einen Regionalstaat, der Teile Nordbaby- into a second territorial state and Hammurabi of loniens, das Diyala-Gebiet und das nördlich an- %DE\ORQ Ȃ%& ȴQDOO\EURXJKWDERXWWKH grenzende Mutterland der Akkader, Warium, um- end of particularism. fasste (Schrakamp 2016a, 50 f.; 2016b). Um 2300 v. Chr. besiegte Sargon Lugalzagesi, der seine Karri- ere als „Stadtfürst“ (ensi2) von Umma begonnen Zusammenfassung hatte, zum König von Uruk aufgestiegen war und über ganz Südbabylonien herrschte. Damit ver- Um 2300 v. Chr. besiegte Sargon von Akkade (2324– einte Sargon ganz Babylonien in einem Territo- 2285 v. Chr.) Lugalzagesi, der als König von Uruk rialstaat und legte das Fundament für das Reich ganz Sumer beherrschte. Damit vereinte er ganz von Akkade (2300–2181 v. Chr.), das Mesopota- Babylonien in einem Territorialstaat ungekann- mien für mehr als ein Jahrhundert beherrschen ter Dimensionen und begründete das Reich von sollte. Die Akkade- Zeit ist durch ein Corpus von Akkade (2300–2181 v. Chr.). Sargon, seine Söhne rund 8000 Keilschrifttexten dokumentiert, die ne- Rimuš und Maništušu (2284–2262 v. Chr.) und sein EHQRɚ]LHOOHQ+HUUVFKHULQVFKULIWHQ *HOE.LHQDVW Enkel Naramsin (2261–2206 v. Chr.) erreichten auf 1990; Frayne 1993; Kienast/Sommerfeld 1994; ihren Feldzügen das Mittelmeer im Westen, die Franke 1995) insbesondere administrative Texte Quellen von Euphrat und Tigris im Norden, das aus staatlichen Verwaltungseinheiten, Rechtsur- iranische Hochland im Osten und den Oman im kunden und die Korrespondenz staatlicher Funk- Süden und beherrschten ganz Mesopotamien für tionäre aus über 20 Fundorten vom Haburgebiet mehr als ein Jahrhundert in einem Staatsgebilde, das auch als „First World Empire“ bezeichnet wird. 1 Die hier verwendeten Daten folgen der historischen Chronologie von Sallaberger/Schrakamp (2015a, 1–136; Unter Šarkališarri (2205–2181 v. Chr.) brach das 2015b, 301–304) und schließen an die sog. mittlere Chrono- Reich unter dem Druck von Amurritern, Gutäern logie an (Hammurabi von Babylon 1792–1750 v. Chr.). Ressourcen und Herrschaft 83 in Nordsyrien bis nach Südwestiran umfassen gewaltige Flächen von Ackerland. Nach der Nieder- (Foster 1982c; Westenholz 1984a; Foster 1986b; schlagung der Rebellion besiegte Rimuš eine ira- 1993a; 1993b; Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 106 nische Koalition, beendete die Vorherrschaft von -ģXPLP2VWHQXQGNRQVROLGLHUWHGLHDNNDGLپMap 8, 107 Map 9, 111 Map 10, 112 Map 11; Schra- 3DUD kamp 2015a, 211–270; Foster 2016, 51–80, s. unten sche Präsenz in Obermesopotamien. Maništušu $EEȂ). Sie unterrichten über Wirtschaft, Gesell- unternahm einen noch weitreichenderen Feldzug schaft und die Geschichte des Reiches, die zunächst nach Iran, erreichte das Hochland des modernen knapp skizziert werden soll (zur Akkade-Zeit s. Fars, überquerte den Golf und kämpfte im heuti- grundlegend Glassner 1986 mit Franke 1992 und gen Oman. Der Zukauf von Land in Nordbabylo- Westenholz 1992; Westenholz 1999; Foster 2016; nien zur Vergrößerung königlichen Grundbesitzes Schrakamp 2016a, ferner Westenholz 1979; die gilt als bedeutende innenpolitische Maßnahme. Beiträge in Liverani 1993a; Sommerfeld 2006–08; Unter Sargons Enkel Naramsin (2261–2206 v. Chr.) 2009–11; Westenholz 2009–11; Pomponio 2011; gelangte Akkade auf den Höhepunkt seiner Macht. 2012; Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 85–112). Naramsin erreichte auf seinen Feldzügen das Mit- Nach der Eroberung Sumers herrschte Sargon telmeer im Westen, die Quellen von Euphrat und als „König der Gesamtheit“ (lugal kiši) über ganz Tigris im Norden, unternahm Feldzüge in den Babylonien. Er schleifte die Mauern der besiegten nördlichen Zagros, beanspruchte sogar die Herr- Städte, installierte „Söhne von Akkade“ als Stadt- schaft über das iranische Hochland und brachte fürsten (ensi 2), besetzte die bedeutendsten Pries- seinen absoluten Machtanspruch durch den neuen terämter mit Königstöchtern, bemühte sich um die Titel „König der vier Weltgegenden“ zum Aus- Zentralisierung des Fernhandels und opferte in druck. In der Mitte seiner Regierungszeit um 2230 Nippur. Auf seinen späteren Feldzügen erreichte v. Chr. erhoben sich die Kernprovinzen des Reiches Sargon Mari am mittleren Euphrat, den Libanon in einer umfassenden Rebellion, die von einer süd- und das Mittelmeer im Westen und eroberte Hu- lichen Koalition unter der Führung von Uruk und sistan im Südwestiran. Seine Söhne Rimuš und Ma- einer nordbabylonischen, von Kiš angeführten Al- ništušu (2284–2262 v. Chr.) konsolidierten die akka- lianz getragen wurde. Binnen Jahresfrist gelang es dische Oberherrschaft. 2 Rimuš sah sich bei seinem Naramsin, die Aufständischen in neun Schlachten Regierungsantritt 2284 v. Chr. jedoch zunächst ei- zu besiegen. Nach seinem Sieg ließ sich Naram- ner umfassenden Revolte gegenüber, der sich ne- sin vergöttlichen und begann ein reichsweites ben drei sumerischen Städtekoalitionen unter der Tempelbauprogramm, das mit dem Enlil- Tempel Führung eines Rebellenkönigs von Ur später auch in Nippur auch das Hauptheiligtum Sumers ein- das nordbabylonische Kazallu anschloss. Rimuš schloss. Zugleich schreibt man Naramsin eine um- schlug die Revolte blutig nieder, deportierte und fassende Verwaltungsreform zu, die sich in erster tötete mehr als 80.000 Männer und konfiszierte Linie in der reichsweiten Einheitlichkeit der Ur- kunden aus staatlichen Verwaltungsinstitutionen, 2 Steinkeller (2003, 272) nimmt an, dass nicht Rimuš, son- der Standardisierung von Maßen und Gewichten, dern Maništušu Sargons Nachfolge antrat, da die Ur III-zeitli- che und älteste Version der Sumerischen Königsliste ihn als der Einrichtung königlicher Stützpunkte und einer Nachfolger benennt. Westenholz (2014, xiv Anm. 3), Marchesi deutlich auf die Hauptstadt Akkade gerichteten (2015, 149 Anm. 96) und Schrakamp (2016a, 51) halten jedoch Zentralisierung niederschlug. Der Beginn der Re- die traditionelle Abfolge Sargon – Rimuš – Maništušu für plausibel, da sich eine deutliche Trennung zwischen den In- gentschaft seines Sohnes und Nachfolgers Šarka- schriften des Sargon und Rimuš auf der einen und denen des lišarri (2205–2181 v. Chr.) gilt als Zeit der Stabilität; Maništušu auf der anderen Seite beobachten lässt, Rimuš auf seinen Ostfeldzügen lediglich in Husistan kämpfte, während er bereiste das Reich, brachte das von seinem Va- Maništušu weiter in das iranische Hochland vordrang und ter initiierte Tempelbauprogramm zum Abschluss die durch altbabylonische Textvertreter der Sumerischen Kö- und erwarb in Sumer umfangreichen Grundbesitz. nigsliste angezeigte traditionelle Abfolge Rimuš – Maništušu der Anordnung entspricht, in der altbabylonische Schreiber Bald aber drangen im Westen und Osten Amurri- die Inschriften von Rimuš und Maništušu auf Sammeltafeln ter, Elamer und Gutäer in das Reich ein, und spä- kopierten. Für eine derartige Abfolge argumentieren auf Grundlage der Überlieferung aus Adab auch Pomponio/Visi- testens bei Šarkališarris Tod brach das Reich zu- cato 2015, 2 f. auch Pomponio 2012, 99 f. sammen. Nach einer kurzen Phase des Chaos, in 84 Ingo Schrakamp 38° 40° 42° 44° 46° 48° 50° 38° 38° Ancient city (ancient name/modern site name) Ancient city of uncertain location Urkesh/Mozan Finds of Early Sargonic royal inscriptions and year names Chagar Bazar Shehna/Leilan Finds of Early Sargonic tablets (palaeography) Hammam SUBIR Cities attested as provincial capital/seat of a governor (ENSI2) al-Turkman Nagar/Brak Extent of Early Sargonic control Nineveh 36° Tuttul/Bi’a Estimated ancient watercourses and main canals 36° Ebla Assur YARMUTI SIMURRUM LEBANON Mari Akkad 34° 34° A.HA/Tiwe/Ghdairife Tutub Sippar AWAN metres Kutha (?) Pashime Kish URU×A Susa 3000 Kazallu Nippur 32° 2000 Marada Adab ELAM 32° 1500 Isin Zabalam 1000 Shuruppag Girsu Umma Lagash 500 Uruk Badtibira 200 100 Ur 0 30° ARCANE Programme 30° Early Sargonic Empire: Sargon, Manishtushu, Rimush 0 100 200 km © Martin Sauvage & ARCANE Programme 38° 40° 42° 44° 46° 48° 50° Abb. 1. Mesopotamien in frühsargonischer Zeit (aus Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 106 Map 8). 30° 35° 40° 45° 50° 55° 60° 65° 70° Ancient city (ancient name/modern site name) Ancient city of uncertain location 40° Military campaigns of Sargon Military campaigns of Manishtushu Military campaigns of Rimush Extent of Sargonic control Maritime trade route 40° Urkesh Armi Shehna 35° SUBIR Ebla Tuttul Nagar YARMUTI Assur LEBANON Mari SIMURRUM Akkad 35° Kish AWANA Nippur Susa 30° Umma ELAM Ur Anshan/Malyan meters 30° 4000 (?) Parahshum/Marhashi/Jiroft 3000 2000 (?) 25° SHERIHUM 1000 500 200 DELMUN 0 MELUHHA 25° ARCANE ESF Programme Early Sargonic Empire: Sargon, Manishtushu, Rimush 0 100 200 400 km MAGAN © Martin Sauvage & ARCANE ESF Programme 40° 45° 50° 55° 60° 65° 70° Abb. 2. Feldzüge frühsargonischer Herrscher (aus Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 107 Map 9) Ressourcen und Herrschaft 85 38° 40° 42° 44° 46° 48° 50° 38° SheNAMinda (?) 38° Abarnium (?) Maribadan/Mardaman(?) Ancient city (ancient name/ Pir Hüssein modern site name) Talhadum?/ Place of tentative location Urkesh/Mozan SUBARTU Dülük Shehna/Leilan Finds of Classic Sargonic tablets (palaeography) Talmush Bassetki Finds of inscriptions, Armanum Nagar/Brak Bazi/Banat Nineveh seals and year names of Naramsuen and Sharkalisharri 36° Tuttul/Bi’a 36° Ebla Cities attested as provincial capital/ Azuhinum seat of a governor (ENSI ) Assur 2 Mt. Basar Gasur Jebel Bishri LULLUBUM Military campaigns Naramsuen Sharkalisharri Extent of Sargonic control GUTIUM SIMURRUM Mari Kirasheniwe Estimated ancient watercourses LEBANON Arame Tell Baradan and main canals Akkad 34° Awal/Suleimah 34° A.HA/Tiwe?/Ghdairife Eshnuna Tutub Agrab Sippar Akshak AWAN Kutha Mugdan/ Kazallu Kish Umm el-Jir metres Giritab Wilaya Susa Apiak Nippur Irisangrig ELAM 32° 3000 Dilbat Umm al-Hafriyat Adab 32° 2000 Marada Isin Sangub MARHASHI 1500 Shuruppag Girsu 1000 Umma Lagash MAGAN 500 Uruk 200 Ur 100 0 30° ARCANE Programme 30° Sargonic Empire: Naramsuen, Sharkalisharri 0 100 200 km © Martin Sauvage & ARCANE Programme 38° 40° 42° 44° 46° 48° 50° Abb. 3. Mesopotamien in klassisch-sargonischer Zeit (aus Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 111 Map 10). ± 3UlVDUJRQLVFKH)UKG\QDVWLVFK,,,E=HLW 6DUJRQ ± (UREHUXQJ6XPHUV IUKVDUJRQLVFK 5LPXã 0DQLãWXãX ± 6DUJRQLVFKH 1DUDPVLQ ± $NNDGH=HLW NODVVLVFKVDUJRQLVFK âDUNDOLãDUUL ± HSKHPHUH+HUUVFKHU ± 'XGX ± 6SlW$NNDGH*XWlHU=HLW âXGXUXO ± Abb. 4. Zeittafel (nach Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a; Schrakamp 2016a). 86 Ingo Schrakamp der vier aus der akkadischen Bürokratie und dem Ihre Inschriften wurden bis in das 1. Jtsd. v. Chr. Militär stammende Funktionäre um die Krone ran- kopiert (Cooper 1993; Liverani 1993b; Westenholz gen (2180–2178 v. Chr.), gelang es Dudu (2177–2157 2000), und wie kein anderes Herrschergeschlecht v. Chr.) und Šudurul (2156–2142 v. Chr.), die akka- evozierten Sargon und Naramsin eine vorwiegend dische Vorherrschaft im akkadischen Mutterland, akkadischsprachige Tradition, die in pseudohis- Teilen Nordbabyloniens und Obermesopotamiens torischen Erzählungen, Chroniken und Omina wieder herzustellen, doch vormalige Provinzen wie bis in das 1. Jtsd. v. Chr. lebendig blieb (Glassner Uruk und Lagaš begründeten Lokaldynastien, und 1986, 55–88; Cooper 1993; Liverani 1993b; Micha- VFKULWWZHLVHȴHOHQZHLWH7HLOH0LWWHOXQG1RUGED- lowski 1993b; Tinney 1995; J. G. Westenholz 1997; byloniens an die Gutäer und später an die Elamer Haul 2009; Foster 2016, 245–270). Diese Traditi- unter Puzurinšušinak, die schließlich auch die on stilisierte Sargon zum Idealherrscher, dem es Hauptstadt Akkade eroberten. Erst Urnamma von nachzueifern galt, und schrieb dem Dynastiebe- Ur (2110–2093 v. Chr.) gelang es, Nord- und Südba- gründer manche Taten seines Enkels Naramsin bylonien wieder zu vereinen und mit dem Reich zu. Naramsin selbst galt der Forschung lange Zeit der III. Dynastie von Ur das zweite Imperium auf als Unheilsherrscher, jedoch setzt sich zunehmend mesopotamischem Boden zu begründen. eine differenziertere Betrachtungsweise durch, die ihn als den Bezugspunkt einer ambivalenten Tradition auffasst (Cooper 1993, 12): Während ak- 2. Das Reich von Akkade als Wende- kadische Erzählungen auch Naramsin zumeist als und Bezugspunkt heldenhaften Krieger darstellen (Franke 1992, 435; Westenholz 1999, 55), beschreibt ihn die aus der Ur Der Aufstieg Akkades zum „First World Empire“ III-Zeit (2112–2004 v. Chr.) stammende sumerische (Liverani 1993a) markierte einen Wendepunkt in Dichtung „Fluch über Akkade“ als überheblichen der mesopotamischen Geschichte. Die akkadische König, der den Tempel des Gottes Enlil in Nippur, Oberherrschaft bedeutete den ersten Schritt auf das Hauptheiligtum Sumers, plünderte, sich gegen dem Wege zur Durchsetzung des territorialstaat- die Götter versündigte, ihren Zorn heraufbeschwor lichen und zentralistischen Herrschaftsprinzips und damit den Untergang des Reiches herbeiführ- in einem traditionell dem Partikularismus ver- te (Cooper 1993, 16 f.; Liverani 1993b, 56–59; Wil- hafteten Milieu (Kienast 1973; Selz 2011–13, 26 f.; cke 1993, 33 f.; Westenholz 1999, 55; Foster 2016, Neumann 2014, 35–39). Mit ihr verbanden sich Ȃ 'LHVHVQHJDWLYH8UWHLOZLUGRIWDOV5HȵH[ zugleich diverse administrative, sozioökonomi- der sozioökonomischen (und religiösen bzw. ideo- sche, politische und ideologische Neuerungen wie logischen) Spannungen bewertet, die die akkadi- die Einführung des Akkadischen als Verkehrs- und sche Oberherrschaft für den sumerischen Süden Verwaltungssprache (Sommerfeld 2003; Hassel- und insbesondere den Klerus bedeutete (Kienast bach 2005; Sommerfeld 2012; Keetman 2014), das 1973, 498 f.; Franke 1992, 435; Westenholz 1992, Aufkommen privaten Grundeigentums und tri- 46; Liverani 1993b, 56–59; Westenholz 1999, 55). butärer Wirtschaftsformen im sumerischen Süden Dazu passt auch, dass die sumerische erzählende (Renger 1995; Steinkeller 1999a), die Durchsetzung Literatur insgesamt nichts enthält, was die Köni- eines starken Königtums (Westenholz 2002, 38) ge von Akkade verherrlicht (Wilcke 1993, 67–69), 3 und die Vergöttlichung des Herrschers zu Lebzei- und dass sich die neusumerischen Herrscher der ten (Selz 2016, 545 f.). Diese Umwälzungen führten II. Dynastie von Lagaš, der III. Dynastie von Ur und nicht nur zu Aufständen, sondern wirkten als Para- sogar Puzurmama von Lagaš, der wohl kurz nach digma weit über das Ende des Reiches hinaus (Co- dem Tod Šarkališarris amtierte (Volk 1992; Salla- oper 1993; Liverani 1993b). Nicht umsonst gilt die berger/Schrakamp 2015a, 110, 115, 117, 119; Som- Akkade-Zeit gleichermaßen als Epoche der Innova- merfeld 2015b, 272 f.), in ihren Bilddenkmälern tion und Unruhe (Neumann 2014, 38). 3 Wilcke 1993, 67 führt als mögliche Ausnahme die sume- Über den Untergang des Reiches hinaus wirk- rische Sargon-Legende an, weist aber darauf hin, dass ihr te auch die Erinnerung an die Akkade-Herrscher. Ausgang offen bleibt; zum Text s. auch Cooper 1993, 17 f. Ressourcen und Herrschaft 87 und Inschriften ideologisch von ihren akkadischen akkadische Herrschaft auch in Teilen Nordbaby- Vorgängern absetzten, obwohl das Reich der III. loniens wenig willkommen war (Westenholz 1979, Dynastie von Ur etwa in seinem Territorialstaats- 111; 1999, 46, 52 f.; Foster 2016, 44–46). konzept, seinen Zentralisierungsbestrebungen oder der Vergöttlichung des Königs zu Lebzeiten an die Akkade-Zeit anknüpfte (Kienast 1973, 499; 3. RESSOURCENKULTUREN im Mesopotamien Westenholz 1979, 113 f.; 1993, 168; Selz 1999/2000, der Akkade-Zeit 22 f.). Die Gutäer, Lullubäer und Puzurinšušinak von Elam übernahmen in ihren Inschriften und In seiner rezenten Gesamtdarstellung der Akkade- LKUHU,NRQRJUDȴHKLQJHJHQEHZXVVW]DKOUHLFKH(OH- Zeit betont Foster (2016, 39 f.) die enorme Bedeu- mente akkadischer Herrscherdarstellung (Franke tung, die der Aneignung und Verteilung von Res- 1992, 434; 1995, 230; Sommerfeld 2003, 584, vgl. sourcen als Machtmittel der Könige von Akkade 6WHLQNHOOHUI 'LH+HUUVFKHULNRQRJUDȴH zukam, jedoch steht eine Untersuchung des akka- des Naramsin (2261–2206 v. Chr.) fand in Nordba- dischen Ressourcenmanagements bislang noch bylonien noch in der ersten Hälfte des 2. Jtsd. v. aus. Daher betrachtet der vorliegende Beitrag die Chr. Nachahmer (J. G. Westenholz 2000, 108). Akkade-Zeit im Rahmen des von Bartelheim et al. Offenbar erzeugte die akkadische Oberherr- skizzierten Konzeptes der RESSOURCENKULTUREN (Bar- schaft besonders im sumerischen Süden Spannun- telheim et al. 2015, 39–43). Diesem Konzept wird gen, die nicht nur zu Aufständen führten, sondern ein weitgefasster Ressourcenbegriff zu Grunde auch in der späteren Überlieferung noch fassbar gelegt, der nicht nur mit der Kategorie der mate- sind. Die ältere Forschung hat diese Spannungen riellen Ressourcen operiert, zu der etwa Rohstoffe gelegentlich auf einen ethnischen Konflikt zwi- zählen, sondern auch die Kategorie der immateri- schen Sumerern und Akkadern zurückgeführt, ellen Ressourcen berücksichtigt, die beispielsweise doch gilt dies seit langem als überholt (Westenholz soziale Ressourcen wie Personen, Netzwerke und 1999, 24 f.). Die jüngere Forschung weist wieder- Institutionen umfassen. Zudem wird angenom- um auf die Unterschiede zwischen sumerischer men, dass bestimmte Ressourcen gebündelt auf- und akkadischer Kunst hin, will Unterschiede in treten bzw. RessourcenKomplexe bilden, da sie ei- der Mentalität von Sumerern und Akkadern er- nander bedingen, indem Aneignung, Nutzung und kennen (Westenholz 1993; 1999, 26 mit Anm. 44, Vermehrung einer Ressource den Zugang zu einer 76 mit Anm. 357), macht anstelle ethnischer Merk- anderen voraussetzen oder ihn erschließen (Bar- male ökologische, ökonomische, religiöse und ideo- WHOKHLPHWDO I 'LHVSH]LȴVFKH$UWXQG logische Faktoren für diese Unterschiede geltend Weise, wie Ressourcen und RessourcenKomplexe (Renger 1995, 283 f.; Steinkeller 1999b, 304–308) angeeignet, eingesetzt und vermehrt werden, wird und betont zugleich die kulturellen und politi- von Bartelheim et al. (2015, 40 f.) als RESSOURCEN- schen Verbindungen zwischen den traditionellen KULTUR bezeichnet. Von besonderer Bedeutung ist Stadtstaaten Sumers, die sich während der antiak- schließlich die Annahme, dass innerhalb größerer kadischen Revolten gegen Rimuš und Naramsin in sozialer Einheiten mehrere, bisweilen konkurrie- Koalitionen manifestierten (Westenholz 1999, 52 f.; rende RESSOURCENKULTUREN auftreten können, die in Sassmannshausen 2005). der räumlichen, zeitlichen und ideologischen Di- Dass sich das nordbabylonische Kazallu einer mension Dynamiken unterliegen (Bartelheim et al. von sechs sumerischen Städten getragenen Revol- 2015, 41 f.). Auf dieser Grundlage unternimmt der te gegen Rimuš anschloss, dieser aber gleichzeitig vorliegende Beitrag den Versuch, die Zeit der akka- von Šuruppag unterstützt wurde (Frahm/Payne dischen Oberherrschaft über Nord- und Südbaby- 2003–04) und sich während der „Großen Revolte“ ORQLHQDOV.RQȵLNW]ZHLGLVWLQNWHURESSOURCENKULTU- gegen Naramsin auch mehreren Städte in Nord- REN zu beschreiben, die bereits in der ausgehenden babylonien gegen die akkadische Oberherrschaft frühdynastischen Zeit voll ausgebildet waren erhoben, spricht nicht nur gegen einen ethnischen und sich in ihren politischen, sozioökonomischen .RQȵLNWVRQGHUQGHXWHWJOHLFK]HLWLJDQGDVVGLH und ideologischen Ausformungen grundlegend 88 Ingo Schrakamp voneinander unterschieden. Dazu bedarf es zu- sind. Die Kontrolle über den Stadt- oder Kleinstaat nächst eines Rückgriffs auf die Zeit vor der Erobe- lag in den Händen des „Stadtfürsten“ (sumerisch rung Babyloniens durch Akkade. ensi2), der als irdischer Stellvertreter der Götter fungierte und säkulare wie religiöse Funktionen in seiner Person vereinte. Die Verwaltung der göt- 4. Die politischen und sozioökonomi- tereigenen Ressourcen – Felder, Nutztiere, Gärten, schen Verhältnisse vor dem Aufstieg Haine und Röhrichte – oblag den Tempeln, die als Akkades weitgehend autarke, redistributive oikoi Subsis- tenzwirtschaft betrieben, den größten Teil der Be- Die Forschung betont seit langem die politischen, völkerung in Landwirtschaft, Viehzucht, Fischerei sozioökonomischen und ideologischen Unterschie- und Handwerk beschäftigten und im Gegenzug de, die in frühdynastischer Zeit zwischen Süd- und durch Zuteilungen von Naturalien und Ackerland Nordbabylonien bzw. Sumer und Akkade bestan- versorgten. Privater Grundbesitz war auf Gärten den. Anzuführen sind hierbei Arbeiten von Fal- EHVFKU¦QNWLQVLJQLȴNDQWLP%HVLW]GHU+HUUVFKHU- kenstein (1954, 801–805, 809–811; 1974), Edzard familie bzw. im gegebenen ideologischen Rahmen (1965, 68–82), Kienast (1973), Gelb (1977; 1981; weder denk- noch veräußerbar. Machtzentrum des 1987; 1992), Renger (1995, 281–284) und insbe- Staates war der Palast, durch den der Stadtfürst sondere Steinkeller (1992a, 725 f.; 1993a, 116–127; als legitimer Stellvertreter der Götter auf die Lie- 1999b, 290–309; 2013a, 145–151), dessen kontras- genschaften der Tempel zugriff und strategische tierende Darstellungen der nachfolgende Abriss Ressourcen, Fernhandel, Diplomatie und Militär zusammenfasst. kontrollierte (Steinkeller 1992a, 725; 1993a, 116 f., Über die politischen, sozioökonomischen und 121 f.; 1999b, 290 f., 294–298; zu Wirtschaft und ideologischen Verhältnisse des sumerischen Sü- Ideologie s. grundlegend Schrakamp 2013a; 2015c, dens unterrichten paradigmatisch rund 2000 Ver- 335–342). 4 ZDOWXQJVXUNXQGHQ5HFKWVXUNXQGHQXQGRɚ]LHOOH Für das gleichzeitige Nordbabylonien rekons- Herrscherinschriften aus Lagaš (zu Quellen und truiert Steinkeller eine in ihren politischen, sozio- Forschungsgeschichte s. Foster 2005; Schrakamp ökonomischen und ideologischen Ausformungen 2013a, 445–447; 2015c, 303 f. mit Anm. 1). Sie zei- völlig anders geartete Konfiguration. In Anleh- gen, dass die politische Landkarte Sumers in früh- nung an Gelb nimmt er an, dass Nordbabylonien dynastischer Zeit von partikularistischen Stadt- Teil eines semitischen Kulturverbundes mit einer oder Kleinstaaten in den Grenzen entsprechender eigenständigen Schrifttradition war, der sich vom Bewässerungsprovinzen geprägt war. Der gesamte Osttigrisland über das Diyala-Gebiet, Nordbaby- 6WDDWZDURɚ]LHOOHU,GHRORJLH]XIROJHGDV(LJHQWXP lonien und Mari am mittleren Euphrat bis nach einer göttlichen Großfamilie, deren Oberhaupt mit Ebla in Nordsyrien erstreckte. Innerhalb dieses seiner Gattin und seinen Kindern in der Haupt- Verbundes, so Steinkeller, bildete die Stadt Kiš das stadt residierte, während geringere Gottheiten in politische Zentrum eines frühen Territorialstaates, den umliegenden Ortschaften beheimatet waren. der Nordbabylonien und die angrenzenden Ge- Die in Lokalpanthea organisierten Götterfamilien biete umfasste, eine Machtfülle innehatte, die die aller Kleinstaaten unterstanden Enlil, der als pater der Stadtstaaten Sumers weit übertraf und in dem familias einer erweiterten Großfamilie in Nippur prestigereichen Herrschertitel lugal kiši ki „König residierte und als Schlichter in Grenzstreitigkei- von Kiš“ anklang, der Hegemonen über Nord- und ten zwischen rivalisierenden Stadtstaaten eingriff. Zwar organisierten sich die Stadtstaaten in losen 4 Einschränkend gilt, dass mit Darlehen und Pacht auch Amphiktyonien. Ausgreifende Expansion, territori- Elemente tributärer Wirtschaftsformen in den Texten aus Girsu/Lagaš greifbar sind, die mit dem Begriff des oikos DOHXQGSROLWLVFKH(LQLJXQJZDUHQLQGLHVHU.RQȴ- strenggenommen unvereinbar sind; die Eindämmung der guration jedoch kaum möglich, so dass erste Versu- damit erstarkenden Privatwirtschaft gilt als eines der Ziele der sogenannten Reformtexte des Urukagina, s. ausführlich che zur Schaffung größerer Staatsgebilde erst für und mit Literatur Schrakamp 2013a, 446 f., 454–457; 2015c, die letzte Phase der frühdynastischen Zeit greifbar 337–342. Ressourcen und Herrschaft 89 Südbabylonien vorbehalten war, und durch ein Glassner 1995; Renger 1995, 272–280; Edzard 1996; autokratisches und säkulares Königtum getragen Steinkeller 1999b; Magid apud Steinkeller 1999b, wurde, das in frühen semitischen Stammesstruk- 322–324; Cripps 2007; Milano 2008). Die Ursache turen wurzelte. Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft wa- für die Gemeinsamkeiten und die deutlichen Un- ren durch eine starke Privatwirtschaft, tributäre terschiede zwischen Norden und Süden vermuten Wirtschaftsformen und einen hohen Anteil priva- Steinkeller und Renger in den ökonomischen, öko- ten Grundeigentums gekennzeichnet, das sich in logischen und ideologischen Rahmenbedingungen. Händen des Herrschers konzentrierte und anders 'HU*HEUDXFKGHV6DDWSȵXJHVVHW]WH5HVVRXUFHQ als im Süden veräußert werden konnte. Neben zum Unterhalt der Zugtiere und Arbeitskraft vor- frühdynastischen Herrscherinschriften und Ver- aus und wurde erst bei Feldergrößen praktikabel, waltungsurkunden sowie der Überlieferung aus die die Möglichkeiten einer Subsistenzwirtschaft Ebla, die Kiš als einen bedeutenden Machtfaktor treibenden Kleinfamilie deutlich überstiegen und ausweisen, zieht Steinkeller auch eine als „gazeteer beförderte in Nord- wie Südbabylonien die Ausbil- of the Kishite kingdom“ gedeutete Ortsnamenliste, dung kommunalen oder institutionellen Grundei- Landkaufurkunden aus Nordbabylonien sowie jün- gentums. Darüber hinaus begünstigten im Süden gere Akkade-zeitliche Texte und die Sumerische Kö- auch die Anforderungen von Brachewirtschaft, nigsliste heran, die Kiš mehrfach die Vorherrschaft künstlicher Bewässerung sowie die im Vergleich über ganz Babylonien zuschreibt. In dem frühdy- zum Norden wenig stabilen Wasserläufe im Rah- nastischen „kingdom of Kish“ vermutet Steinkeller men dörflicher Gemeinschaften die Ausbildung den Vorläufer des Reiches von Akkade (Steinkel- kommunalen oder institutionellen anstelle priva- ler 1992a, 725 f.; 1993a, 117–127; 1999b, 299–308; ten Eigentums an Ackerland. Im dimorph gepräg- 2013a, 145–151; zur Bedeutung von Kiš ferner ten Nordbabylonien, so Steinkeller, ermöglichten Kienast 1973, 495; Selz 1998, 313 f.; 1999/2000, 20 f., die deutlich stabileren Flussläufe und der ausge- vgl. auch Frayne 2009; Charvát 2010, zu der erst- prägte pastorale Bereich der Wirtschaft auch die mals von Gelb postulierten Schrifttradition dieses Ausbildung kleiner Gehöfte und privaten Grund- Kulturverbundes s. zuletzt Sommerfeld 2012, 194 besitzes, wobei die tribalen Strukturen der frühen sowie Veldhuis 2014a und vgl. Foster 1983b, 304 f.).5 semitischen Bevölkerung die Konzentration von Im Rahmen der von Steinkeller herausgearbei- Land in den Händen des Scheichs bzw. Königs be- teten Dichotomie zwischen Nord- und Südbabylo- günstigten (Renger 1995, 283 f.; Steinkeller 1999b, nien sind vor allem die Grundbesitzverhältnisse 301–309, vgl. Powell 1994, 103 f.). 6 bedeutend, denn sie bestimmen die sozioökonomi- sche und politische Entwicklung eines Gemeinwe- sens maßgeblich (Neumann 1988, 29; Renger 1995, 5. Die Akkade-Zeit als Ressourcen- 269 f.; zum Grundeigentum in frühdynastischer NRQȵLNW Zeit s. ferner Neumann 1988; Steinkeller 1988; Gelb et al. 1991, 24–26; Foster 1994; Powell 1994; Vor dem Hintergrund der oben skizzierten poli- tischen, sozioökonomischen und ideologischen 5 Yoffee (1995), Cooper (1999, 65 f. Anm. 9) und Westen- Umwälzungen, der daraus resultierenden Span- holz (1999, 29; 2002, 37 f.) bezweifeln die Existenz eines nungen und der für die frühdynastische Zeit nach- frühdynastischen Territorialstaates mit dem Zentrum Kiš (s. Steinkeller 2013a, 146 Anm. 53), jedoch kann Steinkeller zuweisenden Dichotomie zwischen Nord- und (2013a, 145–151) in seiner rezenten Darstellung der Ge- schichte von Kiš im 3. Jtsd. v. Chr. auf historische Quellen verweisen, die zur Zeit seiner grundlegenden Darstellung 6 Yoffee (1995) hält die von Steinkeller (1993a, 117–127) (Steinkeller 1993a, 117–127) noch nicht zugänglich waren herausgearbeitete Dichotomie zwischen Nord- und Südba- und diese Einwände zerstreuen dürften. Hierbei ist insbe- bylonien für überzeichnet; die Argumentation von Renger sondere eine Frühdynastisch I/II-zeitliche, offenbar aus Kiš (1995, 283 f.) und Steinkeller (1999b, 301–308) dürfte jedoch stammende Inschrift bedeutend, die Steinkeller (2013a) zu- auch diesen Einwand plausibel entkräften. Westenholz folge 36.000 Kriegsgefangene aus zahlreichen Orten Nord- (2002, 37 f.), der die Existenz eines Territorialstaates von Kiš babyloniens und den nordöstlich angrenzenden Gebieten bezweifelt, schließt sich im Hinblick auf die sozioökonomi- summiert, die ein König von Kiš auf seinen Feldzügen gefan- schen Verhältnisse in Nordbabylonien der Steinkeller’schen gennahm. Auffassung weitgehend an. 90 Ingo Schrakamp Südbabylonien lässt sich die akkadische Oberherr- 6. Südbabylonien in frühsargonischer schaft als der Versuch beschreiben, in allen Reichs- Zeit (Sargon, Rimuš und Maništušu) teilen eine RESSOURCENKULTUR durchzusetzen, die sich durch ein säkulares, autokratisches Königtum, ein Die ältesten Textzeugnisse zu den Formen akkadi- territorialstaatliches Herrschaftskonzept, patrimo- scher Oberherrschaft in Südbabylonien liefern die niale und auf persönlicher Loyalität beruhende Inschriften des Dynastiebegründers Sargon sowie Herrschaftsstrukturen und eine tributäre Wirt- administrative Texte aus lokalen Verwaltungsein- schaft auszeichnete und auf königlichem Grund- heiten in Adab, Nippur und Umma, die den dorti- besitz basierte, der im Sinne von Gudeman (2005, gen „Stadtfürsten“ (ensi2) unterstanden. Sargon 97, vgl. Bartelheim et al. 2015, 40) als die „base“ berichtet, nach der Eroberung Sumers (2300 v. gelten darf. Seine Bewirtschaftung erfolgte im Rah- Chr.) die Mauern der eroberten Städte niederge- men tributärer Wirtschaftsformen und sicherte so rissen und „Söhne von Akkade“ (dumu dumu ki die Einkünfte der Krone. Die Vergabe von königli- a-ga-de3 ) bis zum Golf als Stadtfürsten (ensi 2) ein- chem Land an Funktionsträger erzeugte und ver- gesetzt zu haben (FAOS 7 Sargon C 1 = RIM E2.1.1.1: tiefte Loyalitäten und Abhängigkeiten und schuf Sumerian 74–80//Akkadian 79–85; FAOS 7 Sargon ein Netzwerk königlicher Patronage, das nicht nur C 4 = RIM E2.1.1.2: 82–91, zur Lesung Westenholz die wichtigsten Funktionsträger, sondern auch 1999, 39 Anm. 117). Manche Gelehrte bezweifeln Teile der Bevölkerung umfasste und den Zugriff die konsequente Umsetzung dieser Praxis oder auf Institutionen eröffnete. Da sich diese „nordba- halten sie für ein wenig erfolgreiches und kurzle- bylonische“ RESSOURCENKULTUR in ihren politischen, biges Experiment, da mit Hinnanum und Šuruškin sozioökonomischen und ideologischen Ausformun- von Umma aus dem sumerischen Süden nur zwei gen grundlegend von derjenigen der sumerischen Stadtfürsten bekannt sind, bei denen es sich ihren Stadtstaaten unterschied, führte ihre Übertragung Namen nach um Akkader handelte, und mit Mes- auf den Süden zu vielfältigen Spannungen, die kigala von Adab außerdem ein sumerischer Stadt- sich nicht nur in Aufständen manifestierten, son- fürst bezeugt ist, der bereits vor der Eroberung dern auch dazu führten, dass sich nachfolgende Sumers durch Sargon amtierte (Foster 1993a, 28; Herrscher bewusst von den Akkade-Königen ab- Westenholz 1993, 161 Anm. 11; 1999, 39; 2002, 39; grenzten, so dass der Versuch der Durchsetzung Frahm/Payne 2003/04, 54, zu Hinnanum und Šu- dieser RESSOURCENKULTUR mit dem Untergang des ruškin s. Visicato 2010, 269, 271; Marchesi 2011, Reiches von Akkade zunächst gescheitert scheint. 18 f.; Pomponio 2012, 104 f.; Visicato 2012; Sallaber- Aus der Perspektive der longue durée stellt sich die ger/Schrakamp 2015a, 39 f., 93 f.). Diese Auffassung Akkade-Zeit hingegen als die früheste, durch Keil- ist in zweierlei Hinsicht zu revidieren. Die als Ma- schriftquellen ausreichend dokumentierte Phase ništušu-Obelisk bekannte Landkaufurkunde, die eines längeren Prozesses dar, der mit dem Ende den Erwerb umfangreicher Ländereien durch den des Partikularismus und der endgültigen Durch- König Maništušu dokumentiert (s. unten 8.), zählt setzung des territorialstaatlichen Herrschaftsprin- 49 als „Söhne von Akkade“ bezeichnete Personen zips, eines starken Königtums und tributärer Wirt- als Zeugen des Landkaufs auf. Bei ihnen handelt schaftsformen während der ersten Hälfte des 2. es sich um Mitglieder der Königsfamilie und die Jtsd. v. Chr. zum Abschluss kam (s. etwa Kienast Söhne hochrangiger Würdenträger, in denen man 1973; Renger 1995, 283 f., 318 f.; Selz 1999/2000, 20 zugleich die Nutznießer des königlichen Landkaufs f.; Neumann 2014, 39 f.; Foster 2015, 16). Dies lässt vermuten darf. Bedeutend ist, dass sich unter VLFKLQGHU%HJULɛLFKNHLWYRQ%DUWHOKHLPHWDODOV LKQHQDXFKHLQLJH3HUVRQHQȴQGHQGLHLKUHQ1D- das Resultat soziokultureller und sozioökonomi- men nach aus sumerischem Milieu stammten, dar- scher Dynamiken begreifen, die in ihrer räumli- unter die Söhne eines Funktionärs des Stadtfürsten chen, zeitlichen und ideologischen Dimension als (ensi 2) von Umma und der Sohn des Stadtfürsten Ausbreitung, Neubewertung und Durchsetzung ei- (ensi 2) von Lagaš (Visicato 2010, 269, 271; Marche- QHUVSH]LȴVFKHQRESSOURCENKULTUR verstanden wer- si 2011, 19 Anm. 19; Pomponio 2012, 105; Visicato den dürfen (Bartelheim et al. 2015, 41). 2012; Marchesi 2015, 149 Anm. 96; Sallaberger/ Ressourcen und Herrschaft 91 Schrakamp 2015a, 40 Anm. 132; Schrakamp 2015b, und stellt zugleich den Aspekt herrscherlicher Für- 18; 2015c, 318 f., vgl. Such-Gutiérrez 2015, 435). Da sorge in den Vordergrund (Westenholz 1979, 122 unter den „Söhnen von Akkade“ auch Personen Anm. 23; 1993, 161; Franke 1995, 248; Westenholz mit kyriophoren Namen erscheinen, die die dem 1999, 34, 68; Schrakamp 2010, 4, 12, 83 f.). Ob die HGXDQQDLQپKönig gegenüber empfundene Loyalität ausdrück- (LQVHW]XQJYRQ6DUJRQV7RFKWHU(Q ten, bezeichnet „Söhne von Akkade“ keine Akkader das Amt der Hohepriesterin des Mondgottes in Ur im ethnischen Sinne, sondern die Gefolgsleute des gleichermaßen als gezielte Übernahme einer kul- Königs, deren Loyalität durch Landzuweisungen tischen Schlüsselposition zu bewerten ist (Glass- seitens des Königs vergolten wurde (s. ausführlich ner 1986, 12 f.; Renger 1995, 280; Steinkeller 1999c, unten 8.). Außerdem zählt der Maništušu-Obelisk 124 f.) oder aber eine ältere Tradition fortsetzte, auch den Sohn des Ilšurabi zu diesem Personen- die dem lugal die Einsetzung der en-Priesterin kreis, der seine Karriere als Militär begonnen hatte zugestand, ist kontrovers (Westenholz 1999, 38; und spätestens unter Maništušu zum Stadtfürsten Weiershäuser 2008, 254). 9 Sicher ist hingegen, dass von Pašime im Zagrosvorland aufgestiegen war auch die nachfolgenden Akkade-Herrscher könig- (Steinkeller 1982, 241 Anm. 15; Potts 1994, 103; liche Töchter in die wichtigsten Priesterämter des Hussein et al. 2010, 57 f.). 7 Diese im Maništušu-Obe- Reiches einsetzten und eine Tradition fortführten, lisk genannten Würdenträger dürfen daher als die bis in das frühe 2. Jtsd. v. Chr. wirkte und ei- späte Nachfolger der von Sargon in Sumer einge- nen Affront gegen die lokalen Eliten bedeutete, de- setzten Stadtfürsten gelten. Sargons Inschrift do- ren Familien die Besetzung der wichtigsten Pries- kumentiert also eine Politik, die auch seine Söhne terämter seit jeher zustand (Michalowski 1987, 65 Rimuš und Maništušu noch praktizierten (Glassner f.; Steinkeller 1999c, 125–129; Renger 2001, 373 f.). 1986, 11 f.; Potts 1994, 103): Sie beruhte auf der Be- Die gleichzeitigen Verwaltungsurkunden aus setzung administrativer Schlüsselpositionen mit Adab, Nippur und Umma dokumentieren demge- Gefolgsleuten, die unabhängig von ihrer Herkunft genüber eine deutliche Kontinuität lokaler Ver- in ein Netzwerk königlicher Patro nagen eingebun- ZDOWXQJVVWUXNWXUHQ VLHVLQGSDO¦RJUDȴVFKQLFKW den waren (vgl. unten 8.). 8 von jenen vor Sargons Eroberung von Sumer zu Sargon benennt in seinen Inschriften „neun unterscheiden und nennen dieselben Funktio- ki Regimenter von Akkade“ (in 9 ki-zi-ri2 a-ga-de3 ) als näre, die schon vor Sargon tätig waren (zur Pa- die Stütze seiner Macht (FAOS 7 Sargon C 3 = RIM E läografie Westenholz 1975a, 3 f.; Foster 1982d, 2.1.1.3: 6–8, s. Westenholz 1999, 36 Anm. 99; Som- 3–6; Sallaberger 1998, 24–39; Milone 2002, 3–5; merfeld 2009–11, 45) und rühmt sich, täglich „5400 Such- Gutiérrez 2015, 438–445; zu den Funktio- 0¦QQHUȊ ßXUXģ E]ZȌ7UXSSHQ HLQKHLWHQ Ȋ nären Westenholz 1975a, 4; Foster 1979, 156 f.; (sur x) an seiner Tafel gespeist zu haben (FAOS 7 1982d, 43; Visicato 2000, 85–87, 94 f.; Sallaberger Sargon C 2: 41–44 = RIM E2.1.1.11 Akkadian 41–44 2004, 23; Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 39, 93 f. // Sumerian 34–37, zur Lesung Sommerfeld 2008, Tab. 22; Such-Gutiérrez 2015, 435 f.). Auffällig ist 233–235). Dies gilt als Hinweis, dass auch das ste- zudem das Fortbestehen des örtlichen, auf den hende Heer dem Herrscher loyal verbunden war Amtsjahren des lokalen Stadtfürsten basierenden mu-iti Datierungssystems in Umma (Foster 1979; 7 Die von Studevent-Hickman veröffentlichte Inschrift 1982d, 2–7, 60, 83; 1993a, 34; Sallaberger/Schra- nennt „Ilšurabi (von) Pašime, den Bewaffneten“ (il3-su-ra- ki ßHģ 10 bi2 ba-si-me šu tukul) und datiert folglich aus einer frü- kamp 2015a, 36–40). Nur vereinzelte Belege für heren Phase von Ilšurabis Laufbahn; die Ernennung zum „Stadtfürsten“ (ensi 2) erfolgte spätestens unter Maništušu. 9 Der literarischen Tradition zufolge endete dies mit HGXDQQDV9HUWUHLEXQJDXV8UGXUFKGHQ5HEHOOHQN¸QLJپBei Šarru(m)ali von Adab könnte es sich um einen wei- (Q 8 teren durch den König eingesetzten ensi2 in Sumer handeln; Lugalanne während der „Großen Revolte“ gegen Naramsin er amtierte nach der Niederschlagung der sumerischen Re- (s. unten 22.), s. grundlegend Zgoll 1997, ferner Wilcke 1993, volte gegen Rimuš, der sich auch Meskigala von Adab an- 33 f.; Westenholz 1999, 53 f.; Sommerfeld 2000, 427 Anm. schloss, und trug als einziger Stadtfürst von Adab einen akka- 421; Haul 2009, 38–40, 46, zur Datierung Westenholz 2000, dischen Namen, der zudem mit kyriophoren Namen von 553–555; Sallaberger 2004, 29 Anm. 30; Sallaberger/Schra- +¸ȵLQJHQLP0DQLģWXģX2EHOLVN]XYHUJOHLFKHQLVW VXQWHQ kamp 2015a, 95 f., 115. 8.). Zu Šarru(m)ali, dessen zeitliche Stellung noch nicht end- 10 Foster (1977, 39 Anm. 101; 1982d, 8–10, 46–50; 1989b, gültig geklärt ist, s. Molina 2014, 29–31; Pomponio 2015, 193. 358; 1993b, 175; 2016, 6 f.) datiert das sogenannte mu-iti 92 Ingo Schrakamp „königliche Soldaten“, „königliche Bewaffnete“ nach Akkade (CUSAS 11, 124 Vs. i 4–5; CUSAS 11, (aga3-us2 lugal, lu2 tukul lugal, Nik. 2, 31 Vs. 145), Meskigalas Reisen nach Akkade (CUSAS 11, 4–5) oder „akka dische Bevollmächtigte“ (maškim 234 Vs. ii 6–Rs. i 1) und eine Visite Sargons in Adab uri-me, Nik. 2, 21 Rs. 5), teilweise mit akkadischen (Banca d’Italia 1, 63) zeigen, dass auch Meskigala Namen, deuten auf die akkadische Oberherrschaft die akkadische Oberherrschaft anerkannte (Visica- über Umma hin (Foster 1982d, 15 f., 19, 29, 30, 38 f.; to 2010, 264–268; Visicato/Westenholz 2010, 4–8; Edzard/Wiggermann 1987–90, 451; Schrakamp Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 88; Such-Gutiérrez 2013b, 152; 2016b, 646, zu maškim vgl. Molina 2015, 434–438). Nippur-Urkunden verwenden ge- 2014, 34, 61). Auch Meskigala von Adab datierte legentlich standardisierte, königliche Hohlmaße nach lokalen Gebräuchen und erließ eigene Daten- (gur lugal, AS 17, 11; OSP 1, 31, s. Westenholz formeln, deren Promulgation eigentlich dem König 1975a, 5 f., 29; 1999, 39 mit Anm. 119), 12 erwäh- vorbehalten war (Banca d’Italia 1, 47 Vs. ii 6–Rs. i nen Opfer für Sargon (ECTJ 84, 85 Vs. i 8–ii 1) und 1; CUSAS 11, 234 Vs. ii 4–5; CUSAS 26, 78; Visicato datieren nach Sargon-Jahresdaten (ECTJ 85, 151, 2010, 266 f. 2b Rs. i 3–4, s. Visicato 2010; Visicato/ 181). Dies steht vielleicht mit Nippurs Rolle als Sitz Westenholz 2010, 7; Molina 2014, 70; Sallaber- des Hauptgottes Enlil in Zusammenhang (s. unten ger/Schrakamp 2015a, 42 f.; Such-Gutiérrez 2015, 20.–22.). 13 Zuletzt ist erwähnenswert, dass ein Šar- 436–438). 11 Diese bemerkenswerte Unabhängig- kališarri-zeitlicher (?) Brief auf Eingriffe Sargons keit war wohl darin begründet, dass Meskigala an in die Provinzgliederung von Lagaš und Ur Bezug der Seite Sargons gegen Lugalzagesi gekämpft und nimmt (FAOS 19 Gir 26, s. Volk 1992; Kienast/Volk ihn später sogar auf einem Feldzug bis in den Li- 1995, 102–104; Westenholz 1999, 56 Anm. 27; Wil- banon (das „Zederngebirge“, kur ßHģeren) beglei- cke 2007, 36 f. mit Anm. 66; Sommerfeld 2015b, tet hatte (Banca d’Italia 1, 23; CUSAS 11, 165; RIM 272, zur Datierung s. unten 17. mit Anm. 35). E1.1.9.2001, s. Visicato 2010, 270; Visicato/Westen- Die frühsargonische Oberherrschaft im Sü- holz 2010, 7; Molina 2014, 29; Such-Gutiérrez 2015, den war somit durch die Besetzung administra- 437), sie gilt aber auch als ein Indiz für den star- tiver (und kultischer) Schlüsselpositionen durch NHQ(LQȵXVVORNDOHU(OLWHQ :HVWHQKRO] E loyale, in das herrscherliche Patronagenetzwerk Sallaberger 2006–08, 35–37; Visicato/Westenholz eingebundene Gefolgsleute, das Fortbestehen tra- 2010, 4–8; Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 88, 94; ditioneller lokaler Verwaltungsstrukturen und Such-Gutiérrez 2015, 436 f.). Die Präsenz von ak- die Präsenz königlicher Funktionäre gekennzeich- kadischen Funktionären wie „Leuten des Königs“ net (Westenholz 1979, 110, 121 Anm. 16, Anm. 20; (lu 2 lugal, CUSAS 11, 122 Vs. ii 5–6), „Boten des Westenholz 1999, 37–40; vgl. Michalowski 1987, Königs“ (sugal 7 lugal, CUSAS 11, 256 Rs. ii 1–3), 58–60). ki „Boten von Akkade“ (sugal7 a-ga-de3 , CUSAS 11, Diese Architektur war offenbar so instabil, 156 Vs. 2–3; vgl. CUSAS 26, 78 Vs. ii 2), „königlichen dass sich bei Thronbesteigung des Rimuš „unmit- Martu-Leuten“ (mar-du 2 lugal, CUSAS 11, 174 Vs. telbar nachdem Enlil ihm das Königtum gegeben ii 2–3), Sendungen von Vieh an einen König bzw. 12 Der z. B. von Westenholz (1999, 39 Anm. 119) zitierte Be- leg für gur lugal in AS 17, 11 erscheint im Kontext mit „De- A-Archiv aus Umma in die Zeit des Rimuš, verbindet eine lmun-Schiffen“. Hier besteht vielleicht ein Zusammenhang Gruppe von Urkunden über Einsatz und Versorgung von mit Sargons Behauptung, er habe Schiffe von Delmun, Magan DDP.DLYRQ$NNDGHDQNHUQODVVHQGLHPHLVWDOVپپArbeits-)Truppen“ (sur x) an einem Bauprojekt mit einer XQG0HOX)„ Inschrift des Rimuš, die von Deportationen tausender Gefan- ein Hinweis auf die Zentralisierung des Fernhandels gedeu- gener nach der Niederschlagung einer akkadischen Revolte tet wird, s. etwa Westenholz 1999, 39. berichtet (s. oben 6.–7.), und vergleicht dieses Bauprojekt 13 Eine Gruppe prä- oder frühsargonischer Verwaltungs- mit dem Neubau des Enlil-Tempels Ekur in Nippur (s. unten texte (ECTJ 32, 35, 38, 40, 168, 206; OSP 1, 53–60, 153, 154) ¦KQOLFK:HVWHQKRO] E I¾USURVRSRJUDȴVFKHXQG dokumentiert Ausgaben von Lebensmitteln an Gesandte aus andere Argumente gegen diese Interpretation und eine Da- verschiedenen urbanen Zentren Babyloniens. Westenholz tierung auf Sargon s. Westenholz 1984b, 76–78; Powell 1985, (1975a, 5 f., 38; 1999, 64 Anm. 272) und Visicato (2000, 82 144 f.; Steinkeller 1987a, 185–189; Neumann 1989, 523; Wes- Anm. 257) datieren diese Texte vorbehaltlich auf Sargon und tenholz 1999, 39 Anm. 118, 41 Anm. 126; Visicato 2000, 88–90; vermuten in diesen Gesandten königliche Funktionäre, je- Marchesi 2011; Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 39 f., 93 f. doch ist auch eine Datierung auf Lugalzagesi oder Enšakuša- 11 Beachte, dass Such-Gutiérrez auch Datierungsvermerke na von Uruk nicht auszuschließen, die Zeitgenossen Sargons einbezieht, die keine Datenformeln im engeren Sinne dar- waren und zeitweilig weite Teile Babyloniens beherrschten, stellen. s. Schrakamp 2015a, 213. Ressourcen und Herrschaft 93 hatte“ drei Städtekoalitionen bestehend aus Ur 243 f.; Postgate 1992, 41; Renger 1995, 281; Westen- und Lagaš, Adab und Zabala sowie Umma und KI.AN holz 1999, 44; Milano 2008, 119; Neumann 2014, E]Z.LGLßLUDLQHLQHU5HYROWHHUKREHQDQGHUHQ 38). Die zentrale Quelle für diese Annahme liefern Spitze ein selbsternannter Rebellenkönig von Ur ]ZHLLP/RXYUHEHȴQGOLFKH)UDJPHQWHHLQHUEH- namens Kaku stand. Dass sich Meskigala von Adab schrifteten Siegesstele, die aufgrund stilistischer dem Aufstand anschloss, gilt als Hinweis, dass Kriterien üblicherweise auf Rimuš datiert wer- die Revolte von den lokalen Eliten getragen wur- den (Bänder 1995, 133; Nigro 2001–03; Huh 2008, de (Westenholz 1999, 41, s. oben 6.). Dafür spricht 290). Sie zeigen akkadische Soldaten, die Männer wohl auch, dass sich unter den sechs aufständi- mit sumerischer Haartracht (Westenholz 1999, schen Städten mit Ur, Lagaš und Umma gleich drei 43 Fig. 1; Pomponio 2012, 107 Anm. 18) exekutie- Orte finden, in denen Sargon Stadtfürsten- und ren, während die Inschrift gewaltige Flächen von Priesterämter durch Gefolgsleute und Angehörige /DQGLQGHU5HJLRQ/DJDģDXȵLVWHWXQG3DU]HOOHQ besetzt hatte. Rimuš schlug die Revolte brutal nie- Würdenträgern zuordnet, unter denen sich mit der; der body count seiner Inschriften umfasst zwi- „Hauptleuten“ (NU-banda3 mar-du2-ne) auch schen 84.556 und 85.816 Getötete, Deportierte und 0LOLW¦UVȴQGHQ 2,3VJUXQGOHJHQG)RVWHU Gefangene, was modernen Schätzungen zufolge 1982a, 30–32; 1985; Gelb et al. 1991, 3, 26, 88–90). bis zu 30 % der waffenfähigen männlichen Bevöl- Aufgrund von Kollationen der Originale und mine- NHUXQJHQWVSURFKHQKDEHQG¾UIWH )$265íPXģ& ralogischen Analysen ordnet Foster (1985) diesen 1–5 = RIM E2.2.1–5, zu Lesung und Hintergrund s. 6WHOHQIUDJPHQWHQHLQGULWWHVLQ Kollationsergebnisse von Foster schließen manche 1991, 26; Neumann 1992, 243 f.; Postgate 1992, 41; Gelehrte aus, dass die Fragmente zu einem Monu- Neumann 2014, 38 f.; Foster 2011, 129 f.; 2016, 90– ment gehören (Gelb et al. 1991, 88–90; Steinkeller 92, vgl. Westenholz 1999, 24). Ihre Funktionsweise 1999a, 554 f., vgl. Neumann 1992, 243 f. Anm. 42), dokumentieren mehrere Archive aus der Zeit des oder führen für eine Datierung der Stelenfrag- Naramsin und Šarkališarri (s. unten 11.–15.). 17 mente auf Naramsin (2261–2206 v. Chr.) oder Šar- NDOLģDUUL ȂY&KU HSLJUDȴVFKHE]ZSD- läografische Argumente an (Gelb et al. 1991, 89; 8. Der Maništušu-Obelisk als Zeugnis Glassner 1995, 22 f.). Andere halten die von Foster königlicher Landkäufe in Nordbaby- vorgeschlagene Deutung und Datierung aufgrund lonien YRQ%HREDFKWXQJHQ]X3DO¦RJUDȴHXQG2UWKRJUD- ȴHI¾USODXVLEHO :HVWHQKRO] $QP Neben der gewaltsamen Enteignung gilt auch der Milano 2008, 119; Pomponio 2012, 106 f., zu den Zukauf von Land als Mittel zur Vergrößerung des Einwänden von Gelb et al. 1991, 26, 88–90, s. Foster königlichen Grundbesitzes. Das bekannteste Zeug- 1994, 447 f.). Dass die Stelenfragmente die (gewalt- nis eines königlichen Landkaufs liefert die In- same) Enteignung von Ländereien in der Provinz schrift der als Maništušu-Obelisk bekannten Stele Lagaš dokumentieren, die zu Lasten der Tempel aus Gabbro-Stein, den der König auf einem Kriegs- ging, wird allgemein anerkannt (Gelb et al. 1991, zug im heutigen Oman brach (OIP 104, 40, s. grund- 26; Neumann 1992, 244; vgl. Renger 1995, 281; Neu- legend Gelb et al. 1991, 116–140; Westenholz 1999, mann 2014, 38) und gestützt durch die große Zahl 44–46, ferner Glassner 1986, 29; Neumann 1988, königlicher Funktionäre, die in Naramsin- und 33; Steinkeller 1987–90, 335; Postgate 1992, 41, 184; Šarkališarri-zeitlichen Texten aus Girsu/Lagaš als Foster 1994, 448 f.; Steinkeller 1999a, 556, 558; Selz Halter von Liegenschaften enormer Ausdehnung 1999–2000, 20 f.; Milano 2003, 25–29; Wilcke 2007, erscheinen (s. unten 17.), auch wenn jüngst abwei- 31 Anm. 42, 105; Milano 2008, 117–120; Foster chende Deutungen vorgeschlagen werden. 16 2016, 1 f., 35). Er beurkundet den Erwerb von 9723 Die Aneignung von Land im Süden gilt zugleich Iku bzw. 3430 ha Land in der Region des nordbaby- als Grundlage zur Schaffung landwirtschaftlicher lonischen Kiš (Gelb et al. 1991, 118) aus dem Besitz Krondomänen im Umland der sumerischen Pro- lokaler Großfamilien durch den König und bezeugt vinzhauptstädte (Bridges 1981, 431 f.; Gelb et al. damit zunächst die Praxis, königlichen Grundbe- sitz durch den Zukauf von Land zu vergrößern. 18 5(sar’u-gunû) 1(sár) 3(bùr-gunû) 4(bùr) 2(éše) 1(iku) ¼(iku) Da diese Liegenschaften an den Grundbesitz der gán“); Foster 2011, 128 („133,979h … 5(šár) königlichen Landkaufs vermutet (Foster 1985, 23; Verwaltungstexte aus Sumer diese Interpretation, Glassner 1986, 11 f.; Steinkeller 1987–90, 335; Foster denn sie zählen eine ganz ähnliche Gruppierung 8QWHULKQHQȴQGHQVLFKQHEHQGHPȌ%UX- von Würdenträgern zur herrscherlichen Entoura- der des Königs“ (ses lugal) und einem „(Diener) ge, die das Königspaar auf seinen Reise durch das der Königin“, der zugleich „Tempelverwalter des Reich begleitete (s. unten 17.). Die Annahme, dass d Lugalmarada“ war (šuQLQVDßßD lugal- mara2- es sich bei dieser Elite zugleich um die Nutznießer da), die Söhne ranghoher Würdenträger (zu den des königlichen Landkaufs handelt, stützen Land- Filiationen s. Schrakamp 2015b, 18). Genannt wer- texte aus dem ensi 2-Archiv von Girsu/Lagaš; sie den unter anderem die Söhne eines „Majordomo“ nennen eine ähnliche Gruppe von Funktionsträ- (šabra e 2), eines „Generals der Lanzenkämp- JHUQDOV+DOWHUJUR¡HU)HOGȵ¦FKHQ VXQWHQ fer“ (šagana lu2ßHģJLG2-da), eines „Generals Nimmt man an, dass der Landkauf zu gleichen Tei- ßHģ der Bogenschützen“ (šagana lu 2 ti) und eines len auf die „Söhne von Akkade“ verteilt wurde, so weiteren „Generals“ (šagana), eines „Richters“ entspräche dies 49 Liegenschaften zu jeweils 70 ha. (di-ku5), eines „(Dieners) des Ober-Musterungsof- Zum Vergleich: nach modernen Schätzungen deck- ȴ]LHUV“ (ši gal 5-la-gal), eines „Barbiers“ (šu-i), ei- te ein Feld von 1 Iku bei durchschnittlichem Ertrag nes „Mundschenks“ (sagi), des „Tempelverwalters den Unterhalt für mehr als eine Person ab, ein Feld GHV*RWWHV,ODEDȊ VDßßDil3-a-ba4) und des „Stadt- von 2 Iku stellte die Versorgung einer Kleinfamilie fürsten“ (ensi 2) von Pašime (s. oben 6.). Ihren Na- sicher (Bauer 1998, 535; vgl. Steinkeller 1999b, 302). men nach stammten 41 der 49 „Söhne von Akkade“ Der Maništušu-Obelisk erweist sich damit als aus akkadischem Milieu, für drei sind sumerische ein zentrales Zeugnis des akkadischen Ressourcen- Namen bezeugt (Foster 2000, 310–313). Da Sargon managements in frühsargonischer Zeit: Die grund- sich rühmt, nach der Eroberung Sumers (2300 v. legende Ressource war königlicher Grundbesitz, Chr.) „Söhne von Akkade“ als Statthalter im Süden der durch Zukauf oder Konfiskation vergrößert Sumers eingesetzt zu haben und aus dem frühsar- wurde. Die Vergabe von Land an Gefolgsleute und gonischen Umma zwei Stadtfürsten mit akkadi- Funktionsträger erzeugte Loyalitäten und Abhän- schen Namen bekannt sind, vermutet man in den gigkeiten und stellt ein frühes Beispiel altorientali- „Söhnen von Akkade“ zumeist Bürger von Akkade scher Patronage dar. Dass Maništušus Inschrift un- oder Akkader (z. B. Westenholz 1993, 161; 1999, 38, ter den „Söhnen von Akkade“ dabei nicht ranghohe 39). Der Maništušu-Obelisk zählt mit den Söhnen Würdenträger aufführt, sondern deren Söhne, die eines Untergebenen des Stadtfürsten von Umma QRFKQLFKWLQHLQȵXVVUHLFKH3RVLWLRQHQDXIJHVWLH- sowie dem Sohn eines Stadtfürsten von Lagaš je- gen waren, belegt ein Netzwerk königlicher Pat- doch auch Personen mit sumerischen Namen zu ronage, das bereits zur Zeit von Maništušus Vater dieser Gruppe (vgl. oben 6.). In den „Söhnen von Sargon Bestand hatte, und verdeutlicht das Bestre- Akkade“ darf man daher königliche Gefolgsleute ben, die darin begründeten Loyalitäten und Ab- YHUPXWHQGLHGHP+HUUVFKHUOR\DOYHUSȵLFKWHWZD- hängigkeit über die Generationengrenze hinweg ren (vgl. Glassner 1986, 11 f.; 1995, 23; Foster 2000, zu vertiefen (vgl. Foster 2016, 39 f., zur Patronage 311–313; 2015, 8; 2016, 40). Dies bestätigt zum einen im Alten Orient s. Westbrook 2005). das Onomastikon, denn einige Angehörige dieser Verwaltungsurkunden aus Umma und Girsu/ Gruppe trugen typologisch innovative Anthropo- Lagaš belegen, dass der König spätestens unter Na- Q\PHZLHĜDUUX P NÕQLOíȌ6DUJRQLVWPHLQ*RWWȊ ramsin und Šarkališarri (2261–2206 v. Chr. bzw. oder Namen wie „Der König ist meine Festung“, 2205–2181 v. Chr.) auch in Sumer über ausgedehn- „Der König ist mein Gott“, die die gegenüber dem ten Grundbesitz verfügte, und deuten an, dass der König empfundene Loyalität des Vaters zum Zeit- Herrscher auch im Süden umfangreiche Käufe punkt der Namengebung ausdrückten (Westenholz von Grund und Boden tätigte; die einschlägigen 1979, 111, 121 Anm. 21 f.; Glassner 1986, 18; Wes- Textzeugnisse stammen aus den ensi 2- Archiven tenholz 1993, 161; 1999, 40 Anm. 123; Andersson von Girsu/Lagaš und Umma und werden in ihren 2011, 76, 199 f., 211 Anm. 1344, 257). Zum anderen Archivzusammenhängen vorgestellt (s. unten stützen auch Naramsin- und Šarkališarri-zeitliche 17.–18.). 96 Ingo Schrakamp 9. Die klassisch-sargonische Zeit: Schreibstile oder Duktus lassen sich in verschie- Naramsin und Šarkališarri denen Archivkontexten beobachten (s. Gelb 1970, xxi f.; Westenholz 1975a, 9 mit Anm. 20 f.; Foster Aus der (späteren) Regierungszeit des Naramsin 1982a, 29; 1982b, 9 f.; 1982c, 3 f., 9 f.; 1983a, 173; und der Zeit des Šarkališarri liegt ein im Vergleich 1986b, 49; Westenholz 1987, 24; Sommerfeld 1999, zur vorangegangen Periode deutlich umfangrei- 10 f.; Foster 1999–2000, 254; Sommerfeld 2012, 211 cheres Urkundencorpus aus staatlichen Verwal- und s. unten 10., 11., 17., 18., 21., 22.). tungseinheiten des sumerischen Südens vor (s. die Überblicke in Foster 1982c; 1986b; Westenholz 1984a, 18–24; Foster 1993b, 175 f.; Schrakamp 10. Das Archiv von Pugdan als Zeugnis 2015a, 223–270; Foster 2016, 65–73 sowie Salla- einer königlichen Domäne in Nord- berger/Schrakamp 2015a, 111 Map 10, s. oben babylonien $EE). Während die frühsargonischen Texte aus Adab, Nippur und Umma noch deutlich den loka- Zunächst soll die Funktionsweise einer landwirt- OHQ6FKUHLEJHSȵRJHQKHLWHQYHUKDIWHWHUVFKHLQHQ schaftlichen Domäne veranschaulicht werden. (s. oben 6.), zeigt die große Mehrheit klassisch-sar- Einschlägig ist hierfür ein Archiv von rund 40 gonischer Texte eine im Hinblick auf Tafelformat, Verwaltungsurkunden sowie einigen Briefen und Layout und Paläografie weitgehend einheitliche Schultexten aus Pugdan (Umm-el-Jir) östlich von Gestaltung (grundlegend Foster 1982a, 19; 1982c, Kiš, das aus der Zeit des Naramsin stammt (grund- 3 f., 9 f.; 1986b, 46–49; Maiocchi 2015; Foster 2016, legend Foster 1982b, bes. 36–38; 1983a; Steinkel- 20, ferner beispielsweise Foster 1982d, 3–6; Yang ler 1993a, 122 f. Anm. 41; Foster 2016, 59 f., ferner 1989, 34–46; Milone 2002; Sallaberger/Schrakamp Westenholz 1984b, 80 Anm. 14; Glassner 1986, 29; 2015a, 105–108). Viele Gelehrte führen diese Ein- Neumann 1992, 243 Anm. 40; Foster 1993a, 27; heitlichkeit auf eine Verwaltungs-, Schreib- und Westenholz 1993, 161 mit Anm. 13; Kienast/Volk Schriftreform zurück (Foster 1982b, 3 f.; Michalow- 1995, 148–150; Visicato 2000, 209–212; Sommer- ski 1987, 60; Hasselbach 2005, 30; Foster 1993a, 34, feld 2010, 156 f.; Foster 2011, 129; Neumann 2014, I Ȃ 'DGDVLQQRYDWLYHRUWKRJUDȴ- 38 Anm. 34; Schrakamp 2015a, 249 f.). Die Urkun- sche System des Altakkadischen bereits unter Sar- den dokumentieren hauptsächlich Einlieferungen, gon voll ausgebildet war, hält Sommerfeld (2012, Ausgaben und Darlehen von Getreide, betreffen 214, vgl. Westenholz 1999, 74) dies für unsicher. aber auch Kleinvieh, Silber(abgaben) und Varia. Er weist anhand akkadischer Verwaltungstexte Fünf Urkunden, die sich im Gegensatz zu den üb- aus Tutub im Dijala-Gebiet stattdessen ein Neben- rigen Texten durch typisch klassisch-sargonische einander verschiedener Schreibstile oder Duktus Tafelformate und Zeichenformen auszeichnen, nach und hält die typisch sargonisch-akkadische betreffen die Verwaltung von Ackerland (AIA 14; Schrift- und Tafelgestaltung für ein Charakteristi- BIN 8, 144; MAD 5, 67, 69, 99, s. Foster 1982b, 10, kum von Archiven der Zentralverwaltung, das in 35 f.; 1983a, 173). Sie zeigen, dass das Archiv zu ei- KRKHP0D¡HDQGLH9HUVFKULIWXQJGHVDOVRɚ]LHOOH ner Domäne unter der Leitung des „Königssohns“ Verwaltungssprache eingeführten Sargonisch-Ak- (dumu lugal) Šumigri gehörte, der zugleich als kadischen (Sommerfeld 2003) gebunden war, wäh- „Stadtfürst“ (ensi 2) amtierte (AIA 1 Vs. 6–8, s. Fos- rend dezentrale oder lokale Archivzusammenhän- ter 1982b, 21 f.), 19 und über Felder im Umfang von JHZHLWHUKLQORNDOHQ6FKUHLEJHSȵRJHQKHLWHQXQG wenigstens 2955 Iku bzw. 1042,5ha verfügte, die Dialekten verhaftet blieben (Sommerfeld 1999, entlang des Kiškattum-Kanales bei verschiedenen 7–13, bes. 10 f.; 2003, 584 f.; 2010, 154 f.; 2012, 210 Ortschaften zwischen Kiš und Kutha lagen (BIN 8, f., 214). Bedeutend ist also, dass die Verwendung 144; MAD 5, 67, s. Gelb 1970, 62–64; Foster 1982b, des Akkadischen und des akkadischen Duktus auf 14–18; 1983a mit Kollation). Die Institution erwirt- die Einbindung einer Institution in die königliche schaftete Gewinn in Form von Getreideerträgen, Zentralverwaltung hinweisen. Das Nebeneinan- 19 Zu den Stadtfürsten von Pugdan s. ferner Krecher 1972, der des Sumerischen und Akkadischen als Ver- 271; Westenholz 1972, 381; Steinkeller 1992b, 109 f.; Som- waltungssprache und der Wechsel verschiedener merfeld 1999, 36. Ressourcen und Herrschaft 97 ki die nach dem „königlichen Kor“ (gur a-ga-de3 , Pacht erwirtschaftete und an die Krone abführte AIA 1, 7, 8) gemessen wurden, und Silber, das als und sich somit durch königlichen bzw. privaten Pachtabgabe zu entrichten war (vgl. Foster 1982b, Grundbesitz, tributäre Wirtschaftsform und patri- 20 f.). Neben Feldern, die durch „Bauern“ (engar) moniale Strukturen auszeichnete. bzw. „königliche Bauern“ (engar lugal) kulti- Als Hinweise darauf, dass die Akkade-Herr- viert wurden und der Bedarfsdeckung der Domä- scher über zahlreiche derartiger Domänen verfüg- ne dienten, erscheinen als „königlicher Pflug“ ten, gelten neben dem aus frühsargonischer Zeit (ßHģapin lugal) bezeichnete Felder, die man als stammenden Maništušu-Obelisk (s. oben 8.) auch königliches Land deutet, dessen Erträge und Pacht Erwähnungen von Mitgliedern der Herrscherfa- der Krone zustanden (Foster 1982b, 21; 1993a, 31). milie in Landkäufen aus dem nordbabylonischen Ihre Kontrolle oblag „königlichen Bevollmächtig- Sippar (OIP 104, 41, s. Foster 1985, 25 mit Anm. 14; ten“ (maškim lugal, BIN 8, 144 Vs. ii 10, s. Foster Glassner 1986, 29; Gelb et al. 1991, 140–151), eine 1982b, 17, 21, 37; 1993a, 29; vgl. Molina 2014, 34, 9HUZDOWXQJVXUNXQGHDXV.LģGLH)HOGȵ¦FKHQYRQ vgl. oben 6.). Die Urkunden dokumentieren ferner insgesamt 3312 Iku bzw. 1126 ha in zehn Ortschaf- die Vergabe von Feldern an Personen (bes. AIA 14; ten addiert (MAD 5, 12 = AAICAB 1/1, pl. 9 Ash. BIN 8, 144; MAD 5, 67, s. Gelb 1970, 62–64; Foster 1931–147, s. Steinkeller 1993a, 122 f. Anm. 41; Visi- 1982b, 10–21; 1983a mit Kollation; 1993a, 31; Stein- cato 2000, 207; Foster 2016, 58) sowie eine fragmen- keller 1993a, 122 f. Anm. 41). Die umfangreichsten tarische, in akkadischer Sprache abgefasste Urkun- Liegenschaften hielt mit 900 Iku bzw. 317,5 ha ein de unbekannter Herkunft, die 647 ha Felder einer „(Diener) der Königin“ namens Dada (da-da ši nin) Inanna-Priesterin zuzuweisen scheint, in der man (Foster 1982b, 14 f., 25, 26, 35, 37). In ihm vermutet eine Königstocher vermutet (MCS 9, 231, s. Foster man den gleichnamigen „Verwalter“ (šabra), der 1982a, 107 f. mit Kollation; Cripps 2010, 42 f. Nr. auch in Girsu/Lagaš umfangreiche Liegenschaften 7; Schrakamp 2013b, 149 Nr. 7). 20 Bedeutender ist hielt, nach Texten aus Girsu/Lagaš als Mitglied der jedoch, dass sich königliche Domänen spätestens königlichen Entourage zu den ranghöchsten Funk- für die Zeit des Naramsin auch im sumerischen Sü- tionären des Reiches zählte und auch in Texten den nachweisen lassen; ihre Dokumentation wird aus anderen Archiven erscheint (s. unten 13.,17., nachfolgend vorgestellt (s. unten 11.–15.). 21.) (Westenholz 1987, 95; 1999, 70 mit Anm. 321; Weiershäuser 2008, 196, zur Person s. ferner Fos- ter 1980, 31, 36; Glassner 1986, 30; Kienast/Volk 11. Archive königlicher Domänen im 1995, 88; Sommerfeld 2006a, 10 Anm. 26; Milano/ sumerischen Süden Westenholz 2015, 25). Die nächstgrößeren Liegen- schaften hielten ein „Majordomo“ (šabra e 2) mit Aus der Regierungszeit des Naramsin (2261–2206 270 Iku bzw. 95,25 ha, ein „Verwalter“ (šabra) mit v. Chr.) und Šarkališarri (2205–2181 v. Chr.) stam- 216 Iku bzw. 76 ha, zwei nur namentlich genannte men drei Archive, die Institutionen zugeordnet Personen mit 144 Iku bzw. 51 ha und 54 Iku bzw. werden, die der Krone unterstanden (Foster 1982c, 19 ha sowie je ein weiterer „Majordomo“ bzw. 24; Westenholz 1984b, 81; Foster 1989b, 361; 1993a, „Verwalter“ mit 42 Iku bzw. 15 ha pro Person. Die 30; Westenholz 1995, 536; 1999, 50 Anm. 167; Wil- Institution vergab ferner Ackerland an „Hauptleu- cke 2007, 31; Milano/Westenholz 2015, 23–27). te“ (NU- banda3), „Soldaten“ (aga 3-us2), „Schmiede“ Sie unterscheiden sich formal von den gleichzei- (si 7) und „Hirten“ (sipa); ihre Felder hatten jedoch tigen Archiven der sumerischen Stadtfürsten von mit 12 Iku bis 24 Iku bzw. rund 4,25 ha bis 8,5 ha Adab, Girsu/Lagaš und Umma durch das Neben- deutlich geringeren Umfang (Foster 1982b, 14 f.). einander des Sumerischen und des Akkadischen, Das Archiv von Pugdan dokumentiert damit GDVDOVRɚ]LHOOH9HUZDOWXQJVE]Z=ZHLWVSUDFKH die Aktivitäten einer landwirtschaftlichen Domä- gleichberechtigt bis dominant neben das Sume- ne, die durch Angehörige und Funktionäre des Kö- rische tritt (grundlegend Sommerfeld 2003; 2012, nigshauses verwaltet und kontrolliert wurde, Land an ranghohe königliche Beamte vergab, Über- 20 Foster (1982a, 107 f.) erwägt unter Vorbehalt auch eine schüsse in Form von Ernteerträgen, Abgaben und Herkunft aus Girsu/Lagaš, s. unten 17. Anm. 36. 98 Ingo Schrakamp 212, 254–256; Keetman 2014), belegen außerdem gemischtsprachiger Texte mit akkadischen und su- ein Nebeneinander lokaler und standardisierter merischen Phrasen enthält (Foster 1982j, 301 Anm. bzw. „königlicher“ Maße und Verwaltungsprakti- 14; Steinkeller 1992b, 10; Westenholz 1995, 536; ken (Foster 1982c, 22–25; 1983b; 1986a, 113–115; Salgues 2011, 259 f.; Markina 2012, 172 mit Anm. 1986b, 46–49) und enthalten praktisch keine Texte, 28; Keetman 2014, 5 Anm. 19, 7). Dies gilt als mög- die Tempel oder Kult betreffen. liches Indiz, dass das Archiv aus einer Frühphase der Neuorganisation Sumers stammt (Markina 2012, 172, s. unten 15.). Die Texte dokumentieren 12. Das Mesag-Archiv die Aktivitäten einer Wirtschaftseinheit unter der Leitung des „Schreibers (und) Katasterleiters“ Bei der am besten erschlossenen Textgruppe han- (dub-sar sa12-du5) Mesag, der später zum „Stadt- delt es sich um das sogenannte Mesag-Archiv (s. fürsten“ (ensi 2) von Umma aufstieg (s. unten 18. grundlegend Bridges 1981, bes. 426–444; Foster mit Anm. 41). Er hielt laut einer Felderurkunde 1982a, 52–69; 1986a, 110–115, ferner Foster 1983b, wenigstens 1270 ha Subsistenz- (aša 5 šuku) und 301–305; 1986b, 47 f.; 1987a; Steinkeller 1992b, Pachtland (aša 5 sa10-a) (BIN 8, 291, s. Foster 1982a, 8–10; Foster 1993c, 443–445; Steinkeller 1999a, 57 f. mit Kollation; 1982c, 23 Anm. 35; 1986a, 111; 554 Anm. 5; Foster 2000, 314–316; Van Driel 2000, Salgues 2011, 254 Anm. 6), 22 das durch zwei „Ober- YHUPHVVHQ ZXUGH پGXEVDU PD f.; Visicato 2000, 102–110; Salgues 2011; Marki- VFKUHLEHUȊ 16 na 2012; Sommerfeld 2012, 212, 254–258; Milano/ (Foster 1982a, 63; Visicato 2000, 103–106), verfüg- Westenholz 2015, 26 f.; Schrakamp 2015a, 255 f.; te über einen beachtlichen Bestand an Groß- und Foster 2016, 72 f.). Es umfasst rund 600 Verwal- Kleinvieh und beschäftigte wenigstens 172 Perso- tungsurkunden, die anhand jüngst publizierter nen in Landwirtschaft, Viehzucht, Fischerei, Hand- Datenformeln in die Regierungszeit des Naram- werk und Verwaltung, von denen 81 % sumerische sin (2261–2206 v. Chr.) datiert werden (Salgues und 13 % akkadische Namen trugen (Foster 1982j, 2011, 253 f., 259 f.; Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 299). Die wirtschaftliche Grundlage der Institution 39 f.). Rund 150 Texte sind bislang veröffentlicht. bildete der Grundbesitz, der zu einem Drittel Me- Das Archiv stammt aus der Provinz Lagaš; ob die sags eigenem Unterhalt diente, der aus Ernteerträ- ]XJHK¸ULJH9HUZDOWXQJVHLQKHLWLQ6DßXEEHKHLPD- gen und Pachteinnahmen erwirtschaftet wurde. tet war, ist umstritten (s. die Diskussion bei Foster Zwei Drittel gelten als Kronland, aus dessen Er- 1982a, 52; Steinkeller 1992b, 8–10; Foster 1993c, trägen Abgaben an den Herrscher zu entrichten 444; Selz 1995, 193 f. Anm. 1; Steinkeller 1999a, 554 waren, die sich im Urkundenmaterial durch Liefe- Anm. 5 sowie Salgues 2011, 253 f. Anm. 3; Marki- rungen von Getreide nach Akkade niederschlagen na 2012, 171; Milano/Westenholz 2015, 26 Anm. (z. B. BIN 8, 122 Vs. i 1–ii 2, s. Bridges 1981, 362–416, 29). 21 Formal zeichnet es sich dadurch aus, dass 432–436; Foster 1982a, 69; 1983b, 303; 1986a, 120 f. es eine große Zahl Urkunden in sargonisch-akka- mit Kollation; Milano/Westenholz 2015, 26; Schra- discher Verwaltungssprache und -schrift (Brid- kamp 2015a, 255 f.). In ihrer Wirtschaftsweise und ges 1981, 443; Foster 1982a, 52; Salgues 2011, 260 Verwaltungspraxis ähnelte die Institution damit mit Anm. 45, 268; Markina 2012, 172; zur Sprache der königlichen Domäne des nordbabylonischen einschränkend Sommerfeld 2012, 212, 254–258; Pugdan (s. oben 10.) oder der landwirtschaftlichen Foster 2016, 212) und eine ebenso große Anzahl Wirtschaftseinheit in Gasur (Bridges 1981, 443; zu Gasur s. Foster 1982c, 9 f.; 1982e; Westenholz 21 Steinkeller (1992b, 8–10) erwägt neben einer Her- 1984a, 18 f. Anm. 3; 1984b, 80; Foster 1987b, 89 f.; NXQIWDXV6DßXEYRUVLFKWLJDXFKHLQH=XRUGQXQJ]XPNODV- 1993b, 177; Dsharakian 1994; Westenholz 1999, 56 sisch-sargonischen ensi2-Archiv von Umma, was Milano/ Westenholz (2015, 26 Anm. 29) jedoch ablehnen, da dies Anm. 214, 64 mit Anm. 278; Visicato 2000, 225–231; weder den hohen Anteil akkadischer und gemischt akka- 2001; Schrakamp 2015a, 231; Foster 2016, 65). Die disch-sumerischer Texte noch das Erwerbungsdatum und ebenso wenig die Datierung der Texte mit Jahresnamen statt enge Anbindung an die Krone verdeutlichen der mu-iti-Daten berücksichtigt. Zudem lässt sich eine solche Lokalisierung nicht mit der Datierung des klassisch-sargo- 22 Steinkeller 1992b, 8 f. Anm. 36 deutet aša 5 sa10-a wört- nischen ensi2-Archiv von Umma in die Zeit des Šarkališarri lich als „purchased land“; zur Deutung als „leased land“ (s. unten 18.) vereinbaren. s. Foster 1982a, 58; 1982b, 21 sowie Renger 1995, 274 Anm. 15. Ressourcen und Herrschaft 99 Gebrauch der akkadischen Verwaltungssprache, Wirtschaftseinheit Teil einer weit größeren könig- -schrift und -praxis, das Nebeneinander lokaler lichen Domäne war, deren Ursprung in der Enteig- und königlicher Maße, die Präsenz königlicher In- nung riesiger Ländereien in der Lagaš-Region lag spekteure, die auch in Pugdan bezeugt sind (Sal- (Foster 1982a, 57, 63, 109; 1985, 26 f. mit Anm. 19; gues 2011, 260 mit Anm. 45), und die Visite einer 2000, 313 f.; Visicato 2000, 102; Foster 2011, 129 f.; Delegation, der neben „Königssöhnen“ (dumu Milano/Westenholz 2015, 26 Anm. 28). 24 lugal-me), Boten aus Gasur, Umma und Uruk außerdem ein Funktionär namens Lugalušumgal angehörte, in dem man den gleichnamigen „Stadt- 13. Das Lugalra-Archiv fürsten“ (ensi2) von Lagaš vermutet (BIN 8, 214 Rs. 2, s. Foster 1980, 39 f.; Volk 1992, 24 mit Anm. Aus der Region Lagaš stammt ein Archiv von etwa 15; Felli 2006, 35, s. unten 17.). 23 Die Urkunden be- 100 Texten aus der Zeit des Šarkališarri (Kienast/ legen neben Getreidelieferungen von und nach Volk 1995, 88; Westenholz 2014, 148; Milano/Wes- Adab, E’igi’il und Zabala ferner, dass Mesag nach tenholz 2015, 24), die man einer Institution zurech- ,ULVDßULJ$OģDUUDNL A.HAki und regelmäßig in die net, die derjenigen des Mesag ähnelte (grundle- Hauptstadt Akkade reiste (BIN 8, 135 Rs. 1–2; BIN gend Limet 1973, bes. 13–21; Foster 1982a, 45–52; 8, 146 Vs. 9–11, Rs. 1–3), und erwähnen schließlich Westenholz 2014, 148–167, bes. 148; Milano/Wes- eine Reisestation des Herrschers (BIN 8, 134 Vs. 8– tenholz 2015, 25, ferner Farber 1975; Powell 1975; Rs. 1, vgl. BIN 8, 140, s. Foster 1980, 39 f.; Bridges Foster 1978; Westenholz 1993, 159; Kienast/Volk 1981, 420–422; Volk 1992, 23 f.; Schrakamp 2015a, 1995, 88; Foster/Robson 2004; Foster 2016, 41, 48 255 f.). Anm. 61, zur möglichen Herkunft aus E’igi’il in Das Mesag-Archiv dokumentiert damit die Ak- der Region Lagaš s. Limet 1973, 13 f.; Farber 1975, tivitäten einer landwirtschaftlichen Domäne im 119–121; Foster 1989a, 158 Anm. 11). 25 Das Archiv Umland eines urbanen Zentrums in Sumer, die umfasst hauptsächlich Verwaltungsurkunden, auf der Zuweisung königlichen Grundeigentums die etwa zu gleichen Teilen in akkadischer und an einen loyalen Gefolgsmann des Königs basier- sumerischer Sprache verfasst sind (Limet 1973, te. Sie zeichnete sich durch eine tributäre Wirt- 20 f.; Westenholz 2014, 148; Milano/Westenholz schaftsweise und akkadische Verwaltungspraxis 2015, 25), einige Briefanweisungen (Kienast/Volk aus und unterstand letztlich der Krone. Von der 1995, 88) und mathematische Übungen zur Fel- Provinzverwaltung durch die lokalen Stadtfürsten dervermessung (Foster/Robson 2004). Die Texte weitgehend unabhängig, kann diese Institution als dokumentieren die Aktivitäten einer Wirtschafts- Fremdkörper im sozioökonomischen Gefüge Su- einheit, die Landwirtschaft, Viehzucht und Fische- mers betrachtet werden (Bridges 1981, 432); sie il- rei betrieb und über Ackerland im Umfang von lustriert damit die Übertragung nordbabylonischer wenigstens 324 Iku bzw. 114,5 ha verfügte, das Wirtschaftsformen auf den sumerischen Süden als „Domänenland“ der Bedarfsdeckung der Wirt- 26 (Renger 1995, 281). schaftseinheit diente (aša 5-gud, CT 50, 182 Rs. 1), Eine Verwaltungsurkunde, die die Vermessung durch „Bauern“ (engar) mit festen Abgabeobliga- von Land durch einen „Katasterleiter“ (sa 12-du5) tionen kultiviert (CT 50, 182 Rs. 2; CUSAS 26, 200, dokumentiert, summiert Land im Umfang von 17.676 Iku bzw. 6236 ha (BIN 8, 198, s. Foster 1982a, 24 Aufgrund von Duktus und Museumsnummer bezweifelt 57, 63; 1985, 26 f. Anm. 19 mit Kollation). Da dies Salgues (2011, 253 Anm. 3) allerdings, dass die fragliche Ur- den Umfang von Mesags Liegenschaften um das kunde zum Mesag-Archiv gehört. 25 Foster (1989a, 158) rechnet diesem Archiv aufgrund Fünffache übersteigt, vermutet man, dass seine SURVRSRJUDȴVFKHU%HREDFKWXQJHQYRUEHKDOWOLFKHLQHZHLWH- re Gruppe von Texten aus der Region Lagaš zu, die in erster Linie Kleinvieh betreffen, jedoch hält Westenholz (2014, 148) 23 Ranghohe Titelträger wurden zuweilen nur durch ihre GLHGLHVHU=XZHLVXQJ]XJUXQGHOLHJHQGHQSURVRSRJUDȴVFKHQ 1DPHQLGHQWLȴ]LHUW )RVWHU D$QP 'DVVHVVLFK Beobachtungen für wenig belastbar. bei den „Leuten“ (lu 2) aus Gasur, Umma und Uruk um die 26 Foster 1982a, 108 berücksichtigt CT 50, 182 in anderem „Stadtfürsten“ (ensi 2) dieser Orte handelt, wie Bridges (1981, Kontext, zur Zuordnung dieses Textes zum Lugalra-Archiv 17) vermutet, bleibt allerdings sehr unsicher, s. Milano/Wes- s. beispielsweise Limet 1973, 16; Farber 1975, 119–121; Mi- tenholz (2015, 26 Anm. 34) und Schrakamp (2015a, 255 f.). lano /Westenholz 2015, 25 Anm. 26. 100 Ingo Schrakamp 208) und als Subsistenz- (šuku) und Pachtland Girsu/Lagaš (s. unten 17.), in Nippur (s. unten 21.) (apin-la2), für das Abgaben (maš 2 aša5-ga) zu sowie in Maškanili’akkade erscheint (s. unten 14., entrichten waren (CUSAS 26, 179; DPA 31–33), un- zur Person Westenholz 1987, 95; 2004, 602 Anm. ter anderem an „Schreiber“ (dub-sar) vergeben 18; Milano/Westenholz 2015, 22, 25). Zwei weitere ZXUGH )RVWHU D 'HUJHRJUDȴVFKH Briefanweisungen enthalten Order eines Funktio- Horizont der Texte beschränkt sich auf die Region närs namens Dada; ob er mit dem gleichnamigen Lagaš, Interaktionen mit anderen Orten sind nicht Ȍ9HUZDOWHUȊ ģDEUD LGHQWLȴ]LHUWZHUGHQGDUIGHU dokumentiert. 27 Die Verwaltung der Wirtschafts- beispielsweise in Texten aus Pugdan (s. oben 10.) einheit oblag Lugalra, dem „Katasterleiter der Kö- und Girsu/Lagaš (s. unten 17.) erscheint, bleibt un- nigin“ (sa 12-du5 nin, CUSAS 26, 210 Rs. 2–3, zur gewiss (FAOS 19, Gir 17–18, s. Kienast/Volk 1995, Person s. Limet 1973, 14; Foster 1978, 275; Glassner 88; Milano/Westenholz 2015, 25, zur Person s. oben 1986, 40 Anm. 11; Westenholz 1993, 159; Kienast/ *HOHJHQWOLFKȴQGHQVLFKVWDQGDUGLVLHUWH0D¡H ki Volk 1995, 88, 93 f.; Westenholz 2014, 148; Milano/ (sila 3 a-ga-de3 , CUSAS 26, 203 Vs. 1). Westenholz 2015, 25). In einer Briefanweisung in Das Lugalra-Archiv dokumentiert damit die sargonisch-akkadischer Verwaltungssprache und Aktivitäten einer autarken Wirtschaftseinheit in VFKULIWEHȴHKOW,ģNXQGDJDQGHUȌ0DMRUGRPRGHU der Region Lagaš, die Landwirtschaft und Vieh- Königin“ (šabra e 2 nin, RIM E2.1.5.2001) und ei- zucht betrieb, von der Provinzverwaltung von ner der ranghöchsten Funktionäre des Reiches, Lu- Girsu/Lagaš unabhängig agierte, durch einen galra in harscher Diktion, Felder zu bestellen, zum Funktionär der Königin verwaltet wurde und so- Schutz von Ackerland und Viehbeständen gegen mit der Krone unterstand. plündernde Gutäer Wachtruppen aufzustellen und seinen Abgabeobligationen gegenüber der Krone nachzukommen (FAOS 19 Gir 19, s. Westenholz 14. Das Šuilišu-Archiv aus Maškanili’ak- 1993, 157 f., 159; Kienast/Volk 1995, 89–94; Neu- kade mann 2006, 5 f.; Milano/Westenholz 2015, 25, zu Iškundagan s. Glassner 1986, 40; Foster 1987a, 53; Aus Maškanili’akkade (Umm-el-Hafriyat), einer Frayne 1993, 198; Westenholz 1993, 157 f.; Kienast/ Gründung der späteren Regierungszeit des Na- Volk 1995, 54 f.; Weiershäuser 2008, 197–199; ramsin ca. 25 km östlich von Nippur (Milano/Wes- 6WHLQNHOOHU $XI$EJDEHYHUSȵLFKWXQJHQ tenholz 2015, 15), 28 stammt das sogenannte Šui- gegenüber der Krone deuten ferner zwei Urkun- lišu-Archiv (grundlegend Milano/Westenholz 2015, den, die im Zusammenhang mit großen Getreide- bes. 13–48, ferner Gibson 1978; 1982; Westenholz mengen einen Repräsentanten des Iškundagan 1984a, 23 Anm. 18; Biggs 1989; Westenholz 1995, (šu iš-ku-un-dda-gan) und den „0XVWHUXQJVRɚ]LHU“ 536; 1999, 50 mit Anm. 167; Visicato/Westenholz ,OXPGDQ GLßLUNDOšu-gal 5:la2) nennen (CUSAS 2006, 16; Westenholz 2010, 458–460). Es umfasst 26, 194 Vs. 2–3; DPA 14 Rs. 9, s. Milano/Westen- ca. 220 Texte aus der Zeit des Šarkališarri (Milano/ holz 2015, 25), der als Mitglied der herrscherlichen Westenholz 2015, 16) und enthält hauptsächlich Entourage in Texten aus dem ensi2-Archiv von Verwaltungsurkunden, aber auch rund 20 Briefan- weisungen, ebenso viele Texte juristischen Inhalts 27 Kienast/Volk (1995, 87) und Westenholz (2014, 148) und einen literarischen Text (Biggs 1989). Die Texte identifizieren den in der Briefanweisung FAOS 19 Gir 17 sind zu 95 % in akkadischer Sprache verfasst, zei- genannten Amarsi mit dem gleichnamigen „Hauptmann“ (NU-banda3), der im ensi 2-Archiv von Girsu/Lagaš als Kom- gen nur selten ein Nebeneinander akkadischer und mandant von „(Arbeits-)Truppen“ erscheint (Schrakamp sumerischer Phrasen (Westenholz 2010, 458; Mila- 2006, 161–163); da die Briefanweisung keinen Titel nennt, no/Westenholz 2015, 16) und dokumentieren ein die Texte des ensi2-Archivs von Girsu/Lagaš mehrere Trä- ger dieses Namens bezeugen und dies die einzige nachweis- mehrheitlich akkadisches Onomastikon (Milano/ bare Verbindung zwischen dem ensi 2-Archiv von Girsu/ Westenholz 2015, 303–318). Sie stammen aus einer Lagaš und dem Lugalra-Archiv darstellen würde, bleibt die- VH,GHQWLȴNDWLRQXQEHZLHVHQ'HPHQVL 2-Archiv von Girsu/ Lagaš zugeordnet wird auch die in sargonisch-akkadischer 28 Der Name Maškanili’akkade bedeutet „Siedlung des Got- Sprache verfasste Lieferung von Fetten CT 50, 51; diese Ur- tes von Akkade“, bezieht sich damit auf den vergöttlichten NXQGHLVWMHGRFKSURVRSRJUDȴVFKDQGDV/XJDOUD$UFKLYDQ- Naramsin und weist diese Ortschaft als Neugründung dieses zuschließen, s. Limet 1973, 16; Farber 1975, 119. Königs aus. Ressourcen und Herrschaft 101 Wirtschaftseinheit, die über Ackerland und Vieh des Sikkur“ (sa 12-du5 zi-gur), erscheint mehrfach verfügte, schätzungsweise 400 Personen in Land- als Adressat (CUSAS 27, 61–65, s. Milano/Westen- wirtschaft, Viehzucht, Fischerei und Handwerk holz 2015, 23). Die Urkunden erwähnen ferner ein beschäftigte, versorgte und durch den „Schreiber“ „königliches Haus der Mahlmägde“ (e 2 geme2- (dub-sar) Šuilišu und einige weitere Funktionäre kikken lugal, CUSAS 27, 110 Vs. 4), „Bauern des verwaltet wurde. 29 Das Ackerland war in verschie- Gottes von Akkade“, „Bauern der Königin“ (engar ki dene Distrikte (agar 4) untergliedert, wurde durch GLßLUDJDGH3 , engar nin, CUSAS 27, 201 Vs. 10, „Bauern“ (engar) kultiviert, die feste Lieferungs- Rs. 4–5), ordnen ihr große Getreidemengen zu und YHUSȵLFKWXQJHQ]XHUI¾OOHQKDWWHQXQGGXUFK*H- deuten an, dass Maškanili’akkade Lieferungsver- treidezuteilungen versorgt wurden (CUSAS 27, 13, SȵLFKWXQJHQJHJHQ¾EHUGHU.URQH]XHUI¾OOHQKDW- 69, 70), und wurde als Subsistenz- (aša 5 šuku) und te (CUSAS 27, 112, s. Milano/Westenholz 2015, 21). Pachtland (apin-la 2) vergeben (Banca d’Italia 1, Das Königshaus verfügte demnach auch in Maška- 220 = CUSAS 27, 10; CUSAS 27, 1; CUSAS 27, 13, s. Mi- nili’akkade über Grundbesitz. Die enge Anbindung lano/Westenholz 2015, 18). Briefanweisungen aus- der Institution an die Krone belegen ferner zahl- wärtiger akkadischer Funktionäre erwähnen „kö- reiche Belege für königliche Bedienstete. Neben nigliches Domänenland“ (aša 5-gud lugal, CUSAS dem „Majordomo des Königs“ (šabra e2 lugal, s. 27, 61 Vs. 4, s. Milano/Westenholz 2015, 21) und oben 14.) erwähnen die Texte einen „Handelsbe- nennen einen „königlichen Majordomo“ ( šabra e2 auftragten des Königs“ (dam-gara 3 lugal, CUSAS lugal, CUSAS 27, 65 Vs. 8–9) im Zusammenhang 27, 194 Vs. 18), einen Bediensteten eines Prinzen PLWHLQHU)HOGȵXU DJDU4 maš-da-lu-gal, CUSAS (šu dumu lugal, CUSAS 27, 198 Rs. 2, s. Milano/ 27, 65 Vs. 4, s. Milano/Westenholz 2015, 21, 35 f.), Westenholz 2015, 21) und einen „Verwalter“ der aus der nach einer fragmentarischen Urkunde Fel- Prinzessin Tuttanabšum (šabra tu-da-na-ab-šum, der von wenigstens 223 Iku bzw. rund 79 ha zur CUSAS 27, 147 Vs. 2–3, zur Person s. Michalowski Versorgung (šuku) an Beamte wie den „Schrei- 1981; Westenholz/Westenholz 1983; Weiershäuser ber“ (dub-sar) Šuilišu (27 Iku bzw. ca. 9,5 ha), den 2008, 256–259; Milano/Westenholz 2015, 21, zum „Katasterleiter“ (sa 12-du5) Imi’ilum und zur Pacht Namen s. Sommerfeld 2011a, 290–292). Eine Ur- bzw. Bearbeitung (eš 2-gar3) an „Bauern“ (engar) kunde belegt schließlich eine königliche Reisestati- vergeben wurden (CUSAS 27, 1, 2, 8, s. Milano/Wes- on in Maškanili’akkade (CUSAS 27, 155, vgl. CUSAS tenholz 2015, 21, 28, 35 f.). Auf dieser Flur befan- 27, 152, s. Milano/Westenholz 2015, 22, 212, s. un- den sich einer Briefanweisung zufolge auch Felder ten 17.). Darüberhinaus erscheinen weitere Unter- HLQHU HUHģGLßLU3ULHVWHULQ DģD 5 HUHģGLßLU gebene und Bedienstete des Herrscherpaares (ir 11 CUSAS 27, 58 Vs. 5), in der man eine Prinzessin lugal, ir11 nin, šu nin) als Empfänger von Ratio- vermuten darf, und vielleicht die Liegenschaften nen, von Darlehen und als Zeugen (CUSAS 27, 126 eines Inanna-Heiligtums (CUSAS 27, 65 Vs. 6, zu Rs. ii 8, 172 Rs. 6, 174 Rs. 5, 196 Vs. 2, 197 Rs. 2, 201 ZHLWHUHQ VDßßD Ȍ7HPSHOYHUZDOWHUQȊ LQ &86$6 Vs. 10–11, 205 Rs. 4, s. Milano/Westenholz 2015, 20). 27, 119, 125, 126, 162 s. Milano/Westenholz 2015, Schließlich erwähnen die Texte eine Reihe wei- 20). Als Absender der Briefanweisungen erschei- terer ranghoher königlicher Beamter, von denen .einige auch in anderen Archiven bezeugt sind 6$86&پGXEVDU PD QHQHLQȌ2EHUVFKUHLEHUȊ 27, 58) sowie eine Person namens Sikkur. Sikkur Zunächst nennen die Urkunden vier „Generäle“ wird vorbehaltlich mit dem Funktionär Sikkurkin ( šagana) namens Idi’ilum, Puzureštar, Nannum LGHQWLȴ]LHUWGHUDXVGHPHQVL 2-Archiv von Girsu/ und Ubarum. Idi’iIum erscheint in einer Urkunde, Lagaš als Mitglied der königlichen Entourage be- die auf eine königliche Visite Bezug nimmt (CUSAS kannt ist (s. unten 17.). Imi’ilum, der „Katasterleiter 27, 155, s. Milano/Westenholz 2015, 22). Puzureštar (CUSAS 27, 193 Rs. ii 6) wurde laut Datenformeln von Šarkališarri mit dem Neubau des Enlil-Tem- 29 Milano/Westenholz (2015, 19) zählen neben Šuilišu eine Reihe weiterer Funktionäre zu den Spitzen dieser Ins- pels Ekur in Nippur (s. unten 22.) betraut (Glass- titution und machen keine deutliche Leitperson aus. Šuilišu ner 1986, 11 Anm. 32; Westenholz 1987, 28; Cripps erscheint in Zuweisungen von Feldern und Zuteilungen von *HWUHLGHMHGRFKK¦XȴJDQHUVWHU6WHOOH'LHVGHXWHWDQGDVV 2010, 19; Schrakamp 2010, 205; Milano/Westenholz er der zentrale Funktionsträger der Institution war. 2015, 16, 22). Die Generäle Ubarum und Nannum 102 Ingo Schrakamp erscheinen als Empfänger von Kleinvieh, Brot und 15. Die Funktion königlicher Domänen Bier; letzterer inspizierte Tafeln des Šuilišu und des sumerischen Südens war ihm gegenüber offenbar weisungsbefugt. Mi- lano/Westenholz identifizieren ihn zugleich mit Die Funktion der Institutionen, denen die drei oben einem der vier ephemeren Thronprätendenten, vorgestellten Archive zuzuordnen sind, ist umstrit- die laut der Sumerischen Königsliste nach dem ten. Westenholz vermutet zunächst, dass die von Tode Šarkališarris für drei Jahre um das König- Sargon begründete Praxis, „Söhne von Akkade“ als tum rangen (CUSAS 27, 78 Vs. 13, 154 Rs. 1–3, s. Stadtfürsten im sumerischen Süden einzusetzen Milano/Westenholz 2015, 22). 30 Eine Rechtsur- (s. oben 6.), nach den Revolten gegen Rimuš als ge- kunde erwähnt einen Boten des bekannten „Mus- scheitert galt und man in der Folgezeit stattdessen WHUXQJVRɚ]LHUV“ Ilumdan (s. oben 13., unten 17., Zentren im Umland der Provinzhauptstädte errich- 21.) (lu 2NLß2-gi4DGLßLUNDOši-gal 5-la2, CUSAS tete, die Abgaben erhoben und die Kontrolle über 27, 194 Rs. 15–16, s. Milano/Westenholz 2015, 22), den Süden aufrechterhielten, während man den ģXPģDQDWHUVFKHLQWDXFKLQ9HUZDOWXQJVWH[- Provinzhauptstädten eine gewisse Unabhängigkeitپ1D ten aus Nippur (s. unten 21.) und ist aus Texten gewährte (Westenholz 1984b, 80 f.; 1999, 50). Wie des ensi2- Archivs von Girsu/Lagaš (s. unten 17.) diese Institutionen ihre Kontrollfunktion ausüb- als „Majordomo der Werkstatt“ (šabra [e 2@ßHģ ten, lässt Westenholz allerdings offen (Westenholz NLß2-ti, RTC 127 Rs. v 20–22) und Mitglied der kö- 1987, 96; 1999, 50). Nach der Veröffentlichung des niglichen Entourage bekannt (CUSAS 27, 148 Vs. 7, Šuilišu-Archivs revidieren Milano/Westenholz 193 Vs. i 2, zur Person s. Westenholz 1987, 26 Anm. (2015, 23 f., 27) diese Auffassung. Sie datieren die 28, 94 f.; Milano/Westenholz 2015, 16, 34, 47, 247). Texte aus den Archiven des Mesag, Lugalra und Einige dieser Funktionäre werden als „(Unterge- Šuilišu zunächst in die Zeit des Šarkališarri (ca. bene) des Gottes von Akkade“ (šu bzw. šu-utGLßLU 2230–2181 v. Chr.) und weisen darauf hin, dass sich ki a-ga-de3 ) bezeichnet, was die Bindung an das Kö- diese Archive durch die Verwendung des Akkadi- nigshaus zusätzlich unterstreicht (CUSAS 27, 148 schen, die wirtschaftliche Autarkität der zugehöri- Vs. 25, 201 Rs. 5, 202 Rs. 3, 203 Vs. 9, 205 Rs. 2, 206 gen Institutionen, das Fehlen von Interaktionen mit Rs. 14, s. Milano/Westenholz 2015, 20). Schließlich den Verwaltungen der lokalen Stadtfürsten und die dokumentieren die Texte sporadische Kontakte mit Einbindung in ein Netzwerk akkadischer Funktio- verschiedenen anderen Städten, wobei aber die näre auszeichnen, ohne aber Funktion und Zweck nahegelegenen Provinzzentren Adab und Nippur dieser Institutionen näher bestimmen zu können die Mehrzahl der Belege liefern (Milano/Westen- (Milano/Westenholz 2015, 27).31 holz 2015, 22, 322). Diese Auffassung lässt sich im Hinblick auf die Die Texte aus Maškanili’akkade dokumentie- Funktion dieser Institutionen präzisieren. Nach ren somit die Aktivitäten einer Institution, die auf dem Überblick über die Archive des Mesag, Lugal- Landwirtschaft und Viehzucht basierte, königli- ra und Šuilišu ist in Anlehnung an Foster (2015, 16; chen Grundbesitz bewirtschaftete, sich durch eine 2016, 90–92) die Verwaltung und Bewirtschaftung starke Präsenz ranghoher königlicher Beamter auszeichnete, von den Provinzverwaltungen der 31 In diesem Zusammenhang ist zu betonen, dass Westen- QDKHJHOHJHQHQ=HQWUHQ$GDE,ULVDßULJ$OģDUUDNL holz (1999, 50 mit Anm. 167) und Milano/Westenholz (2015, und Nippur unabhängig agierte und von Gefolgs- 23–27) neben den Mesag-, Lugalra- und Šuilišu-Archiven auch die Texte des sogenannten Semitic Quarter von Adab be- leuten der Krone verwaltet wurde. rücksichtigen. Hierbei handelt es sich um eine kleine Gruppe von Urkunden und Briefen in akkadischer Sprache, die an- ders als die zuvor genannten Archive nicht aus dem Umland eines urbanen Zentrums, sondern aus einem Wohngebiet der 30 Der klassisch-sargonische Brief aus Umma MCS 9, 252 Provinzhauptstadt Adab selbst stammen und unter anderem (FAOS 19 Um 5, s. Cripps 2010, 109 f. Nr. 39; Schrakamp die Korrespondenz des Puzureštar, eines akkadischen Funk- 2013b, 159 Nr. 39) erwähnt einen Funktionär namens ir3-gi4- tionärs in Adab, umfassen. Im Hinblick auf Herkunft, Archiv- gi4, der ebenfalls mit einem der Thronprätendenten der Su- zusammenhang und Funktion sind diese Texte jedoch mit PHULVFKHQ.¸QLJVOLVWHLGHQWLȴ]LHUWZLUGV)RVWHU E den oben genannten Archiven nicht zu vergleichen, s. dazu Westenholz 1999, 57; Steinkeller 2003, 283 mit Anm. 8; Wil- die Beschreibungen bei Yang 1988, 8 f.; 1989, 122, 270 f.; Wes- cke 2007, 38 Anm. 75, 165; Cripps 2010, 110; Pomponio 2011, tenholz 1993, 159; Kienast/Volk 1995, 54; Wilson 2012, 53–63; 228; Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 118. Milano/Westenholz 2015, 24 f.; Foster 2016, 67 f. Ressourcen und Herrschaft 103 von königlichem Grundbesitz als die eigentliche Truppen“ (eren 2) und kontrollierten einen Großteil Funktion der durch diese Textgruppen dokumen- des königlichen Grundbesitzes, dessen Verwaltung tierten Institutionen zu bestimmen. Sie erfolgte im Kronfunktionären wie „Majordomos“ (šabra e 2), Rahmen einer tributären, „nordbabylonischen“ „Verwaltern“ (šabra), „königlichen Schreibern“ Wirtschaftsweise, wie sie beispielsweise in Pugdan (dub-sar lugal) und „Katasterleitern“ (sa 12-du5) bezeugt ist (s. oben 10.); sie minimierte Ertragsrisi- oblag. Interaktionen mit den Provinzverwaltungen ko und Kosten für die Krone und basierte auf der bzw. der Wirtschaft der jeweiligen „Stadtfürsten“ Vergabe von Ländereien an lokale Beamte wie den (ensi 2) sind nur im Rahmen königlicher Baupro- „Schreiber (und) Katasterleiter“ (dub-sar sa12- jekte nachzuweisen, für die neben „(königlichen) du5) Mesag, den „Katasterleiter der Königin“ (sa 12- (Arbeits-)Truppen“ auch die Provinzaufgebote der du5 nin) Lugalra oder den „Schreiber“ (dub-sar) Stadtfürsten mobilisiert wurden. Die Akkade-zeit- Šuilišu. Foster (2011, 130) vermutet eine Anspie- lichen Domänen im sumerischen Süden dürfen lung auf die Funktion der „Katasterleiter“ in der daher als Vorläufer dieser Siedlungen angesehen Dichtung „Fluch über Akkade“ (s. oben 2.), nach werden. 32 der Stadtfürsten (ensi 2 7HPSHOYHUZDOWHU VDßßD Manche Gelehrte betrachten die Eingriffe in und Katasterleiter (sa 12-du5) Abgaben in die das Bodenregime und Wirtschaftsgefüge Sumers Hauptstadt zu schicken hatten (Cavigneaux 2015, als einen Auslöser für die „Große Revolte“ gegen 323). Briefanweisungen auswärtiger Würdenträger Naramsin um 2230 v. Chr. (s. unten 22.), jedoch da- und die starke Präsenz königlicher Beamter zeigen, tieren Milano/Westenholz (2015, 24) die Texte der dass diese lokalen Funktionsträger in ein Netzwerk Mesag-, Lugalra und Šuilišu-Archive in die Zeit des ranghöherer weisungsbefugter Funktionäre wie Šarkališarri. Aufgrund des Namens „Siedlung des Iškundagan oder anderer „Majordomos“ (šabra Gottes von Akkade“ betrachten sie Maškan’iliak- e 2) eingebunden waren. Der Gebrauch der akkadi- kade allerdings als eine von Naramsin nach der schen Verwaltungssprache und -praxis, die typisch Niederschlagung der Revolte und seiner anschlie- akkadischen Tafelformate und ihre Lokalisierung ßenden Vergöttlichung gegründete Niederlassung im Umland der Provinzhauptstädte weisen diese (Milano/Westenholz 2015, 15, s. unten 22.). Dies Institutionen als Neugründungen und Fremdkör- könnte andeuten, dass die Etablierung landwirt- per im sozioökonomischen Gefüge des Südens aus. schaftlicher Domänen in Sumer früher in Angriff Das weitgehende Fehlen von Interaktionen mit den genommen wurde als Milano/Westenholz (2015, Provinzverwaltungen der sumerischen Stadtfürs- 24) vermuten; auf den hohen Anteil gemischt su- ten bezeugt nicht nur die Unabhängigkeit dieser merisch-akkadischer Texte als Indiz für eine frü- Wirtschaftseinheiten, sondern deutet zugleich auf here Datierung des Mesag-Archivs (Markina 2012, eine strikte Trennung der königlichen und der lo- 172) wurde bereits hingewiesen. 33 Zwei jüngst kalen Wirtschaftsverwaltung auf Provinzebene. veröffentlichte Naramsin-Datenformeln aus die- Damit teilen die Wirtschaftseinheiten von Me- ser Textgruppe bestätigen diese Annahme (RBC sag, Lugalra und Šuilišu zentrale Merkmale mit 2631 Rs. ii 15–16; RBC 2664 Rs. 5–8, s. Salgues 2011, ländlichen Siedlungen im Hinterland der urbanen 254, 259 f., 268 f.; Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, Zentren, die den Herrschern der III. Dynastie von Ur zur Verwaltung von königlichem Grundbesitz 32 Hinweise auf die Präsenz von akkadischem Militär sind dienten (Steinkeller 2007; 2013b, 353–361). Diese allerdings auf sporadische Erwähnungen von Soldaten und 2ɚ]LHUHQLQ0DģNDQLOLȇDNNDGHEHVFKU¦QNW1HEHQGHQXQ- Siedlungen besaßen oft kyriophore Namen wie ter 14. erwähnten „Generälen“ (šagana) nennen die Texte iri-dsul-ge-sipa-kalam-ma „Stadt: (König) Šulgi vereinzelte „königliche Soldaten“ (aga 3-us 2 lugal), „Bogen- schützen“ (ßHģbana, šu-ut ti (?)), „Bewaffnete“ (šu ßHģtukul) ist der Hirte des Landes“, Alšusuenre’iniši „Stadt: und „Bogenmacher“ (zadim ßHģbana), s. CUSAS 27, 48 Rs. iii (König) Šusin ist der Hirte der Menschen“ oder ak- 3–4, 58 Rs. 3, 137 Rs. 7, 193 Rs. ii 2, 194 Vs. 16–17, 198 Vs. 5, kadische Namen mit Elementen wie maškanum vgl. zu diesen Termini Schrakamp 2010. 33 Eine Datierung des Mesag-Archivs auf Naramsin ergibt -ÃUXP „Pferch“ und geben sich nach Salgues (2011, 254 Anm. 8, 260 Anm. 45) außerڴOrt, Siedlung“ oder X„ sich damit als Neugründungen zu erkennen. Sie dem aus der unveröffentlichten Urkunde RBC 2676a; sie erwähnt einen ensi 2 namens Urutu, der nach der Briefan- unterstanden königlichen „Generälen“ ( šagana), weisung FAOS 19 Gir 26 (s. oben 6.) ein Zeitgenosse des Na- beschäftigen und versorgten „(königliche) (Arbeits-) ramsin war. 104 Ingo Schrakamp 46). Eine Datenformel kommemoriert Naram- (grundlegend Foster 1993a, 28 f.; Wilcke 2007, 32– sins Feldzug gegen Subir und könnte daher aus 35; Sallaberger 2006–08, 35–37; Foster 2016, 40 f.; der Zeit vor der „Großen Revolte“ datieren (vgl. zur Provinzeinteilung s. Sallaberger/Schrakamp Sallaberger 2007, 428). Salgues (2011, 259 f.) und 2015a, 106 Map 8, 111 Map 10, s. oben $EE). Die Sallaberger/Schrakamp (2015a, 46) vermuten je- Provinzen des Nordens befanden sich unter direk- doch, dass es sich hierbei um eine Variante eines ter Kontrolle des Herrscherhauses; zur Zeit des aus Pugdan bekannten Jahresnamens handelt, der Naramsin (2261–2206 v. Chr.) bzw. Šarkališarri sich auf einen Feldzug nach der „Großen Revolte“ (2205–2181 v. Chr.) amtierten in Pugdan (s. oben bezieht (AIA 8 Rs. i 9–11, s. Sallaberger 2007, 428; 10.), Marada, Tutub und Ešnunna Königssöhne Salgues 2011, 259 f.). Dafür spricht nicht nur die als „Stadtfürsten“ (ensi 2) (Foster 1982a, 37, 40 zweite Datenformel des Mesag-Archivs, die Naram- Anm. 24; Westenholz 1984b, 80; Glassner 1986, 12 sins Armanum-Feldzug kommemoriert, der laut Anm. 35; Westenholz 1993, 161 mit Anm. 13; 1999, GHU]XJHK¸ULJHQ,QVFKULIW )$261DUÃPV°Q& 64 Anm. 278 f.; Sommerfeld 1999, 36; 2011b, 89). RIM E2.1.4.26) nach der „Großen Revolte“ stattfand Wichtige Städte wie Gasur, das eine große agrari- (RBC 2664 Rs. 5–8; für eine mögliche Variante in sche Wirtschaftseinheit beherbergte (s. die Anga- MAD 5, 76 Rs. 1–3 aus Pugdan s. Foster 1983b, 174; ben unter 12.), unterlagen ebenfalls königlicher Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 48, zur Datierung Kontrolle. Die Verwendung der sargonisch-akkadi- Sallaberger 2007, 429), sondern auch der Umstand, schen Verwaltungssprache und -schrift (Sommer- dass die auf das Jahr von Naramsins Subir-Feldzug feld 1999, 7–13; 2003, s. oben 9.), standardisierter datierte Urkunde aus Pugdan und Texte aus dem Maße, ein intensiver Verkehr von Gütern und Per- Mesag-Archiv einen ensi 2 namens Kinumupi er- sonen, die Präsenz von königlichen Funktionären, wähnen (AIA 8 Rs. ii 10–11; RBC 2661//RBC 2679, Angehörigen der Herrscherfamilie und Visiten s. Salgues 2011, 260 Anm. 45). Die Errichtung land- des Königs selbst (s. die Angaben unter 17.) doku- wirtschaftlicher Domänen in Sumer lässt sich da- mentieren eine auf die Hauptstadt ausgerichtete mit zwar bereits in die Zeit des Naramsin datieren; Zentralisierung. dass derartige Institutionen schon vor der „Großen Die Verwaltung des sumerischen Südens stellt Revolte“ bestanden, ist bislang aber nicht zu be- sich demgegenüber anders dar. Dies sollen nachfol- weisen (vgl. oben 7.). gend Texte aus den ensi2-Archiven von Girsu/Lagaš Die Vergabe von Land an Funktionsträger er- und Umma (s. unten 17.–19.) sowie zwei Archive zeugte gleichzeitig Loyalitäten, die den Zugriff auf aus Nippur (s. unten 20.–22.) veranschaulichen. die Provinzverwaltungen vereinfachten. Zu Beginn der Regierungszeit des Šarkališarri (2205–2181 v. Chr.) übernahm Mesag das Amt des „Stadtfürs- 17. Das klassisch-sargonische ensi 2- ten“ (ensi 2) von Umma (s. unten 18.), womit ihm Archiv von Girsu/Lagaš die Verwaltung der gleichnamigen Provinz oblag; seine Einbindung in das königliche Patronagenetz- Als erstes Beispiel eines Provinzarchivs soll das werk bedeutete den direkten Zugriff der Krone ensi2-Archiv von Girsu/Lagaš herangezogen wer- auf einen Verwaltungsapparat, der noch in hohem den. Es umfasst rund 3800 Texte aus der Zeit des Maße traditionellen Strukturen verhaftet war, wie Naramsin und Šarkališarri, von denen nur ein Teil nachfolgend zu zeigen ist. veröffentlicht ist (Westenholz 1984a, 21 f. Anm. 18; Sommerfeld 2015a, 251 f.; 2015b, 275 f.). Der größ- te Teil der Texte besteht aus Verwaltungsurkun- 16. Die Provinzverwaltung in klas- den. Daneben enthält das Archiv auch offizielle sisch-sargonischer Zeit Korrespondenz des Stadtfürsten, Rechtsurkunden und Texte, die der Schreiberausbildung dienten Das Reich war in Provinzen unterteilt, die meist (grundlegend Foster 1982a, 17 f.; 1982c, 11–26; den traditionellen Stadtstaaten entsprachen und Westenholz 1984a, 18–23; Visicato 2000, 124–128, von „Stadtfürsten“ (ensi2) verwaltet wurden, die ferner Foster 1977, 36; 1982a, 17–44; 1982f; 1982g; sich als „Diener“ (ir 11) des Königs bezeichneten 1993a; 1993b, 176; Volk/Kienast 1995, 66–119; Ressourcen und Herrschaft 105 Visicato 2000, 124–176; Schrakamp 2006; Som- einen intensiven Verkehr von Gütern und Perso- merfeld 2006b; Foster 2010b; Schrakamp 2015a, nen im gesamten Reichsgebiet dokumentiert und 237–248; Sommerfeld 2015a; 2015b; Foster 2016, verdeutlicht, dass Girsu im Austausch mit den öst- 70–72). Die Texte sind überwiegend auf Sume- lich und südlich gelegenen Regionen in Iran und risch abgefasst, das mit 83 % gegenüber 13 % ak- der Golfregion eine zentrale Rolle spielte (Schra- kadischen Namen auch das Onomastikon deutlich kamp 2015a, 202–204, 237–248; Foster 2016, 80– GRPLQLHUW )RVWHU M MHGRFKȴQGHQVLFK 82). Zugleich erwähnen die Urkunden zahlreiche auch Texte, die in der sargonisch-akkadischen Ver- auswärtige Boten und Würdenträger, darunter die waltungssprache und Kanzleischrift (s. oben 9.) „Stadtfürsten“ (ensi2) von Elam, Ešnunna, Iri’aza, abgefasst sind (Foster 1999/2000, 254; Sommer- Maškanpuša, Nippur, Umma, Ur, Uruk und Zabala feld 2012, 210 f.). Das Archiv dokumentiert sämtli- (Schrakamp 2015a, 237 f.), sowie königliche Funk- che Bereiche von Wirtschaft und Verwaltung. Da- tionäre, Visiten der königlichen Entourage und bei betreffen nach der Statistik von Foster (1982c, Reisen des Stadtfürsten in die Hauptstadt Akkade 11; 2016, 71) 29 % der Texte Nahrung (Mehl, Brot, (Foster 1982a, 19 f.; Schrakamp 2015a, 238). Sie Bier, Fische, Schildkröten, Vögel, Eier, Gewürze HUVFKHLQWLQIDVW7H[WHQDOVGDVDPK¦XȴJVWHQ und Aromata, Früchte und Nüsse, Molkereipro- genannte Toponym und wird unter anderem als dukte), 22 % die Verwaltung von Personen, 16 % Ziel zahlreicher Lieferungen von Gütern genannt Groß- und Kleinvieh (Schweine, Schafe, Ziegen, (Sommerfeld 2014, 159–163; Schrakamp 2015a, Rinder, Equiden sowie Häute), 13 % Handwerk 238 f.). Foster (1982a, 110 f.; 1985, 28 f.; 1993b, 176) und Handwerksprodukte (Hölzer und Holzobjekte, vermutet in Girsu daher das administrative und Edel- und Halbedelsteine sowie Edelmetalle und wirtschaftliche Zentrum einer (unter den Akkade- Metalle, Rohr, Textilien, Garne, Ziegel, Töpferwa- Herrschern neugeschaffenen) Provinz, die weite ren, Haushaltsartikel, Werkzeuge, Bitumen, Seifen, Teile Sumers umfasste. Die Verwaltung der Insti- Alkali, Salz usw.), 6 % Getreide und 4 % Felder. 4 tution und ihrer Ressourcen oblag dem ensi 2 von % der Texte sind Briefanweisungen, Bullen, Tafel- Lagaš. 34 korbetiketten und unbeschriftete Tafeln, weitere Stellung und Status der sumerischen Stadtfürs- 4 % Schul- und lexikalische Texte, 2 % betreffen ten unter Naramsin und Šarkališarri sind umstrit- rechtliche Belange oder den (Fern-)Handel. Nach ten: Während Westenholz (1984b, 80; 1993, 161; Visicato (2000, 125–127) dokumentieren 22,0 % der 1999, 39) vermutet, dass die Stadtfürsten Sumers Texte die Mobilisierung von Personen, 13,5 % Zu- anders als in frühsargonischer Zeit (s. oben 6.) im teilungen von Brot, Bier und regelmäßige Lieferun- Wesentlichen aus der Schicht örtlicher Schreiber gen, 11,5 % Kleinvieh, 7,0 % Metalle, d. h. Silber, und Funktionäre stammten und auf Provinzebene Gold, Bronze, Kupfer und Preziosen, 6,2 % Gerste, weitgehend eigenständig agierten, betrachtet sie 6,0 % Fisch, 5,5 % Ackerland, 4,5 % Großvieh und Foster (1982d, 101–103; 1993a, 28; 2016, 40 f.) le- Schweine, 3,5 % Mehl sowie 3,0 % Wolle und Klei- diglich als königliche Funktionäre, die durch den dung (vgl. Westenholz 1984a, 19 f., 26). Die Insti- Herrscher ernannt wurden und im Rahmen der tution verwaltete ausgedehnte Liegenschaften an königlichen Tributwirtschaft Verwaltungsfunktio- Ackerland (Foster 1982a, 17–45), konnte auf Perso- nen auf Provinzebene erfüllten. nal und Ressourcen der verschiedenen, von „Tem- Unter Naramsin und Šarkališarri amtierte Lu- SHOYHUZDOWHUQȊ VDßßD JHOHLWHWHQ +HLOLJW¾PHU galušumgal als ensi 2 von Lagaš, der laut seiner der Provinz zurückgreifen (z. B. L.1125 = STTI 7, s. Siegelinschriften „Schreiber“ (und) Stadtfürst von la.ki Schrakamp 2006, 163, 164, 165, 172; 2010, 91 f., 337 Lagaš“ (dub-sar ensi2 lagasx(NU11.BUR) ) und da- f., vgl. Westenholz 1984a, 20 Anm. 14) und für Ar- mit Angehöriger einer schriftkundigen Elite war beits- und Wehrdienst „(Arbeits-)Truppen“ (sur x) (Westenholz 1974–77, 95 Anm. 1; Veldhuis 2014b, mobilisieren, deren Umfang auf wenigstens 5000 67, 69 Anm. 107, zur Person ferner Bauer 1987–90; Mann geschätzt wird, vermutlich aber deutlich hö- Volk 1992, 22 f.; Kienast/Volk 1995, 67; Westenholz her lag (Visicato 2000, 129 f. Anm. 114; Schrakamp 34 Zur herausragenden Bedeutung, die Girsu/Lagaš von 2006, 161–163; 2010, 90 f., 147). Das Archiv zeigt der präsargonischen bis Ur III-Zeit hatte, s. Schrakamp HLQHQDXVJHGHKQWHQJHRJUDȴVFKHQ+RUL]RQWGHU 2015c, 345–347. 106 Ingo Schrakamp 1999, 56 Anm. 217; Visicato 2000, 133 f.; Rohn 2011, von Girsu/Lagaš nennen hingegen zahlreiche aus- 189 Anm. 1541; Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 108, wärtige Würdenträger, deren Berechtigung zum 110; Foster 2016, 41, 213). Lugalušumgal stammte Erhalt von Land allein aus ihrer Beziehung zum dem Namen nach aus sumerischem Milieu (vgl. König resultierte (ITT 5, 9253; RTC 143; STTI 32; Andersson 2011, 166, 401), war möglicherweise STTI 158, s. Foster 1982a, 19 f., 36–38; 1982c, 22; mit einem Stadtfürsten von Uruk verschwägert 1993a, 29; 2016, 39 f., 184). Als ranghöchster Land- (Carroué 1994, 74 mit Anm. 83) und daher wohl halter erscheint Etibmer, der unter Naramsin und $QJHK¸ULJHUGHUORNDOHQ2EHUVFKLFKW,NRQRJUDȴH Šarkališarri als königlicher „Majordomo“ (šabra und Typologie seiner Siegel deuten gleichzeitig an, e 2) amtierte und einer der mächtigsten Funktio- dass Lugalušumgal dem akkadischen Königshaus näre des Reiches war (zur Person Foster 1980, 31; loyal verbunden war (Zettler 1977; Felli 2006; Rohn Michalowski 1981, 173; Foster 1982a, 35 f.; 1982d, 2011, 203, 217 f.), eine Urkunde aus dem Mesag- 88, 143; Glassner 1986, 30; Westenholz 1987, 94 f.; Archiv erwähnt ihn als Mitglied einer königlichen 1993, 159 f.; Sommerfeld 1999, 120; 2006a, 9 f.; Wil- Delegation (s. oben 12.). Daher ist es gut denkbar, cke 2007, 32; Foster 2016, 43, 69, 71); er verfügte mit dass Lugalušumgal von Naramsin nach der Nieder- 420 ha über die umfangreichsten Liegenschaften schlagung der „Großen Revolte“ um 2230 v. Chr., (Foster 1982a, 35 f., 38; 1993a, 29; 2016, 43). Dane- an der sich auch Lagaš beteiligte (s. unten 22. Anm. ben finden sich ein „General“ (šagana) namens 50), in das Stadtfürstenamt eingesetzt wurde. 35 Die (]LUDPLW [KD / 677,9VȒȂȒ Provinz Lagaš lag demnach in der Hand eines kö- ein „Oberadjutant“ (gal-sugal 7) mit 128 ha (L.5791 nigstreuen Gefolgsmannes. 677,5VȒȂȒ GHUDXV3XJGDQEHNDQQWHȌ9HU- Dass Wirtschaft und Verwaltung der Provinz walter“ (šabra) Dada (s. oben 10.) mit 121,5 ha (76 in die königliche Tributökonomie integriert wa- ha plus 45,5 ha) (L.1246 = STTI 32 Vs. 4–Rs. 1), der ki ren, belegen Urkunden über Landzuweisungen „Stadtfürst von Susa“ (ensi 2 šušin , RTC 143 Rs. i und Landkäufe. Landtexte erwähnen „Herrenbe- 7–8) mit 63,5 ha, ferner der „Stadtfürst von Elam“ 36 VLW]Ȋ QLß 2-en-na) bzw. „Domänenland“ (aša5- (ensi 2 HODP57&9VLLȒ der Sohn eines gud), das dem Zugriff durch den „Stadtfürsten“ „Richters“ (di-ku557&9VLLȒȂ Ȓ HLQȌȐȊ OX 2- (ensi 2) unterlag und den Bedarf der zentralen EME, RTC 143 Rs. 6) (vgl. unten 18.) mit jeweils 31,75 Wirtschafts- und Verwaltungseinheit deckte (ITT 1, ha sowie der „Stadtfürst von Ešnunna“ (ensi 2 iš- 1115, s. Foster 1982a, 29; 1982c, 12 f.). Aus diesem nun-naki,77 9VȒȂȒ GHU]XJOHLFKHLQ Bestand wurde Subsistenz- (šuku) und Pachtland „Königssohn“ (dumu lugal) war (s. oben 16.). (apin-la2) an Personen und Personengruppen ver- 'LHHUHģGLßLU3ULHVWHULQGHVDNNDGLVFKHQ7LWX- teilt (Foster 1982a, 29, 34, 43–45, 111 f.). Der Erhalt largottes Ilaba, dessen Kult in Lagaš fremd war von Ackerland zur Subsistenz war im sumerischen (L.1246 = STTI 32 Vs. 1–2), zählte mit 410 ha Land 6¾GHQWUDGLWLRQHOODQHLQH'LHQVWSȵLFKWJHNRSSHOW zu den Haltern der umfangreichsten Liegenschaf- die gegenüber der verausgabenden Institution zu ten (Foster 1982a, 19–21; Visicato 2000, 128; Foster 37 erfüllen war. Die Landtexte aus dem ensi 2-Archiv 2016, 43). Dabei ist zunächst bedeutend, dass die Land- 35 Da König Naramsin in Lugalušumgals Siegelinschrift zuweisungen für diese Elite die der lokalen (Rohn 2011, 127 Nr. 566) den Titel „Mächtiger, Gott von Akkade“ trägt und dem Königsnamen das Zeichen ',Þ,5vo- ransteht, muss das Siegel nach Naramsins Vergöttlichung 36 Beachte, dass die „Stadtfürsten“ (ensi 2) von Susa und und daher nach der Niederschlagung der „Großen Revolte“ Elam akkadische Namen trugen und durch den König einge- um 2230 v. Chr. angefertigt und verliehen worden sein, s. setzt wurden, s. etwa Potts 1994, 109. unten 22. Anm. 50. Ein Jahresdatum gilt manchen Gelehr- 37 Foster (1982a, 107 f.) hält es für denkbar, dass auch die ten als Hinweis darauf, dass sich Lugalušumgal nach dem fragmentarische, in akkadischer Sprache verfasste Landzu- Tode Šarkališarris (?) von der akkadischen Zentralmacht weisungsurkunde MCS 9, 231 über Zuweisungen von we- lossagte (Sollberger 1954–56, 31; Glassner 1986, 44; Westen- nigstens 647 ha Land an eine Inanna-Priesterin, bei der es holz 1992, 45; 1999, 56 Anm. 217). Zu der von Volk (1992) sich vielleicht um eine Königstochter handelt, aus Girsu/ begründeten Annahme, dass Puzurmama als Nachfolger Lagaš stammt, s. oben 10. Ein beschädigter Eintrag einer Fel- des Lugalušumgal und letzter sargonischer ensi 2 von derliste nennt nach Foster (1982a, 20) möglicherweise „akka- Lagaš amtierte und sich nach Šarkališarris Tod unabhän- dische Bevollmächtigte“ ([mašk]im uri, RTC 137 Vs. i 2), die gig machte, s. Sommerfeld 2015b, 272 f. sowie Sallaberger/ beispielsweise auch in Umma bezeugt sind, s. oben 6. und Schrakamp 2015a, 110, 119. Schrakamp 2016b, 646. Ressourcen und Herrschaft 107 Funktionäre um ein Vielfaches übertrafen. Dar- sowie Umma und Nippur bekannte „Musterungsof- über hinaus ergeben sich deutliche Parallelen zu ȴ]LHU“ Ilumdan (šu-gal5-la2-um) (CT 50, 172 = CU- den als „Söhne von Akkade“ bezeichneten Funkti- SAS 26, 174 Rs. i 3–4, s. oben 10., 13., 14., unten 18., onsträgern im Maništušu-Obelisk (s. oben 8.). Wei- 21.), ein Funktionär namens Sikkurkin (zi-gur-gi) tere Parallelen ergeben sich schließlich zu den- (?), der anscheinend unter der Namenskurzform jenigen Würdenträgern, die den Herrscher nach Sikkur in Maškanili’akkade bezeugt ist (CT 50, 172 klassisch-sargonischen Verwaltungstexten als Mit- = CUSAS 26, 174 Rs. i 5, s. oben 14.), sowie rund 20 glieder der königlichen Entourage auf seinen Rei- weitere Funktionäre, darunter ein „…“ (lu 2-EME) (CT sen durch das Reich begleiteten (zur Textgruppe s. 50, 172 = CUSAS 26, 174 Rs. i 15, vgl. oben 17., unten grundlegend Foster 1980; Volk 1992, ferner Micha- 18.), ein „Untergebener des Majordomo“ (lu 2 šab- lowski 1981, 173; Foster 1982a, 36; 1982d, 88, 143; ra e2, CT 50, 172 = CUSAS 26, 174 Rs. ii 2–3) sowie Carroué 1985, 90 f.; Westenholz 1987, 94–96; Yang Angehörige des Hofpersonals wie ein „Hauptmann 1989, 215 f.; Steinkeller 1992b, 56 f.; Foster 1993a, der Barbiere“ (NU-banda3 šu-i2, CT 50, 172 = CU- 28 f.; Kienast/Volk 1995, 76 f.; Sallaberger 1997, SAS 26, 174 Rs. ii 8–9). Dies verdeutlicht, dass die 150 f. Anm. 12; Visicato 2000, 128 mit Anm. 112; auswärtigen Landhalter des ensi2-Archivs von Gi- 2001; Westenholz 2004, 602; Sommerfeld 2006a, rsu/Lagaš zur obersten Elite des Reiches gehörten, 9 f.). Ein singulärer Text aus dem ensi2-Archiv von und belegt, dass der Herrscher in der Provinz Lagaš Girsu/Lagaš beurkundet Abgaben von mehreren Grundeigentum von erheblichem Umfang besaß. Kilogramm Gold, Rindern, Mastschafen und Läm- Ein Landtext notiert schließlich die Zuweisung von mern an das Herrscherpaar (RTC 134 Vs. i 1–13) und 190,5 ha Land an „königliche Baumeister“ (šidim königliche Funktionäre wie Etibmer, den „Majordo- OXJDOPH57&9VLLȒȂȒV)RVWHU D mo“ (šabra e 2), Šarrutab, Beliqarrad, Puzursin und vielleicht im Zusammenhang mit einem herrscher- Dada (RTC 134 Vs. i 14–Rs. i 16). Die ausführlichste lichen Bauprojekt. Urkunde stammt aus demselben Archivkontext (CT Unter den lokalen Funktionären erhielten ledig- 50, 172 = CUSAS 26, 174, ähnlich Foster 1980, 40 f. lich der „Tempelverwalter von NinMAR.KIȊ VDßßD L.4699; ITT 1, 1472; RTC 127). Sie verzeichnet Aus- dnin-MAR.KI) mit 381 ha und der „Tempelverwal- ki gaben für das Herrscherpaar sowie rund 50 Ange- WHUGHV(EDEEDUȊ VDßßDH 2-babbar2 ) mit 127 ha hörige des Hofstaates. Da Abfolge und Umfang der ähnlich große Liegenschaften (L.1072 = STTI 4 Vs. i Aufwendungen offensichtlich die Hierarchie des ȒȂȒ5VLLȒȂȒV)RVWHU DI Hofes widerspiegeln, darf diese bedeutende Urkun- f., für einen weiteren Tempelverwalter s. L.1072 = de als die zentrale Quelle zum Organigramm des 677,5VLȒȂȒ 'DDXFKGLHHUHģGLßLU3ULHVWH- Reiches in klassisch-sargonischer Zeit angesehen rin des Ilaba mit 410 ha ausgedehnte Liegenschaf- werden (vgl. Sommerfeld 2006, 9). Die Aufstellung ten hielt (L.1246 = STTI 32 Vs. 1–2), vermutet Fos- beginnt mit Ausgaben für das Herrscherpaar (CT ter (1982a, 38) unter Vorbehalt, dass insbesondere 50, 172 = CUSAS 26, 174 Vs. i 1–6). Genannt werden Kultpersonal umfangreiche Felder zugewiesen be- im Folgenden ein anonymer „Majordomo“ (šab- kam. Da die Priesterin des akkadischen Titulargot- ra e2), der vielleicht mit dem „Majordomo der Kö- tes aber sicherlich zum engsten Kreis des Königs QLJLQȊ,ģNXQGDJDQ]XLGHQWLȴ]LHUHQLVW &7 zählte, vielleicht sogar zur Familie des Herrschers = CUSAS 26, 174 Vs. i 7–8, s. oben 13.), Etibmer (CT (vgl. oben 8.), Kultbedienstete sonst aber nur sehr 50, 172 = CUSAS 26, 174 Vs. i 9–10, s. oben 17.), drei selten in Landtexten bezeugt sind (Foster 1982a, Würdenträger namens Šarrutab, Beliqarrad und 21), ist anzunehmen, dass auch die Tempelverwal- Puzursin (CT 50, 172 = CUSAS 26, 174 Vs. i 11–16, s. ter von Utu und NinMAR.KI in das königliche Patron- oben 17.), der „Majordomo“ (šabra e 2) Dada (CT agenetzwerk integriert waren. 50, 172 = CUSAS 26, 174 Vs. i 17–18, s. oben 10., 13., Eine singuläre Urkunde aus dem ensi 2-Archiv 17.), sechs „Generäle“ (šagana, CT 50, 172 = CUSAS von Girsu/Lagaš stützt diese Vermutung. Sie beur- 26, 174 Vs. i 19–ii 11, s. Schrakamp 2010, 201), zwölf kundet den Kauf von 2160 Iku bzw. 762 ha Land „Richter“ (di-ku 5, CT 50, 172 = CUSAS 26, 174 Vs. ii durch König Šarkališarri (2205–2181 v. Chr.) und be- 12–Rs. i 2, s. Sommerfeld 2006a, 9 f.), der aus Pug- nennt als Empfänger einer Zahlung von Wolle und dan, dem Lugalra-Archiv, aus Maškanili’akkade Getreide im Wert von 75 Minen bzw. 37,5 kg Silber 108 Ingo Schrakamp neben „Schreibern“ (dub-sar)38 und ranghohen Krone an der Schnittstelle zwischen Provinz- und Funktionären wie „Katasterleitern“ (sa 12-du5) die Zentralverwaltung darstellte (s. unten 18. Anm. 43 Ȍ7HPSHOYHUZDOWHUȊ VDßßD GHU*¸WWHU1DQģH1LQ- für Parallelen aus Umma). Weitere Verwaltungs- MAR.KI und des Utu-Tempels Ebabbar, denen die texte aus den ensi 2-Archiven von Girsu/Lagaš und Leitung dieser wichtigen Heiligtümer oblag (ITT 2, Umma (s. unten 18.) gelten als Hinweise darauf, 5798+5893, s. grundlegend Steinkeller 1999a, 555 dass Landkäufe durch den König im Süden keine f., ferner Foster 1982a, 29 f.; 1993, 29; 1994, 444; Vi- Seltenheit waren (ITT 1, 1091, s. Gelb et al. 1991, sicato 2000, 140; Foster 2011, 130; 2016, 23). 39 Die 25 f.; Steinkeller 1999a, 556–558). Faktisch handelte Tempelverwalter besaßen zwar die Verfügungsge- es sich um Enteignungen, die zu Lasten der Tempel walt (FAOS 19 Gir 23, s. Foster 1982a, 28 f.), jedoch gingen, die als irdische Haushalte der Götter die keinerlei Eigentumsrechte am Tempelland, das als ursprünglichen Besitzrechte innehatten (s. oben 4., göttliches Eigentum galt (s. oben 4.). Der Kaufpreis Neumann 1992, 243 f.; Foster 2016, 90–92). lag mit 2,1 Sekel Silber pro Iku Land um ein Drittel Die übrigen Landtexte erwähnen „Subsistenz- unter dem von Maništušu gezahlten Preis (s. oben felder des Stadtfürsten“ (aša 5 šuku ensi2-ka, ITT 8.) und deutet damit entweder auf einen Zwangs- 1, 1115 Vs. 4) und dokumentieren, dass der Stadt- verkauf von tempeleigenem Land an den König fürst Zuweisungen von Subsistenz- und Pachtland oder, wie Steinkeller (1999a, 556, 558) vermutet, an „Soldaten“ (aga 3-us2), „(Arbeits-)Truppen“ auf eine Bestechung der involvierten Funktionä- (sur x) sowie zugehörige Berufsgruppen wie Fi- re, die durch ein offizielles Urkundenformular scher, Hirten, Wäscher, Rohrarbeiter, Brauer usw. legalisiert wurde. Der Umstand, dass die Tempel- YRUQDKPGLHLP*HJHQ]XJI¾ULKUH'LHQVWSȵLFKW verwalter von NinMAR.KI und Utu ähnlich umfang- zum Erhalt von Land berechtigt waren; sie erhiel- reiche Liegenschaften wie die Gefolgsleute des ten jedoch Land in vielfach geringerem Umfang Herrschers hielten, dürfte Steinkellers Vermutung (z. B. L.4673 = STTI 144; L.5872 = STTI 166, s. Foster stützen. Landtexte und Landkäufe dokumentieren 1982a, 19–23, 34; 2016, 71). demnach nicht nur die Vergabe von Feldern an Eine auffällige Ausnahme bietet eine Urkunde, königliche Gefolgsleute, sondern auch die Praxis, die Landzuweisungen für eine als ni-is-ku be- leitende Funktionsträger des lokalen Klerus durch zeichnete Personengruppe notiert, deren Umfang Zuweisung von Land in das Patronagenetzwerk von insgesamt 1458 Iku oder 514,5 ha (360 Iku bzw. GHV.¸QLJVHLQ]XELQGHQXQGVHLQHP(LQȵXVV]XXQ- 127 ha plus 1098 Iku bzw. 387,5 ha) selbst die Lie- terwerfen (vgl. Steinkeller 1999a, 558; Foster 2016, genschaften des Majordomo Etibmer (419 ha), der 90–92) – möglicherweise im Zusammenhang mit HUHģGLßLUGHV,ODED KD XQGGHV7HPSHOYHU- der von Sargon eingeführten Praxis, Königstöch- walters von NinMAR.KI (381 ha) übertraf (L.2951 = ter in die höchsten Priesterämter einzusetzen (s. 677,9VLLȒȂȒ5VLLȒȂȒV)RVWHU D oben 6.). Die Verwendung des „akkadischen Kor“ Die ni-is-ku stammten ihren sumerischen Namen (gur a-ga-de3) zur Abmessung von Getreide und nach aus der lokalen Bevölkerung, wurden wie der sargonisch-akkadischen Verwaltungssprache die lokalen „(Arbeits-)Truppen“ (sur x) durch Zu- und Kanzleischrift (Foster 1982a, 29; Steinkeller teilungen von Lebensmitteln und Zuweisung von 1999a, 555 Anm. 9; vgl. Foster 1999/2000, 254; Som- Feldern versorgt und verstärkten im Rahmen des merfeld 2012, 211, s. oben 9.) unterstreicht, dass Arbeits- und Wehrdienstes die Aufgebote der loka- der Landkauf einen wirtschaftlichen Eingriff der len Arbeitstruppen, wurden aber in Verwaltungs- urkunden begrifflich von diesen unterschieden. 38 Möglicherweise handelt es sich bei dem Schreiber, von Man hat in den ni-is-ku Unfreie oder Personen dessen Namen nur der Anfang erhalten ist, um den rangho- von niedrigem Stand vermutet (z. B. Gelb 1957, hen Schreiber Lu’utu, der unter anderem für die Sendung von Mastrindern, Kleinvieh und Preziosen nach Akkade ver- 206; Parpola et al. 1977, 160; Michalowski 1993a, antwortlich zeichnete (RTC 134 Rs. ii 10–13), zu diesem Be- 34; Roth 1995, 271; Römer 1993, 372 Anm. 164, s. amten s. Visicato 2000, 140 f. 39 Ob es sich bei diesem Text um die Abschrift einer auf Schrakamp 2010, 143 f.). Tatsächlich handelt es Stein geschriebenen Landkaufurkunde handelt, wie sie bei- sich bei ni-is-ku jedoch um einen in das Sumeri- spielsweise mit dem Maništušu-Obelisk vorliegt, ist umstrit- sche entlehnten, fast ausschließlich in der sargo- ten, s. die Diskussion bei Foster 1994, 444 und Steinkeller 1999a, 555 Anm. 9. nisch-akkadischen Verwaltungssprache bezeugten Ressourcen und Herrschaft 109 Begriff, der als QLVTĭ „Ausgewählte“ anzusetzen ist. deutlich auf die privilegierte Stellung der „Ausge- QLVTĭ fungierten bei Gericht als Bevollmächtigte, wählten“ des Königs hin (vgl. Selz 1999/2000, 23). erfüllten (leitende) Funktionen in der Landwirt- Landzuweisungen und Landkäufe aus dem schaft, besaßen Sklaven und Vieh und genossen ensi2-Archiv von Girsu/Lagaš belegen somit, dass demnach relativen materiellen Wohlstand und die Krone auch in der Provinz Lagaš über um- einen gehobenen sozialen Status. Die Landtexte fangreichen Grundbesitz verfügte und aus diesem deuten an, dass QLVTĭ Ackerland von „königlichem Bestand Felder nicht nur an ranghohe königliche Boden“ (ki lugal, s. unten 18.) in einem Umfang und lokale Funktionäre, sondern auch an Teile der erhielten, der den der lokalen „(Arbeits-)Truppen“ lokalen Bevölkerung vergab und diese in das Netz- deutlich übertroffen haben dürfte. Zuweilen bil- werk königlicher Patronage einband. Die Land- deten QLVTĭ mit „königlichen Soldaten“ (aga 3-us2 vergabe erfolgte formal durch den „Stadtfürsten“ la.ki lugal) eigene Truppenabteilungen, die akkadi- (iš-de3 ensi2 lagasx(NU11.BUR) , ITT 1, 1465 Vs. 6– VFKHQ2ɚ]LHUHQXQWHUVWDQGHQ 6FKUDNDPS Rs. 2, s. Foster 1982a, 21). Dass er in Anlehnung 27 f., 31 f.). Eine in sargonisch-akkadischer Verwal- an Foster (s. oben 17.) lediglich als ein königlicher tungssprache und -schrift verfasste, an einen ak- Beamter auf Provinzebene betrachtet werden kadischen Funktionär adressierte Briefanweisung darf, der an die Weisungen der Krone und ihrer aus dem ensi 2-Archiv von Girsu/Lagaš erwähnt Funktionäre gebunden war, verdeutlichen neben Truppenbewegungen einer Streitmacht aus QLVTĭ; königlichen Visiten in Girsu/Lagaš (s. oben 17.) in dem Absender vermutet man einen ranghohen, auch Urkunden über Reisen des Stadtfürsten in die auswärtigen akkadischen Würdenträger, vielleicht Hauptstadt (ITT 1, 1104 Rs. 9–10; ITT 2, 4690 Rs. ii gar den König selbst (FAOS 19 Gir 37, s. Westenholz 57&5VȒV)RVWHU FI 6FKUDNDPS 1993, 158 f.; Kienast/Volk 1995, 116–119; Marki- 2015a, 238 f.) sowie beispielsweise eine in akkadi- na 2010; Schrakamp 2010, 146). Die QLVTĭ waren scher Verwaltungssprache verfasste Briefanwei- demnach eine Gruppe, die in der Landwirtschaft sung, in der ein akkadischer Funktionär namens und im Militär tätig und unmittelbar dem König Šarrutab dem Stadtfürsten Lugalušumgal den YHUSȵLFKWHWZDUXQGLP*HJHQ]XJGXUFKKRKHQVR- Befehl zur Sendung von Textilien und Gerste im zialen Status und materiellen Wohlstand entlohnt Umfang von rund 2000 hl Gerste erteilt (FAOS 19 wurde, dessen Grundlage die Zuweisung königli- Gir 8). Šarrutab erscheint in den oben genannten chen Ackerlandes gebildet haben dürfte (zu QLVTĭ Urkunden über Ausgaben an Angehörige der herr- s. ausführlich Schrakamp 2010, 143–151, ferner scherlichen Entourage nach dem Herrscherpaar, Foster 1981; 1982d, 85; 1986b, 50; 2016, 40). 40 Der dem Majordomo und Etibmer (CT 50, 172 = CUSAS Umstand, dass die Landzuweisung für QLVTĭ auch 26, 174 Vs. i 11–12; RTC 134 Vs. ii 6–7) und war da- Felder für einen „Majordomo“ (šabra e 2) verzeich- mit einer der mächtigsten Männer des Reiches (zur net, unterstreicht die Bindung dieser Gruppe an Person s. Foster 1980, 31; Kienast/Volk 1995, 77; für GHQ+HUUVFKHU / 677,9VLȒȂȒ 1DFK ZHLWHUHEULHȵLFKH$QZHLVXQJHQDNNDGLVFKHU)XQN- der Akkade-Zeit werden QLVTĭ einzig im Prolog der tionäre oder des Herrschers an den Stadtfürsten Gesetzessammlung des Urnamma (2110–2093 v. Lugalušumgal s. FAOS 19 Gir 1–9). Chr.) erwähnt, die der Begründer der III. Dynastie von Ur nach der erneuten Reichseinigung promul- gierte. Er berichtet, dass QLVTĭ bestimmte Kontroll- 18. Das klassisch-sargonische ensi 2- funktionen über Felder und Bewässerungskanäle Archiv von Umma (mu-iti C) innehatten und rühmt sich, diesen sozialen Miss- stand beseitigt zu haben (Wilcke 2002, 306 f. mit Als zweites Beispiel eines Provinzarchivs im su- Anm. 54; 2007, 50). Dass es sich hierbei um einen merischen Süden soll das klassisch-sargonische von drei explizierten Missständen handelt, weist ensi2-Archiv von Umma vorgestellt werden. Es umfasst rund 270 Texte aus der Zeit des Šarka- 40 Die QLVTĭ teilen damit wesentliche Merkmale mit dem lišarri (Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 38–40; RU-lugal im präsargonischen Lagaš, einer staatstragenden Schrakamp 2015a, 266), die fast ausschließlich in Schicht von „Wehrbauern“, s. Schrakamp 2010, 170–190; 2014. sumerischer Sprache abgefasst sind; der Anteil 110 Ingo Schrakamp akkadischer Texte liegt bei ca. 2,5 % (Foster 1982d, lugal apin-la2) oder Subsistenzland (ki lugal 80, 135 f.; Westenholz 1984b, 78–80) und deutlich zi-ga) vergeben werden konnte (Foster 1982a, 78, niedriger als der der akkadischen Namen, die 26 % 80–82, 111; 1982d, 86, 89, 147 f.; Westenholz 1984b, gegenüber 68 % sumerischen Namen ausmachen 78; Cripps 2010, 36; Schrakamp 2013b, 147, vgl. Po- (Foster 1982j, 299). Die Texte verwenden das lo- well 1978, 27 Anm. 33). Dass die Krone in Umma kale mu-iti-Datierungssystem (s. oben 6.), loka- umfangreichen Grundbesitz hielt, deuten auch le Hohlmaße wie das „sumerische Sila“ und das 9HUZDOWXQJVXUNXQGHQDQGLHȌN¸QLJOLFKH3ȵ¾JHUȊ „DUL3-Hauptkor“ (sila3 eme-gi7JXUVDßßDO2- VDßDSLQOXJDONH4-ne) erwähnen bzw. Bilan- DUL3) sowie lokale Zeichen und Zeichenformen zierungen ihrer Lieferungsrückstände durch den (Foster 1982a, 80 f.; 1982d, 4 f.; Steinkeller 1987a, ensi2 dokumentieren (MCS 9, 238, s. Foster 1982a, 190; Schrakamp 2013b, 146, 147, 150) und folgen 68; Cripps 2010, 17, 46–48 Nr. 9). damit der traditionellen lokalen Verwaltungspra- Die wichtigste Bestätigung für die Annahme, xis. Die Urkunden betreffen alle Wirtschaftsberei- dass die Krone auch in Umma über ausgedehn- che, dokumentieren insbesondere die Verwaltung ten Grundbesitz verfügte, bieten jedoch präsargo- von Feldern, Getreide, Viehzucht, Arbeitskräften nische Feldertexte aus dem Inanna-Tempel von sowie Ausgaben von Lebensmitteln an auswärtige Zabala, die aus der Zeit von Lugalzagesis Ober- Personen(gruppen) und stammen aus einer zen- herrschaft über Sumer datieren (Sallaberger/ tralen Verwaltungseinheit, die dem ensi 2 Mesag Schrakamp 2015a, 86–90). Auch sie erwähnen ne- unterstand (s. grundlegend Foster 1982d, 79–148, ben (tempeleigenem) „Pachtland“ (apin-la2) Fel- ferner Foster 1982a, 69–83; Westenholz 1984a, der von „königlichem Boden“ (ki lugal) und zäh- 19 f.; 1984b, 78–80; Neumann 1989, 520–524; Fos- len unter anderem einen Stadtfürsten von Adab, ter 1993b, 175 f.; Visicato 2000, 111 f.; Cripps 2010, in dem man Meskigala vermuten darf (s. oben 6.), پSchrakamp 2015a, 266–269; Foster 2016, 69 einen Stadtfürsten von Nippur, einen lu 2PD ;26–10 41 f.). 'LHM¾QJHUH)RUVFKXQJLGHQWLȴ]LHUWGHQHQVL 2 Priester von Uruk sowie weitere auswärtige Wür- Mesag mit dem gleichnamigen Schreiber und denträger zu den Landhaltern. Ihre Berechtigung Katasterleiter (s. oben 12.), der zur Zeit Naramsins zum Erhalt von Land ergab sich nicht aus einer eine landwirtschaftliche Domäne in der Provinz Dienstpflicht gegenüber dem Tempel, sondern Lagaš verwaltete (zuletzt Salgues 2011, 259 f. Anm. aus ihrer politischen Abhängigkeit vom König von 3; Markina 2012, 169; Sallaberger/Schrakamp Uruk, der das Königtum über Sumer ausübte (Po- 2015a, 39 f.; Foster 2016, 41). 42 Die Verwaltung der well 1978, 27 mit Anm. 33; Sallaberger 2004, 19 Provinz Umma und ihrer Ressourcen lag damit in Anm. 6; Marchesi/Marchetti 2011, 128 Anm. 295; den Händen eines Gefolgsmannes der Krone. Schrakamp 2013a, 453; Marchesi 2015, 147 f.; Salla- Urkunden über die Verwaltung von Feldern berger/Schrakamp 2015a, 86 f.; Schrakamp 2015a, zeigen, dass auch die Wirtschaft von Umma fest 218; 2015c, 359 f.). Mit der Vergabe von tempelei- in die königliche Tributökonomie integriert war genem Land an auswärtige Würdenträger, die vom (Foster 1982a, 69–84; 1982d, 81–89; Cripps 2010, König abhängig waren, dürfen diese Urkunden als 16–18). Sie erwähnen neben „Domänenland“ (aša 5 Vorläufer der Feldertexte aus dem klassisch-sargo- 43 gud) eine als „königlicher Boden“ (ki lugal) be- nischen ensi 2-Archiv von Umma gelten. zeichnete Felderkategorie, in der man denjenigen Teil des (Einkommens des) institutionellen Landes 43 Dass das Herrscherhaus auch in der Provinz Umma Grundeigentum besaß, bestätigt nach Steinkeller (1999a, vermutet, das dem König zukam und als Pacht- (ki 557 f., 565–568 Nr. 2) auch eine Feldkaufurkunde, die Paralle- len zu dem oben unter 17. vorgestellten Landkauf durch Šar- 41 Eine kleine Anzahl von Texten datiert aus der Amtszeit kališarri aus dem ensi2-Archiv von Girsu/Lagaš aufweist. Sie des Šu-DU.NI-le, Mesags Vorgänger im ensi 2-Amt, s. Foster dokumentiert den Kauf eines Feldes von 90 Iku bzw. 31,75 ha 1982j, 345; 1982d, 154 f.; Carroué 1985, 90, 94 Anm. 22; Salla- Land zum Preis von 5 Minen bzw. 2,5 kg Silber, was 3,3 Sekel berger/Schrakamp 2015a, 40 Anm. 138. Silber pro Iku und somit dem von Maništušu gezahlten Preis 42 Diese bislang umstrittene Identifikation ergibt sich entspricht (s. oben 8.), nennt zwei „Verwalter“ (šabra) und aus der Urkunde UTI 6, 3768, deren Unterschrift nach Kol- einen „Landvermesser“ (gu-sur) als Verkäufer und weist lation von E. Salgues „Mesag, Schreiber (und) Stadtfürst diese wie der Šarkališarri-Feldkauf als „Tempelverwalter“ ki von Umma“ erwähnt ([me]-sag 2 dub-sar ensi2 umma ), (lu 2 mar-za-ke4-ne) aus. Da der Käufer nicht benannt wird, s. Robson/Zólyomi 2014, 190; Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, bleibt der Hintergrund der Transaktion unklar, jedoch hält 40 Anm. 147; Foster 2016, 48 Anm. 60. Steinkeller (1999a, 557) die Involvierung lokaler Tempelfunk- Ressourcen und Herrschaft 111 Auch die klassisch-sargonischen Feldertexte unterstand und mehrere hundert „Arbeiterinnen“ bezeugen die Vergabe von Land an königliche Ge- (geme 2 XQGȌ$UEHLWHUȊ ßXUXģ ȌȐȊ KU.KU3.GI), folgsleute. Wie in Girsu/Lagaš erscheinen auch 36 „Zugführer“ (ugula), mehrere „Hauptleute“ hier QLVTĭ-Leute als Landhalter (CST 9; CST 12, s. (NU- banda3), mehrere „Schreiber“ (dub-sar), ei- Foster 1982a, 70, 113; 1982d, 85; 1982h, 458 f., 467 nen „0XVWHUXQJVRɚ]LHU“ (šu-gal 5:la), einen „Ad- Nr. 9, 469 Nr. 12). Über die ausgedehntesten Lie- jutanten“ (sugal 7), einen „Boten“ (sugal 7- KAS4), genschaften verfügte der königliche „Majordomo“ einen „…“ (lu 2-EME) (vgl. oben 17.), einen „Arzt“ (šabra e 2) Etibmer, der auch in Girsu/Lagaš um- (a-zu) und einen „Beschwörer“ (maš-šu-gid2- fangreiche Ländereien hielt (s. oben 17.). Eine Ur- gid2) umfasste (MCS 9, 233, s. Foster 1982d, 98–100, kunde dokumentiert die Vermessung von 444,5 ha 112 f.; 1993a, 28; Cripps 2010, 93–95 Nr. 30; Schra- Land für Etibmer, was dem 200-fachen des Durch- kamp 2013b, 157 Nr. 30). 45 Foster vermutet, dass schnitts entspricht (NBC 14439 = USP 18, s. Foster es sich hierbei um das Kontingent und den Stab 1982a, 36; 1982d, 88, 143; Westenholz 1984b, 78 eines königlichen Generals handelte, das auf der Anm. 12, 80); ein teilweise paralleler Verwaltungs- Durchreise in Umma durch den lokalen Stadtfürs- text notiert sogar Felder im Umfang von insgesamt ten verproviantiert wurde (Foster 1982d, 98–100; 647,7 ha bzw. 1333,5 ha (CST 18, s. Foster 1982a, 36; 1993a, 26), Cripps erwägt einen Zusammenhang 1982d, 88, 143; 1982h, 459, 472 Nr. 18; Westenholz mit einem königlichen Bauunternehmen wie dem 1984b, 78 Anm. 12, 80). 44 Wichtig ist zum einen, Ekur-Projekt in Nippur, das ebenfalls einen Gene- dass diese Urkunde zu den wenigen akkadischen ral involvierte, der königlichen Zentralverwaltung Texten des Archivs zählt, und zum anderen, dass unterstellt war und durch die lokale Administra- das Urkundensubskript zwar den ensi 2 Mesag er- tion versorgt wurde (s. unten 22.) (Cripps 2010, wähnt, die Feldvermessung aber durch einen „kö- 18–22, 93–95 Nr. 30). 46 Um denselben General han- niglichen Schreiber“ (dub-sar lugal) vorgenom- GHOWHVVLFKZRKODXFKEHLGHP2ɚ]LHUGHULQ8U- men wurde. Dies bestätigt, dass das akkadische kunden über Ausgaben von Brot und Bier an eine Königshaus auch in Umma über ausgedehnten JDQ]¦KQOLFKH*UXSSHYRQ2ɚ]LHUHQXQG)XQNWL- Grundbesitz verfügte, kennzeichnet die Zuweisung onsträgern erscheint (z. B. USP 35; zur Textgrup- von Land für Etibmer als einen Verwaltungsvor- pe s. zusammenfassend Foster 1982d, 110–116; gang an der Schnittstelle von Provinz- und königli- Schrakamp 2010, 203 sowie ferner Glassner 1986, cher Zentralverwaltung (Westenholz 1984b, 78–80; 47 mit Anm. 85; Molina 1991, 139–141; Steinkel- Foster 1993a, 29; Visicato 2000, 113 f.) und verdeut- ler 1992b, 51; Foster 1993c, 445; Westenholz 1995, licht schließlich, dass Stadtfürst auch hier als ein 536). 47 Bemerkenswert sein dürfte, dass diese königlicher Verwaltungsbeamter auf Provinzebene Texte einen höheren Anteil akkadischer Namen agierte, der der Zentralverwaltung der Krone und enthalten als die übrigen Urkunden des Archivs ihrem Beamtenapparat untergeordnet war (vgl. (Cripps 2010, 21). Dass die Verwaltung des ensi2 Foster 1982a, 79; 1982d, 88; Westenholz 1984b, 78 direkt der Krone unterstand, bestätigt auch eine Anm. 12; Cripps 2010, 17). Die Folgerung, dass der ensi2 ein königli- 45 Auffällig ist auch, dass die Urkunde zwar nach dem lokalen mu-iti-Datierungssystem datiert ist, aber eine Mo- cher Funktionär auf Provinzebene war, lässt sich natsdatierung nach dem semitischen Kalender trägt, der nur durch weitere Verwaltungsurkunden stützen. in akkadischen Texten verwendet wird (MCS 9, 233 Rs. 12 iti -DOL2-da „Monat H.“). Zum Gebrauch des semitischen Kalenپ Ein singulärer Text beurkundet die Ausgabe von ders in Texten der königlichen Zentralverwaltung in Nippur rund 110.000 l Getreide, 6600 l Fisch und 630 l Öl s. unten 22. an eine Gruppe von Arbeitskräften, Offizieren 46 Denkbar wäre ein Zusammenhang mit dem für Šarka- lišarri bezeugten Bau am Inanna-Tempel von Zabala, s. Wes- und Funktionären, die einem „General“ (šagana) tenholz 2000; 2009–11, 64. 47 Der Umstand, dass die Brot-und-Bier-Texte den besag- tionäre, die große Fläche und den Preis für einen deutlichen ten General als Empfänger von Lebensmitteln nennen und Hinweis auf eine königliche Beteiligung, s. oben 17. meist an erster Stelle aufführen, widerlegt Cripps‘ Annahme, 44 Foster (1982a, 50) ordnet diese Urkunde Girsu/Lagaš zu, dass der General die in MCS 9, 233 notierten Ausgaben auto- jedoch weisen Westenholz (1984b, 78 Anm. 12) und Visicato risierte. Steinkeller (1992b, 51) vergleicht die Textgruppe mit (2000, 113 Anm. 57) aufgrund der Parallelen zu dem zuvor- Ur III-zeitlichen Botentexten, jedoch zeigen insbesondere die genannten Text eine Herkunft aus dem klassisch-sargoni- Parallelen zu MCS 9, 233, dass dies nicht das Richtige trifft, schen mu-iti-Archiv von Umma nach. vgl. Foster 1993c, 445. 112 Ingo Schrakamp in sargonisch-akkadischer Verwaltungssprache aus der lokalen Elite stammten, aber fest in das verfasste, an den Stadtfürsten Mesag gerichtete Netzwerk königlicher Patronagen integriert, an die EULHȵLFKH$QZHLVXQJ]XU/LHIHUXQJYRQ0LOFKSUR- Weisungen ranghöherer akkadischer Funktionä- dukten an den Untergebenen eines akkadischen re gebunden, dem Herrscher loyal ergeben waren Funktionärs. Als Absender erscheint ein anonymer und somit als königliche Funktionäre auf Provinz- „Majordomo“ (šabra e 2), in dem man Etibmer ebene betrachtet werden dürfen. Charakteristisch vermutet (FAOS 19 Um 2, s. Westenholz 1984b, 78; ist dabei ein Nebeneinander von lokalen und tra- Kienast/Volk 1995, 129–131; zur Korrespondenz ditionellen Verwaltungsstrukturen und Eingriffen des Mesag s. ferner FAOS 19 Um 1, Um 3; Catag- der königlichen Zentralverwaltung, die besonders noti 2003; Robson/Zólyomi 2014). Zu den wenigen in der Verwaltung und Vergabe des königlichen akkadischen Texten zählt auch eine Urkunde über Grundbesitzes, in Abgabe- und Lieferungsver- die Verschiffung von rund 583.200 l Gerste durch SȵLFKWXQJHQJHJHQ¾EHUGHU.URQHXQGGHU0REL- einen akkadischen „Verwalter“ (šabra) (USP 21, s. lisierung von (Arbeits-)Truppen für Wehr- und Ar- Foster 1982d, 90 f.; Westenholz 1984b, 80). beitsdienst (vgl. unten 22.) deutlich wird. Dass Wirtschaft und Verwaltung von Umma in die königliche Tributökonomie eingebunden wa- ren, deuten außerdem der gelegentliche Gebrauch 20. Klassisch-sargonische Archive aus von standardisierten Maßen wie dem „akkadi- Nippur ki schen Sila“ (sila 3 a-ga-de3 ) und dem „akkadischen ki Kor“ (gur a-ga-de3 ) an, die anders als die lokalen Zuletzt sollen zwei Naramsin- und Šarkališarri- Maße für verarbeitete Produkte wie Mehl erschei- zeitliche Archive aus Nippur vorgestellt werden, nen und beispielsweise in den soeben erwähnten das den Enlil-Tempel Ekur, das Hauptheiligtum Brot-und-Bier-Texten vorliegen (Foster 1982d, 6, Sumers beherbergte und daher eine besondere Be- 102, 107, 147; Westenholz 1984b, 80). Schließlich deutung genoss (Neumann 1987, 306 f.; Westenholz enthält das Archiv Urkunden, die die Ausgabe 1987, 29; Selz 1992; Sallaberger 1997; Westenholz von Gold-, Silber- und Bronzeobjekten, hochwer- 1999, 60–65). 48 tigen Textilien, Mastvieh, anderen Luxusgütern und Speisen an den Herrscher und seine Entoura- ge dokumentieren (vgl. oben 17.) und hinsichtlich 21. Das „Onion Archive“ von Nippur ihres Duktus zu den anspruchsvollsten Texten des Archivs zählen. Der Anlass für diese aufwändigen Bei der ersten Textgruppe handelt es sich um Geschenke mag die Inthronisation des Šarkališarri das sogenannte „Onion Archive“ (s. grundlegend oder Mesags Einsetzung in das Amt des Stadtfürs- Gelb 1965; Westenholz 1987, 87–98, ferner Wes- ten durch den Herrscher gewesen sein (CT 50, 52; tenholz 1984a, 23 f. Anm. 22; Foster 1989b, 361 f.; MCS 9, 232, 247, s. Foster 1980, 36 f.; 1982d, 5, 143; Neumann 1989, 526 f.; Steinkeller 1993b, 143–145; Cripps 2010, 13, 113–118 Nr. 41, 42; Foster 2010a, Westenholz 1999, 60–62; Visicato 2000, 196–198; 139; Schrakamp 2013b, 159 f. Nr. 41, 42; Sallaber- Schrakamp 2015a, 253 f.; Foster 2016, 66). Das Ar- ger/Schrakamp 2015a, 38 f.; Foster 2016, 73). chiv umfasst ca. 110 in sumerischer Sprache und lokalem Duktus abgefasste Verwaltungstexte aus der Zeit des Naramsin und des Šarkališarri. Es ge- 19. Die Funktion der klassisch-sargo- hörte zu einer Institution, die dem Stadtfürsten nischen Provinzverwaltungen in Sumer 48 Zur Wirtschaft des Ekur-Tempels, der der Leitung des Ȍ7HPSHOYHUZDOWHUVȊ VDßßD GHV(QOLOXQWHUVWDQGYRQGHU Verwaltung des ensi 2 von Nippur unabhängig agierte, tau- Der Überblick über die ensi 2-Archive von Girsu/ sende Männer und Frauen beschäftigte und versorgte und Lagaš und Umma zeigt, dass auch die sumerischen über umfangreiches Ackerland und Kleinvieh verfügte, s. Provinzzentren fest in die königliche Tributwirt- Westenholz 1984a, 23 f.; 1999, 60–62; Such-Gutiérrez 2003/1, 41–48. Die Rationenlisten, die die bedeutendste Quelle zur schaft integriert waren. Die Verwaltung ihrer Res- Wirtschaft dieses Tempels darstellen, sind bislang nur teil- sourcen oblag den lokalen Stadtfürsten, die zwar weise veröffentlicht. Ressourcen und Herrschaft 113 (ensi 2) von Nippur unterstand, Zwiebeln und Einbindung Nippurs in ein Netzwerk der wichtigs- Lauch kultivierte und zu bestimmten Anlässen in ten Würdenträger des Hofes, sondern dokumen- großen Mengen als Delikatessen – üblicherwei- tiert zugleich eine dauerhafte Präsenz von Vertre- se im Kontext königlicher Palastarchive bezeugt tern der Königsfamilie, die sicherlich durch die (Sallaberger 2013, 244) – an hochrangige Funk- herausragende religiöse und politische Bedeutung tionäre ausgab (Westenholz 1987, 93; 1999, 60; dieses Kultzentrums zu erklären ist (Westenholz Brunke 2011, 223). Als Empfänger erscheinen der 1984a, 22 f. Anm. 18; 1987, 92, 94–98; 1999, 60 f.; Gott Ninurta, lokale Funktionäre wie „Mundschen- Schrakamp 2015a, 253 f.). ke“ (sagi), „Hausvorsteher“ (ugula e 2) oder der ensi2 von Nippur, die zum Anlass von Reisen in die Hauptstadt Zwiebeln erhielten, und die „Tafel 22. Das „Akkadian Archive“ von Nippur des ensi2“ (pansur ensi 2-kam) (OSP 2, 114–122, 126, 129, 134, 139). Darüber hinaus erscheinen als Bei der zweiten Textgruppe handelt es sich um das Empfänger hochrangige königliche Funktionäre, sogenannte „Akkadian Archive“. Über den histo- die auch in anderen Archiven bezeugt sind. Šuašta- rischen Hintergrund unterrichtet Naramsins In- kal, der unter Naramsin als „königlicher Majordo- schrift über die sogenannte „Große Revolte“ um mo“ (šabra e2 lugal) amtierte, und der General 2230 v. Chr., in deren Verlauf sich zunächst eine Ilšuqarrad waren in den Neubau des Enlil-Tempels nordbabylonische Koalition aus Kiš, Kutha, A.HA, -ģXPģDQDW Sippar, Kazallu, Giritab, Apiak und einigen weiپVXQWHQ 1D YRQ1LSSXULQYROYLHUW ist als ranghoher Funktionär aus Maškanili’akka- teren Orten unter der Führung eines Rebellenkö- de und Girsu/Lagaš bekannt (s. oben 14.,17.). 49 Bei nigs von Kiš und anschließend ein von Amargi- Etibmer, Beliqarrad, Puzursin, dem „Verwalter“ rid von Uruk angeführtes sumerisches Bündnis (šabra) Dada und dem „0XVWHUXQJVRɚ]LHU“ (šu- erhob, dem außer der Stadt Uruk selbst auch Ur, gal5-la-um) Ilumdan handelt es sich um ranghohe Lagaš, Umma, Adab, Šuruppag, Isin und Nippur Würdenträger, die den Herrscher laut Urkunden DQJHK¸UWHQ )$261DUÃPV°Q& 5,0( des ensi2-Archivs von Girsu/Lagaš auf seinen s. die Neubearbeitungen durch Wilcke 1997 und Reisen begleiteten (s. oben 17.) und auch in Pug- Sommerfeld 2000 mit den Anmerkungen von Som- dan, dem Lugalra-Archiv, Maškanili’akkade und merfeld 1999, 3 Anm. 7; Westenholz 1999, 51–54; Umma aktiv waren (s. oben 10., 13., 14., 18.) (OSP Foster 2016, 12 f., zur Datierung Westenholz 2000, 2, 124, 128, 130–133, 135, 137, 138). Außerdem do- 553–555; Sallaberger 2004, 29 Anm. 30; 2007, 425– kumentiert das Archiv Ausgaben anlässlich der 431; Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 95 f., 108–110, Einsetzung von Naramsins Tochter Tuttanabšum zur literarischen Tradition ferner Tinney 1995; J. G. als en-Priesterin (s. oben 6.), der Heirat eines Kö- Westenholz 1997, 221–261; Haul 2009, 59–94). Na- nigssohnes und einer königlichen Reisestation (vgl. ramsin schlug die Revolte innerhalb eines Jahres oben 17.) (OSP 2, 129, 133, 135, 154, 170, 178). Zu- in neun Schlachten nieder; der body count der Be- letzt umfasst das Archiv Lieferungen für die „Ta- siegten summiert 95.340 Mann, darunter 2(?) „Kö- fel des Königs“ (pansur lugal), vielleicht im Zu- nige“ (lugal), 13 „Generäle“ (šagana), 23 „Stadt- sammenhang mit einer königlichen Reisestation fürsten“ (ensi 2) sowie 1210 „Große“ (UDELÃQX) (zur (Westenholz 1987, 96, s. oben 17.), das „(alte) Haus Lesung Sommerfeld 2000, 426; 2008, 232 f., zu den des Königs“, das „Haus der Königin“ (e 2 lugal, e2 Zahlen vgl. oben 6.). Nach seinem Sieg ließ sich Na- lugal šumun2, e 2 nin) und einen „( alten) Palast“ ramsin auf den Wunsch der Bewohner von Akkade (e 2-gal, e2-gal šumun2), d. h. die königliche Re- vergöttlichen (s. unten 23.) und initiierte zum Dank sidenz (Westenholz 1987, 92, 96) (OSP 2, 127, 128, an die Götter ein reichsweites Bauprogramm, das 132, 136, 141, 169, 170, 177, 178). Das „Onion Archi- auch den Enlil-Tempel Ekur in Nippur einschloss ve“ belegt damit nicht nur die zeitweilige Präsenz (Westenholz 2000, 553 f.). 50 Die Bauarbeiten an auswärtiger akkadischer Würdenträger und die 50 Da die Schreiber nach der Vergöttlichung Naramsins GHP +HUUVFKHUQDPHQ PHLVW GDV =HLFKHQ GLßLU Ȍ*RWWȊ YRU- -ģXPģDQDWLQGDV(NXU anstellten, gilt die Schreibung mit Götterdeterminativ dna-raپXU0¸JOLFKNHLWGDVVDXFK1D= 49 d d Bauprojekt involviert war, s. unten 22. Anm. 52. am- EN.ZUȌ J¸WWOLFKHU 1DUDPVLQȊE]ZGLßLUna-ra-am- EN.ZU 114 Ingo Schrakamp diesem Heiligtum dokumentiert das sogenannte dem Kronprinzen Šarkališarri, der als „Bevoll- „Akkadian Archive“ (s. grundlegend Westenholz mächtigter“ (maškim) erscheint (OSP 2, 16). Die 1987, 21–29, ferner Westenholz 1984a, 23; Foster Institution beschäftigte rund 400 Schmiede, Gold- 1989b, 358–360; Neumann 1989, 524 f.; Durand schmiede, Tischler, Zimmerleute und Bildhauer 1993; Steinkeller 1993b, 142 f.; Sallaberger 1997, (OSP 2, 10, 11, 16) in einer königlichen „Werkstatt“ 52 153; Westenholz 1999, 61; Visicato 2000, 193 f.; ßHģNLß2-ti, OSP 2, 9), mobilisierte Arbeitskräfte Westenholz 2000, 553–555; Such-Gutiérrez 2003/1, aus Sippar, Kiš und Zabala oder Ur (OSP 2, 2; OSP 37–48; Schrakamp 2015a, 253 f.; Foster 2016, 15 f., 5VLȒȂ ȒV6FKUDNDPS HUKLHOW 66). Es umfasst rund 40 Verwaltungstexte aus der gewaltige Lieferungen von Getreide aus Städten Zeit des Naramsin und Šarkališarri, die neben ei- wie Marada (OSP 2, 3) und verfügte über eine Gar- nigen Inschriften in sekundärer Lage im Bereich nison Soldaten als Wachschutz (aga 3-us2, OSP 2, des Enlil-Tempels Ekur aufgefunden wurden. Sie 6). Etwa 15 fragmentarische Urkunden bezeugen, VLQGLQGHURɚ]LHOOHQVDUJRQLVFKDNNDGLVFKHQ9HU- dass spezialisierte Handwerker, deren Obleute oft waltungssprache und -schrift abgefasst (s. oben 9., akkadische Namen trugen, hunderte Kilogramm 16., vgl. oben 17., 18.), nach dem akkadischen Ka- *ROG6LOEHUXQG7RQQHQYRQ.XSIHU]XȴJ¾UOLFKHP lender datiert (OSP 2, 6, vgl. oben 18. Anm. 45) und Tempelschmuck verarbeiteten (OSP 2, 17–32, s. geben sich damit als Texte einer Institution der kö- Westenholz 1987, 24–27; Durand 1993), und verbu- niglichen Zentralverwaltung zu erkennen (Westen- chen Einzelposten von ca. 29 kg Gold, 180 kg Silber holz 1987, 21–24; Visicato 2000, 193; Sommerfeld sowie 30 Lieferungen von jeweils rund 20 t Kupfer 2012, 210). Dieser Institution oblag der Neubau des (ECTJ 51; OSP 2, 25, 31, s. Westenholz 1975b, 37 f.; Enlil-Tempels Ekur, der unter Naramsin begon- 1987, 25). Als einziger lokaler Würdenträger er- nen und unter Šarkališarri abgeschlossen wurde VFKHLQWGHUȌ7HPSHOYHUZDOWHUȊ VDßßD ,ULQDEDG- (Steinkeller 1993b, 142; Franke 1995, 165; Westen- bi (OSP 2, 40, 41); er bezeichnet sich in seinen In- 51 holz 1999 52 Anm. 181; 2000, 553–555). Sie un- schriften jedoch als „Diener“ (ir 11) Naramsins und terstand dem „königlichen Majordomo“ (šabra wurde nach der „Großen Revolte“ durch den König e 2 lugal) Šuaštakal (OSP 2, 40, zur Person s. Wes- eingesetzt (zur Person s. Glassner 1986, 13; Wes- tenholz 1987, 55, 94 f.; Molina 2014, 82) und dem tenholz 1987, 55 f.; Steinkeller 1993b, 142 Anm. 2; „General“ (šagana) Puzureštar (s. oben 14.) bzw. Such-Gutiérrez 2003/1, 44). Er stand im Rang unter dem Majordomo Šuaštakal (OSP 2, 40), erscheint in PLWGLßLUDOV:RUW]HLFKHQI¾UDNNDGLVFKilum „Gott“ als Indi- Urkunden über Getreide- und Öllieferungen und kator für die Abfassung eines Textes nach der „Großen Revol- te“ und damit als chronologischer Fixpunkt, s. Glassner 1986, hatte demnach die Versorgung der Arbeitskräfte 14–16; Frayne 1991, 381–383; Westenholz 1999, 47; 2000, 553; aus den Mitteln der Tempelwirtschaft sicherzu- Sallaberger/Schrakamp 2015a, 108 f., zur Frage der sprachli- stellen (OSP 2, 3–5). Weitere Interaktionen mit der chen Realisierung s. Westenholz 1999, 47; Sallaberger 2002, 93 Anm. 34. Westenholz (1999, 47; 2000, 553) bezweifelt aller- lokalen Verwaltung sind nicht nachzuweisen, der dings, dass diese Schreibung als festes Datierungskriterium 53 ensi2 von Nippur wird nicht einmal erwähnt. herangezogen werden darf und hält daher vor allem Schrei- bungen ohne Götterderterminativ für chronologisch wenig Das „Akkadian Archive“ dokumentiert damit eine aussagekräftig. Salgues (2011, 259) schließt sich dieser Kritik -ģXPģDپmit Verweis auf Naramsin-Datenformeln aus dem Mesag-Ar- 52 =XU0¸JOLFKNHLWGDVVGLHVH:HUNVWDWWGXUFK1D chiv an (s. oben 15.). Molina (2014, 29 Anm. 30) verweist auf nat geleitet wurde, der in Texten aus Maškanili’akkade und eine jüngst veröffentlichte Naramsin-Datenformel (CUSAS dem „Onion Archive“ bezeugt und aus dem ensi 2-Archiv 20, 98), die den Herrschernamen ohne Götterdeterminativ von Girsu/Lagaš als „Hausverwalter der Werkstatt“ ( šabra schreibt, nach gängigem Verständnis Akkade-zeitlicher Pa- e 2ßHģNLß2-ti) bekannt ist (RTC 127 Rs. v 20–22, s. oben 14.), O¦RJUDȴHLQGLHIU¾KHUH5HJLHUXQJV]HLWGHV1DUDPVLQGDWLHUW vgl. Westenholz 1987, 26; Neumann 1989, 525. Die Texte des und mit einem Feldzug gegen Talmuš auf ein Ereignis Bezug Onion Archive erwähnen außerdem Ausgaben für einen nimmt, das Sallaberger (2007, 428) in die frühe Regierungs- „Schreiber der Werkstatt“ GXEVDUßHģNLß2-ti, OSP 2, 133, zeit dieses Herrschers datiert. 140) namens Šuilišu; direkte Nachweise für eine Verbindung 51 Westenholz (1999, 52 Anm. 181; 2000, 554 f.) revidiert zu diesen Funktionären lassen sich dem Textmaterial aber damit seinen ersten Versuch einer Rekonstruktion des histo- nicht entnehmen. rischen Hintergrundes (Westenholz 1987, 28). Die Datierung 53 Westenholz (1987, 24) betrachtet eine Gruppe von vier des Baus in die Zeit nach der „Großen Revolte“ um 2230 v. Urkunden aufgrund ihres Duktus (s. oben 9., 16.) als Schrift- Chr. beruht auf der Beobachtung, dass alle Naramsin-Zie- stücke lokaler Schreiber und stellt ihre Zugehörigkeit zum gelinschriften aus Nagar/Tell Brak im Haburgebiet, Adab, „Akkadian Archive“ in Frage; sie nennen den Kronprinzen Lagaš, Nippur und Ur dem Königsnamen das Götterdetermi- Šarkališarri als „Bevollmächtigten“ (maškim, OSP 2, 16), er- nativ voranstellen, s. Anm. 50. wähnen „königliche Diener“ (ir 11 lugal, OSP 2, 33) und den Ressourcen und Herrschaft 115 Institution der königlichen Zentralverwaltung, die Selbstverständnis der sumerischen Stadtfürsten den Bau des Hauptheiligtums von Sumer durch- eine markante Neuerung darstellte. Auf den Neu- führte, dabei enorme materielle Ressourcen aus bau des Ekur durch Naramsin nimmt auch die su- dem königlichen Schatz einsetzte (vgl. allgemein merische Dichtung „Fluch über Akkade“ Bezug. Sie Sallaberger 2013), Arbeitskräfte aus dem gesamten berichtet, dass Naramsin das Ekur auf das Ausblei- Reichsgebiet mobilisierte und von der Lokalver- ben göttlicher Omina, die seinen Neubau erlaub- waltung der Stadt Nippur vollkommen unabhängig ten, plünderte und zerstörte (Cavigneaux 2015, agierte. 325 f.), und gilt als Hinweis auf die Machteinbußen, „Onion Archive“ und „Akkadian Archive“ ver- die die lokale Priesterschaft von Nippur unter der anschaulichen, dass die Krone dem Verhältnis zu Akkaderherrschaft hinnehmen musste (Kienast Nippur eine herausragende Bedeutung beimaß 1973, 498 f.; Franke 1992, 435; Westenholz 1992, 46; (Neumann 1987, 306 f.; 1989, 527). Sie lag zwei- Liverani 1993b, 56–59; Westenholz 1999, 55). 56 Bei- felsfrei in Nippurs Rolle als Kultzentrum des Enlil des verweist auf die ideologischen Implikationen begründet, der bereits in der Frühdynastisch IIIa- und die Nachwirkungen der akkadischen Ober- Zeit (ca. 2575–2475 v. Chr.) als oberster Gott ganz herrschaft, die in einem kurzen Ausblick angeris- Babyloniens erscheint. Mit dem Ekur beherbergte sen werden sollen. Nippur das Heiligtum, in dem Könige mit überre- gionalem Herrschaftsanspruch ihre Weihgaben darbrachten – auch die Akkade-Herrscher ließen 23. Ausblick ihre Statuen im Ekur aufrichten, und Rimuš weih- te aus seiner Kriegsbeute 15 kg Gold, 1800 kg Kup- Die sumerischen Stadtstaaten galten traditioneller fer, 300 Sklaven und Sklavinnen sowie Stein und Auffassung zufolge als Eigentum der Stadtgötter, Steingefäße (Westenholz 1979, 109 f., 121 Anm. 14; deren Verwaltung den Stadtfürsten als irdischen Buccellati 1993; Sallaberger 1997, 148 f.; Such- Stellvertretern der Götter oblag. Die akkadische Gutiérrez 2003/1, 41, 43 f.). 54 Der Umstand, dass Oberherrschaft unterwarf den Süden einem säku- GHU%DXGHV7HPSHOVXQGGLH3ȵHJHVHLQHV.XOWHV laren und autokratischen Königtum mit ungeheu- dem König von Akkade oblagen, spiegelt nicht nur ren Machtansprüchen, die sich auch in der Herr- Enlils Position als herausragende Gottheit wider, VFKHULNRQRJUDȴHGHU'LNWLRQGHUDOWDNNDGLVFKHQ sondern reflektiert seinen Aufstieg vom Stadt- Königsinschriften, in Herrscherepitheta wie „König zum Reichsgott, der sich parallel zur Großreichs- der vier Weltteile“ und dem Onomastikon nieder- bildung vollzog (Sallaberger 1997, 152 f.). 55 Hierin schlagen (Bänder 1995; Franke 1995; Westenholz deutet sich zugleich der absolute Herrschaftsan- 1999, 37–40; 2002, 38; Andersson 2011, 231–242). 57 spruch der Akkade-Könige an, der gegenüber dem Die Durchsetzung dieser Machtansprüche – die Degradierung der Stadtstaaten zu Provinzen, ihre Einbindung in die königliche Tributwirtschaft, „General“ (šagana) Ilšuqarrad (OSP 2, 34), zu diesen Texten s. auch Foster 1989b, 358 f. und Westenholz 1999, 55 Anm. 211. die Entmachtung der Stadtfürsten, die Besetzung 54 Die weit verbreitete und beispielsweise von Westen- administrativer und kultischer Posten mit könig- holz (1974, 155 f.; 1979, 109; 1987, 29) vertretene These, dass lichen Gefolgsleuten – hatte daher nicht nur po- in Nippur alle Könige mit überregionalem Herrschaftsan- spruch gekrönt wurden, widerlegt Sallaberger (1997, 150 litische und wirtschaftliche, sondern auch ideo- Anm. 12, s. auch Westenholz 2002, 33). Dass ein Herrscher, logische Implikationen, die auch als Auslöser der der Nippur kontrollierte, Enlil zu seinen Unterstützern zäh- len konnte, bleibt davon freilich unberührt. wiederholten Revolten gegen Rimuš und Naramsin 55 %HDFKWHGDVV/XJDOQLß]XDOVȌ6WDGWI¾UVWYRQ1LSSXU gelten (Kienast 1973, 496–499; Westenholz 1979, ki (und) Tempelverwalter des Enlil“ (ensi 2 nibru VDßßD d en-lil2) noch selbst als Bauherr in Erscheinung trat; ob die- ser Lokalfürst aber vor der „Großen Revolte“ gegen Naram- 56 Westenholz (1979, 122 Anm. 32; 1987, 25, 28) vermutet, sin amtierte, wie etwa Westenholz (1987, 28) und Such-Gu- dass dies auf einen Abriss anspielt, der dem Neubau des tiérrez (2003/1, 43) vermuten, oder später, wie Sallaberger Tempels vorausging. (1997, 153 Anm. 29) annimmt, ist umstritten; für eine Datie- 57 Sargon übernahm in den zweisprachigen, allgemei- rung an das Ende der Akkade-Zeit spricht jedoch der Fund- ner Auffassung zufolge in seine frühe Regierungszeit datie- kontext seiner Inschrift, s. Westenholz 1987, 28 sowie Frayne renden Inschriften noch die Epitheta des Lugalzagesi und 1991, 393 Anm. 76. Zur Person s. ferner Sommerfeld 2000, ließ die Inschriften im urukäischen, südlichen Dialekt des 427 Anm. 22. sumerischen abfassen, s. Westenholz 1999, 37 f. 116 Ingo Schrakamp 110 f.; Selz 1999–2000, 20 f.; Westenholz 2002, 38; Es wurde bereits darauf hingewiesen, dass Mit- Foster 2016, 44–46). Eine besondere Rolle messen glieder der akkadischen Elite schon zur Zeit Sar- manche Gelehrte der Aneignung von Land durch gons kyriophore Personennamen trugen, die die den König zu, denn sie ging zu Lasten der Tempel Verehrung des Herrschers ausdrückten (s. oben 6., und kam einer Aneignung göttlichen Eigentums 8.). In Naramsin-zeitlichen Texten sind Namen wie gleich (Kienast 1973, 497; Neumann 1992, 243 f.; 1DUÃP6XHQLOíȌ0HLQ*RWWLVW1DUDPVLQȊQLFKWQXU Renger 1995, 281; Selz 2002b, 185–187; Neumann K¦XȴJHUHVȴQGHQVLFKDXFKVXPHULVFKH$QWKUR- 2014, 38). In diesem Zusammenhang ist die Ver- ponyme wie „ein Held ist Akkade“ oder „Akkade göttlichung des Naramsin, die ein Novum in der ist ein guter Ort“ (Westenholz 1979, 111, Glassner altorientalischen Geschichte darstellte, von beson- 1986, 18; Westenholz 1999, 40 Anm. 123 f.; Anders- derer Bedeutung. 58 Nachdem Naramsin die „Große son 2011, 231–242; Foster 2016, 8). 60 Dies könnte Revolte“ niedergeschlagen hatte, so die Inschrift andeuten, dass sich das Konzept von Königtum der Basetki-Statue, erhoben ihn die Bewohner von und Einheitsstaat auch im Süden durchzusetzen Akkade zum Dank zu ihrem Gott (Hallo 1999; Sal- begann. laberger 2002, 95 f.; Michalowski 2008, 34 f.; Selz Dafür spricht auch die Sumerische Königslis- 2016, 546 f.). Von den vielfältigen Aspekten, unter te; sie gilt als politische Tendenzschrift, die das denen die Vergöttlichung Naramsins allein in der Königtum (nam-lugal) über Sumer und Akkade jüngeren Forschung diskutiert wurde (s. zuletzt als urtümlich und gottgegeben (Kienast 1973, 490; Hallo 1999; Sallaberger 2002, 93–98; Sazonov 2007; Selz 2002a, 23–25; Steinkeller 2003, 285 f.; Glassner GLH %HLWU¦JH LQ %ULVFK 6WÛSLHĆ .U£O 2004, 55 f.) und die III. Dynastie von Ur als legiti- 2010; Foster 2016, 140; Selz 2016, 546 f.), sind im me Erbin dieses Königtums darstellt (Wilcke 1988; Rahmen des vorliegenden Beitrags zwei entschei- 1989, 569; 1993, 36). Steinkeller (2003, 268, 285 f.) dend. In Anlehnung an Kienast (1973, 497–500) unterstellt auch der ältesten, Ur III-zeitlichen Ver- nehmen verschiedene Gelehrte an, dass der Ver- sion der Königsliste eine solche Intention, hält aber göttlichung eine staatsrechtliche Absicht zugrunde auch ein Entstehungsdatum in der Akkade-Zeit für lag. Sie vermuten, dass die Königsvergöttlichung möglich (vgl. Sallaberger 2007, 425 Anm. 45) – in der Entmachtung der Stadtgötter diente, dadurch demjenigen Zeitabschnitt, für den die Liste erst- die Übertragung des Grundeigentums auf den mals historisch verlässliche Daten liefert (Wil- vergöttlichten König bedeutete, gegenüber den cke 1988, 127; Sallaberger 2004, 17 f. Sallaberger/ lokalen Eliten einen absoluten Machtanspruch Schrakamp 2015a, 14). ausdrückte und somit das Territorialstaatskon- 1DFKGHP7RGĢDUNDOLģDUULVȴHO0HVRSRWDPLHQ zept untermauerte (Neumann 1992, 245 f.; Renger zunächst in eine Zeit des Partikularismus zurück, 1995, 281; Steinkeller 1999a, 554; Selz 1999/2000, um 2100 v. Chr. gelang es jedoch Urnamma von Ur, 21; Neumann 2014, 37 f.). Andere nehmen an, dass Sumer und Akkade erneut in einem Territorial- der vergöttlichte Herrscher für die Bewohner des staat zu einen. Obwohl sich die Herrscher der III. beinahe untergangenen Reiches eine geistig-religi- Dynastie von Ur vordergründig von der Dynastie ¸VH,GHQWLȴNDWLRQVȴJXUGDUVWHOOWHXQGGDPLW]XP von Akkade abgrenzten (s. oben 2.), knüpften sie Zusammenhalt des Reiches beitrug (Sallaberger in der Konzeption des Einheitsstaates, der heraus- Ȃ 6WÛSLHĆ Ȃ .U£O ragenden Stellung des Königs und seiner Vergöttli- Beides lässt sich im Rahmen einer „‘Privatisierung‘ chung, der königlichen Kontrolle über Grund und des Staates“ verstehen, die in den Eingriffen in das Boden und den Verwaltungsstukturen in Vielem an Grundrecht am deutlichsten zutage tritt (vgl. Selz das Reich von Akkade an, selbst wenn Urnamma 1999/2000, 1, 20 f.). 59 und Šulgi das Grundeigentum der Tempel in Teilen nominell wiederherstellten (s. die Diskussion bei 58 Sazonov (2007) will erste Hinweise auf Vergöttlichung Steinkeller 1987b, 20–22; Waetzoldt 1991, 638 f.; des Königs zu Lebzeiten schon in Texten aus der Zeit des Ma- ništušu erkennen. Renger 1995, 284–288; Sallaberger 1999, 148; Selz 59 Die Eindämmung einer ausufernden Privatwirtschaft im präsargonischen Lagaš war das Ziel der sogenannten Re- 60 Sumerische lugal-Namen knüpfen angesichts der Auf- formtexte des Urukagina, s. Schrakamp 2013a, 457 mit Anm. stände gegen Rimuš und Naramsin wohl eher an das präsar- 60; 2015c, 340 f. gonische Onomastikon an. Ressourcen und Herrschaft 117 1999–2000, 23; Sallaberger 2003–05, 201; Selz 2010, 13, 15; Schrakamp 2013a, 457 Anm. 59; Salla- Ingo Schrakamp EHUJHU 1DFKGHP(QGHYRQ8U,,,YHUȴHO Institut für Altorientalistik Mesopotamien für zweihundertfünfzig Jahre aber- Freie Universität Berlin mals in eine Phase der Kleinstaaterei, in der amur- Exzellenzcluster 264 TOPOI ritische Königtümer um die Vorherrschaft rangen, Fabeckstr. 23–25 bis Hammurabi die erneute Reichseinigung gelang. D-14195 Berlin Das Modell des Einheitsstaates hatte überlebt und [email protected] sich endgültig durchgesetzt (Cooper 1993; Liverani 1993b) – „Nobody wished to follow the example of the early Sumerian city-state, it seems“ (Westen- holz 2002, 38 f.). Bibliographie $$,&$%: Textnummer bei Grégoire 1996. AIA: Textnummer bei Foster 1982b. $QGHUVVRQ: J. Andersson, Kingship in the Early Mesopotamian Onomasticon 2800–2200 BCE. Studia Semitica Upsaliensia 28 (Uppsala 2011). $UFKL: A. Archi, Men at War in the Ebla Period. On the Unevenness of the Written Documentation. In: A. Kleinerman/J. M. Sasson (Hrsg.), Why Should Someone Who Knows Something Conceal It? Cunei- form Studies in Honor of David I. 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A History of its Beginnings. The Early Dynastic and Sargonic Periods. Revised Edition (Winona Lake 2007). 132 Ingo Schrakamp :LOVRQ: K. L. Wilson, Bismaya. Recovering the Lost City of Adab. Oriental Institute Publications 138 (Chicago 2012). DANIEL T. POTTS Resource Origins and Resource Movement in and around the Persian Gulf Keywords: Mesopotamia, Persian Gulf, pearls, and the Oman peninsula (Heimpel 1987). Some of copper, timber, softstone, ivory, linen, carnelian these were indigenous to the region, while others originated further east and were consumed or transformed there. Some – both indigenous and Abstract exogenous – were sold on by merchants to con- sumers further west. That the association of these Natural resources consumed by the urban popula- resources with the Persian Gulf in cuneiform tion of southern Mesopotamia during the Bronze sources was not merely a product of fantasy has Age both originated in and passed through the EHHQFRQȴUPHGE\GRFXPHQWVDWWHVWLQJWRWKHLUDF- Persian Gulf region. This paper provides a survey quisition and use stretching back to the 16th cent. of some of the most important commodities, both That they were important in the deep past, more- organic and inorganic, that were traded, with com- over, has been demonstrated by decades of archae- PHQWVRQWKHLUVRXUFHVXVHVDQGVLJQLȴFDQFH3DU- ological excavation and geological survey. Pearls ticular attention is paid to pearls, timber, ivory, and copper head the list of indigenous resources, carnelian, dates, copper, aromatics and softstone. ZKLOHȴVKDQGGDWHVVKRXOGEHPHQWLRQHGDVZHOO Evidence of these goods from both archaeologi- The non-indigenous resources of greatest impor- cal excavations and cuneiform texts is presented. tance include exotic timbers, carnelian and ivory The goods that may have been traded in exchange from the Indian sub-continent, which were both for such foreign commodities are also discussed. consumed in the Persian Gulf and traded onwards While the commodities considered here are most towards the west. In addition, gold, lapis lazu- often viewed as luxury or exotic goods that func- li, tin, and aromatics, among other things, passed WLRQHGWRXQGHUSLQWKHLQFUHDVLQJO\VWUDWLȴHGVR- through the Persian Gulf region at different times. ciety of southern Mesopotamia, the consumption The tyranny of the cuneiform record is such that of the very same sorts of commodities by the less we often view the Persian Gulf as little more than a complex societies of the Persian Gulf littoral is also funnel or conduit for natural resources from South emphasised. In this respect, a desire for exotica ap- Asia, southeastern Iran and the Oman peninsula, pears to be both more deep-seated and widely dis- ignoring the communities that lived there, mined tributed amongst socially distinctive groups than the copper, dove for the pearls and managed the might have been realised prior to the expansion of vessels, crews and cargoes that carried copper excavations in eastern Arabia and the Oman pen- ingots, ivory, carnelian, dates, linen, timber and insula during the past few decades. RWKHUFRPPRGLWLHVDQGȴQLVKHGSURGXFWVWRVRXWK- ern Mesopotamian cities like Ur and Lagash. We should not, however, forget, that the indigenous Introduction communities in Oman and eastern Arabia, un- known to us until the past few decades of archae- Mesopotamian cuneiform sources of the mid-3rd to ological research brought them to light, consumed early 2nd mill. BC contain scattered references to a the very same goods that we often tend to associ- number of natural resources associated with the ate with the urban elite of Mesopotamia. In this Persian Gulf, eastern Arabia, the Bahrain islands brief paper each of the most important resources 134 Daniel T. Potts associated with the Persian Gulf, both indigenous Timber and exogenous, will be presented, roughly in the order in which they appear in the prehistoric and A well-known text from the middle of the historic record. 3rd mill. BC records the boast of Ur-Nanshe, king of the city-state of Lagash, that ships from Dilmun EURXJKWKLPWLPEHUTXDOLȴHGDVEHLQJȆIURPIRU- Pearls eign lands’ (Sollberger/Kupper 1971, s.v. IC3c 12– 'LOPXQDOWKRXJKFRPPRQO\LGHQWLȴHGZLWK Prior to the invention of the cultured pearl in Bahrain, was probably based on the mainland at 1913 (Jameson 1921, 396) and the discovery of oil this early date (Potts 2007a, 136; Potts 2009, 31). Of on Bahrain in the spring of 1932 (Ferrier 1982, those species used for timber growing in the Per- 570), by far the most lucrative resource in the sian Gulf region, we might think of the date palm Persian Gulf region was the pearl. This formed (Phoenix dactylifera), black mangrove (Avicennia the bedrock upon which fortunes were made marina) or Christ’s thorn (Ziziphus spina-christi), from Bahrain to Ras al-Khaimah, in many cases none of which is particularly exotic, from a Meso- giving families the financial foundation, which potamian point of view, even if serviceable for ODXQFKHGPDQ\RIWKHODUJHWUDGLQJȴUPVVWLOODF- a variety of uses (Heimpel 1987, 56–58). But the tive in the region today (Carter 2005). Historical- Ur-Nanshe inscription might have been alluding to ly, the most important pearling areas extended timber from the Indian sub-continent, such as Indi- roughly from the waters off the coast of Qatif, in an cedar, reportedly discovered at Borsippa in Iraq the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia, southward in the 19th cent. by Hormuzd Rassam and later dis- and eastward to Dubai. They were densest north played in the British Museum (Kennedy 1898, 266; of Bahrain and Qatar, and east of Qatar or north Potts 2007b, 122 f.); teak, ‘two rough logs’ of which of western Abu Dhabi. were said to have been found in the Nanna-Ningal Archaeological excavations on the island of temple complex at Ur during Colonel Taylor’s early Akab in the lagoon of Umm al-Qaiwain, on the excavations in the 19th cent. (Kennedy 1898, 267); coast of the northern United Arab Emirates, have or sissoo, also known as Pakistani rosewood, which revealed the world’s earliest pearl, dating to the was the ancient Sumerian gišmes-magan-na, associ- mid-6th mill. calBC (Charpentier/Méry 2008, fig. ated with Magan, or the Oman peninsula (Heimpel 13; Charpentier et al. 2012), while excavations in 1987, 62), but which could have come from there the slightly later cemetery at Jabal al-Buhais, in the RUIURPIXUWKHUDȴHOGLQ%DOXFKLVWDQRUWKH,QGXV interior of Sharjah (United Arab Emirates), have River region (Tengberg/Potts 1999, 130 f.; Teng- revealed over 60 pearls (Kiesewetter et al. 2000, berg 2002, 75–77). The notion that timber from as 140 f., 143; Beauclair 2008, table 2). These finds far away as the Indus Valley was being imported are important because, even if the population was into southern Mesopotamia via the Persian Gulf in transhumant, moving seasonally between the coast the mid-3rd mill. BC of course presumes a certain and the interior, the pearls at Jabal al-Buhais are level of competence in sailing (Potts 1995), even clear testimony to the circulation of this important if the vessels involved stayed close to the coasts coastal resource amongst the communities of the of Baluchistan, Oman, southern Iran and eastern Persian Gulf itself, even if they have not yet been Arabia, avoiding crossing large expanses of open discovered at contemporary sites in Mesopotamia, water. where in fact very few excavations, in the south, Unfortunately, excavations in the Indus Valley have reached stratigraphically intact early levels of itself have yielded just a few representations of wa- the 6th mill. BC. tercraft, at least two of which, lacking masts and The geographically closest find to Mesopota- sails, resemble ferries propelled by punting poles mia of such early date comes from the site of H3 that are used on rivers rather than vessels intend- in Kuwait where a drilled pearl was found (Carter/ ed for sailing on a large body of water (Potts 1995, Crawford 2002, 8) of similar date to the examples ȴJVȂ ,QWKH3HUVLDQ*XOILWVHOIWKHVLWXDWLRQLV from Jabal Buhais. much better, beginning with an Ubaid-type boat Resource Origins and Resource Movement in and around the Persian Gulf 135 model and the image of a masted vessel from the site of H3 in Kuwait, dated to ca. 6000 BC, painted on a sherd (Carter 2002). Later images found on stamp seals from Failaka island, off the coast of Ku- wait, while surely indicative of an evolution in the design of sailing craft, date to the early 2nd mill. BC and are thus 600 or 700 years later than the refer- ence to the transport of timber in Dilmunite ves- VHOV 3RWWV ȴJVȂ 7KHUHVHPEODQFHRIWKH sterns on these vessels to a modern Kumzari batil from the Musandam peninsula in northern Oman is striking (Potts 1995, figs. 12–13). Be that as it Fig. 1. Ivory comb (TA 2206) from the late 3rd mill. may, an eastern origin for the timber mentioned in BC collective tomb at Tell Abraq (9.5 x 7.5 cm; coord. 74.88/116.78, elev. 7.48 m.) (Photo by Daniel T. Potts). Ur-Nanshe’s inscription might also be supported by the early movement of another commodity associ- Fig. 2. Ivory comb (TA 2207) from the late 3rd mill. DWHGVSHFLȴFDOO\ZLWKWKHDUHDRI.KDPEDWRU&DP- BC collective tomb at Tell Abraq (9.5 x 6.3 cm; coord. 74.95/116.90, elev. 748 m.) (Photo by Daniel T. Potts). bay in Gujarat, namely carnelian. were being imported at Ur in southern Mesopota- Carnelian mia via Magan, the Oman peninsula. Among the objects recorded are ivory birds of Meluhha (dar- ZKLFKPLJKWKDYH +HLPSHO DپپSo-called etched carnelian beads, a specialty of the PHOX region, were decorated with linear patterns by ap- been analogous to an ivory tufted duck (Aythya plying plant soda on the surface of the bead and fuligula) on a carved base found from a collective EULHȵ\H[SRVLQJLWWRKHDW7KLVWHFKQLTXHSUDF- tomb at Tell Abraq datable to ca. 2100–2000 BC WLFHGXQWLOWKH VLVVSHFLȴFWRZHVWHUQ,QGLD in the United Arab Emirates (Potts 2000, 131). (Allchin 1974; Tosi 1980, 448–452). Several dozen Also found in the tomb were over a dozen ivory etched carnelian beads have been found at sites combs (ȴJVȂ). Most of these are presumed to in the Persian Gulf (De Waele/Haerinck 2006) but have come from the Indus Valley, while the exam- in Mesopotamia, where examples have also been ples with incised tulips, find close iconographic found, the preference, at least as exemplified SDUDOOHOVRQVRIWVWRQHȵDVNVIURP%DFWULDLQ&HQ- E\WKHȴQGVIURPWKH5R\DO&HPHWHU\DW8UZDV tral Asia, both from excavations at Gonur Depe in for the larger, barrel-shaped beads (Reade 1979; Turkmenistan and from the art market (Potts 1993; Heimpel 1987, 51). 1994a). Moreover, that these combs were being worn by individuals when they were interred in the tomb, and not merely deposited as funerary of- Ivory ferings, is shown clearly by the positions of several of the combs, close to or adhering to the cranium In addition to timber and carnelian, the Indus Val- (Potts 2000, 126 f.). ley, and possibly Central Asia, was a source of ivo- ry, another commodity attested in the cuneiform sources of the late 3rd mill. (Heimpel 1987, 28, 54 f.; Dates Potts 1997, 260–262). Although the media attention paid to illegal killing of elephants and illicit trade In 1925 the Sumerologist Anton Deimel published in ivory tends to focus on Africa, we should not of a copy of a letter from the mid-3rd mill. found at course forget that ivory carving was a well-devel- Telloh, ancient Girsu, and housed in the Perga- oped craft in India as well. In the late 3rd mill. BC mon Museum, Berlin. Recently re-edited by Gianni ivory objects from Meluhha, conventionally identi- Marchesi, the text records the delivery of three com- ȴHGZLWKWKH+DUDSSDQRU,QGXV9DOOH\FLYLOLVDWLRQ modities – dates, linen garments and copper – sent 136 Daniel T. Potts by an unnamed queen of Dilmun to the queen of the city-state Lagash (Marchesi 2011). The letter is interesting in many respects but here I shall limit myself to a few remarks on the resources it men- tions. Dates are attested as early as 6000 BC on the Persian Gulf coast, where the earliest carbonised date stones from an archaeological context were discovered at a prehistoric site on the island of Dal- ma, off the coast of Abu Dhabi (Beech/Shepherd 2001; Tengberg 2012a, 196; 2012b, 142). The nutri- WLRQDOYDOXHDQGFDORULȴFFRQWULEXWLRQRIGDWHVWR the diet are well-known and date stones have tra- ditionally been used as animal fodder (Potts 2002, 13; 2003, 33 f.) in the region as well. The foliage, Fig. 3. Detail of copper-bronze spearhead (TA 1648) from the late 3rd mill. BC collective tomb at Tell Abraq in the form of palm fronds, has a wide variety of showing a small fragment of woven linen adhering to uses from the manufacture of mats and baskets to the corrosion products on its surface (Photo by Daniel KRXVHVZKLOHWKHȴEUHFDQEHXVHGWRPDNHURSH T. Potts). (Landsberger 1967). Datepalm cultivation was widely practiced in ancient Mesopotamia as well 2009, 162)? Paleobotanical evidence of the cultiva- (Potts 1997, 71 f.; Tengberg 2012a, 192–198), how- tion of linum has been found at Miri Qalat in Bal- ever, and thus the idea of sending dates from Dil- uchistan (Tengberg 1999, 8), and at Nausharo and mun to Lagash may seem like a case of sending Rojdi, but no macro-remains of linen have been coals to Newcastle. Nevertheless, the symbolic val- found at Harappan sites (Fuller 2008, Table 2). ue of the gift (Méry/Tengberg 2009) may have been Linseed oil, rather than textile production has as important as the nutritional, let alone the ‘nov- been assumed for both the Indus Valley and early elty’ factor. Surely the queen of Lagash was famil- northern Mesopotamia, but Hartmut Waetzoldt iar with dates, yet the gesture of sending her dates noted many years ago that linseed oil becomes by the queen of Dilmun may have carried special UDQFLGYHU\HDVLO\LQWKHKHDWDQGWKHUHIRUHȵD[ meaning. was probably cultivated in order to manufacture textiles, not oil (Waetzoldt 1985, 77, 85; Potts 1997, 66 f.). We have evidence of linen preserved on the Linen blade of a bronze dagger from Tell Abraq, dating to ca. 2100–2000 BC (ȴJ), where its destruction was The three linen garments sent to the queen of La- prevented by the biocidal effects of the corrosion gash are something of a mystery. Despite the im- products on the metal (Reade/Potts 1993). Still, this portance of linen in Egypt, and its use by elites in GRHVQRWWHOOXVZKHWKHUȵD[ZDVJURZQORFDOO\RU Mesopotamia (Waetzoldt 1983), the cultivation of linen was spun locally. For the moment, all we can ȵD[IRUWKHPDQXIDFWXUHRIOLQHQLVSRRUO\NQRZQ say is that linen circulated in the Persian Gulf and (for full references to cases cited below see Reade/ southern Mesopotamia. Its places of origin remain Potts 1993). Very early flax domestication was XQLGHQWLȴHG demonstrated by Hans Helbaek in his work on the plant remains from Çayönü in southeastern Tur- key, dating to ca. 7000 BC, while a fragment of linen Copper was recovered in the Royal Cemetery of Ur, dating to the mid-3rd mill. BC. In the Ur III period, ca. The third commodity mentioned in the letter from 2100–2000 BC, linen accounted for about 10% of the queen of Dilmun is copper. The copper deposits all textile production at Ur and Lagash (Waetzoldt of the Oman ophiolite have been intensively stud- 1983). Was linen produced in the Indus Valley at ied in recent years (ȴJ), and in fact as early the this early date, or in the Persian Gulf (Boivin/Fuller 10th cent., the geographer and historian al-Masudi Resource Origins and Resource Movement in and around the Persian Gulf 137 41 f.; Begemann et al. 2010, 137), while my team re- FRYHUHGDȵDWWRSSHGS\UDPLGDOLQJRWLQDQHDUO\ 2nd mill. BC context at Tell Abraq in the late 1980s (Potts 2000, 76). Aromatics The Mesopotamian and later Greek and Latin sources associate aromatics with Arabia, though principally southwestern Arabia or the area of Yemen, the Horn of Africa (Bron 1985; Beeston Fig. 4. Copper smelting ovens in the Wadi Madhhab, Fujairah (United Arab Emirates). Date uncertain but 2005) and to a certain extent with India and Ba- probably from the Islamic era (Photo by Daniel T. Potts). luchistan (Bretzl 1903). Ordinarily, therefore, the Persian Gulf is not thought of as a source or even as a middleman in the aromatics trade. That aro- acknowledged that Oman was a source of copper matics may have been used in the region, albeit on (Sprenger 1841, 269). Although Carsten Niebuhr the southern edge of it, is, however, demonstrated heard of a copper mine near Qurayat when he was by the discovery of a rectangular stone incense at Muscat in 1765 (Potts 1990, 114 with refs.), it was burner with a clear patch of burnt organic mate- not until 1835/6 that J. R. Wellsted visited one in ULDOLQWKHFHQWUHRIWKHERZO &OHX]LRXȴJ operation at Khadra bin Daffa ( Wellsted 1838, 315). Remarkably, although this was discovered by the In fact, Wellsted’s testimony was cited by the Hun- joint Italian-French mission at Ras al-Jinz, direct- garian Orientalist Mihaly Kmoskó when, in 1917, ed by Maurizio Tosi and the late Serge Cleuziou, KHȴUVWVXJJHVWHGWKDWWKHDQFLHQWODQGRI0DJDQ no analysis of the burnt residue has ever been un- known to have supplied copper to Ur in the late dertaken, so that it is impossible to say whether it 3rd mill. BC, should be identified with the Oman was frankincense, myrrh or another substance. peninsula (Kmoskó 1917, 63). The Ur III texts, and It is also interesting to recall that, much later, in particularly the records of the merchant Lu-Enlilla, 7th cent. BC, during the reign of the Assyrian king give us clear evi dence of the import of copper from Assurbanipal, the Assyrian general Bel-Ibni, prose- Magan at that time (Heimpel 1987, 52 f.). A couple cuting a war against rebels in southern Babylonia of centuries later, however, the supplier of copper led by Nabu-bel-šumate (Harper 1902, no. 791), was Dilmun – the very land from which the queen seized a large quantity, 176 talents or 5280 kg, of of Lagash received her copper around 2400 BC – a substance, apparently obtained from Dilmun but as Bahrain and eastern Saudi Arabia have no which was identified by Benno Landsberger as copper deposits, most scholars believe that the bdellium (Landsberger 1967, 50), an aromatic re- source of this copper was not Dilmun itself but sembling myrrh. In fact, the Akkadian name for continued to be Oman, i.e. Magan, even if Dilmu- this substance, guhlu, is cognate with Sanskrit nite middlemen were now the purveyors of it to guggulu and the Sanskrit term for the resin of Mesopotamian buyers (Potts 2007a, 126). Commiphora mukul or guggul is almost certainly Of course, the copper in question was already borrowed from the Akkadian (Potts et al. 1996, 301). refined and was sent in the form of ingots. No- ERG\ZDVVHQGLQJWRQVDQGWRQVRIXQUHȴQHGRUH by boat from Oman to Mesopotamia. Although in- Softstone gots are still quite rare in archaeological excava- tions, a cache of them was found by the late Gerd Finally, although it may seem like a non-sequitur, Weisgerber and the Deutsches Bergbau Museum the subject of aromatics and unguents brings us to Bochum expedition at Maysar in the early 1980s the subject of stone vessels, particularly those made (Weisgerber 1980, Abb. 74; Hauptmann et al. 1988, of softstone. Many years ago it was recognised that 138 Daniel T. Potts a particular type of deeply carved, soft-stone ves- WKHFRDVWȴVKDQGVKHOOȴVKZHUHDEXQGDQW 3RWWV sel, known from sites in Mesopotamia, eastern 2001, tables 4 and 6). In fact, the texts concerning 6DXGL$UDELDDQG,UDQDQGIRXQGDVIDUDȴHOGDV /X(QOLOODȇVLPSRUWRIFRSSHUDW8UDUHYHU\VSHFLȴF Soch in the Ferghana Valley of Uzbekistan and Pal- He was issued with textiles, invariably of an inferi- myra in Syria, was in fact manufactured in south- or quality (Waetzoldt 1972), to exchange for copper eastern Iran, where evidence of production was (Heimpel 1987, 53). Southern Mesopotamia gen- found at Tepe Yahya, in Kerman province (Kohl erated large surpluses of both foodstuffs and tex- 1978; Lamberg- Karlovsky 1988). About 15 years tiles, but in the former case these were exhausted ago, looting revealed a wealth of comparable ves- by the enormous numbers of dependent laborers sels further east in the Jiroft (Majidzadeh 2003). who received rations. Textile factories at cities like More recently, a different genre of soft-stone, with Lagash, Ur and Girsu produced thousands of gar- distinctive dotted-double or single circle deco- ments and, presumably, bolts of cloth, each year, ration, which has a similarly wide distribution, and we have precise records of Lu- Enlilla receiving from Mesopotamia, Kuwait, Bahrain, eastern Ara- textiles to pay for copper destined for the temple bia and Iran to Gonur Depe in Turkmenistan and household of Nanna, the chief deity at Ur, and his Mohenjo-Daro in Pakistan in Turkmenistan (Potts consort Ningal. Sesame oil ( Waetzoldt 1985, 87; 2008) has been recognised as a product of Ma- Potts 1997, 67 f.) may also have been shipped from gan, the Oman peninsula, in the late 3rd mill. BC, southern Mesopotamia to the Oman peninsula in where hundreds of such vessels, in a wide range order to pay for goods, but for the moment it must of shapes, have been found. I raise the stone ves- be said that the sort of torpedo-based storage ves- sel industry in conjunction with aromatics and sels that might have been used to transport oil in XQJXHQWVEHFDXVH,ȴUPO\EHOLHYHWKDWQHLWKHUWKH bulk have a very limited distribution and are con- deeply carved vessels from southeastern Iran, nor ȴQHGDOPRVWHQWLUHO\WRWKHFRDVWDOVHWWOHPHQWRI the simpler ones from the Oman peninsula, were Umm an-Nar, near modern Abu Dhabi, and to a in and of themselves objects of great value in an- very early period, around 2400 BC (Potts 2001, 42 f., WLTXLW\RUDWOHDVWQRWLQWKHȴUVWLQVWDQFH5DWKHU ȴJ 3HUKDSVRLOZDVWUDGHGDWDQHDUO\GDWHEH- on analogy with later unguentaria (Hassell 1997), fore textiles and finished garments began to be I suggest that they were valuable principally for used as a medium of exchange. their contents. Bulk export of aromatics proba- bly occurred in sacks of cloth or hide, but smaller quantities of valuable unguents or aromatic oils Conclusions may well have moved around in decorated stone containers. Their association with valuable oils or In conclusion, it is clear that the Persian Gulf was unguents might also explain why most of the soft- both a source of valuable natural resources, and stone vessels known from Jiroft and the Oman pen- a conduit for resources coming from further east insula were discovered in tombs, not in settlement and, possibly, further south. Apart from the sparse contexts. records of commodities like ivory or copper that entered the temple, royal households or trading houses of cities like Ur and Girsu, we can only Balance of payments learn about the further life of these things through archaeological excavation or chance encounters Many scholars have speculated on what goods or with them, for example, in records of dowries or commodities might have been exchanged for cop- inheritance. That they functioned in Mesopotamia per but the idea that foodstuffs were being shipped to sustain and reinforce the status of elites seems in bulk should certainly be abandoned. The inhab- clear, at least in the case of goods like ivory, while itants of both the interior and the coast practiced copper was surely used to manufacture all manner date palm cultivation, cultivating wheat and barley of tools and utilitarian items, including weaponry, in the shade of the canopy (Potts 1994b), and herd- which enjoyed wider circulation. Less often com- ing sheep, goat and cattle (Uerpmann 2001). Along mented upon in the archaeological literature is Resource Origins and Resource Movement in and around the Persian Gulf 139 WKHVLJQLȴFDQFHRIWKHVDPHJRRGVIRUWKHVRFLHWLHV symbolically above and beyond what was needed inhabiting the interior of Oman and the coast of to feed and clothe a population, were as valued Arabia, but as contents of the numerous collective there as they were in the more urbanised societies burials of late 3rd and early 2nd mill. BC date that of the north. have been excavated in the United Arab Emirates and Oman demonstrate, items made of copper, ivory, linen, carnelian and other exotic materials, did not merely pass through the Persian Gulf re- Daniel T. Potts gion, but were consumed there as well. This does Institute for the Study of the Ancient World not necessarily mean that the social structures of New York University the societies that availed themselves of this supply 15 E. 84th St. were comparable to those of Mesopotamia, but it New York NY 10028 does mean that the appetite for what might seem [email protected] like non-essential goods, goods that functioned Bibliography $OOFKLQ : F. R. Allchin, The Agate and Carnelian Industry of Western India and Pakistan. In: J. E. van Lohuizen de Leeuw (ed.), South Asian Archaeology 1973. Held in the University of Amsterdam (Leiden 1974) 91–105. %HDXFODLU: R. de Beauclair, Funerary Rites in a Neolithic Nomad Community in Southeastern Arabia. The Case of al-Buhais 18. Documenta Praehistorica 35, 2008, 143–152. %HHFK6KHSKHUG: M. Beech/E. Shepherd, Archaeobotanical Evidence for Early Date Consumption on Dalma Island, United Arab Emirates. Antiquity 75, 2001, 83–89. %HHVWRQ: A. F. L. Beeston, The Arabian Aromatics Trade in Antiquity. 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KIENLIN World Systems and the Structuring Potential of Foreign-Derived (Prestige) Goods 2Q७0RGHOOLQJ७%URQ]H७$JH७(FRQRP\ DQG७6RFLHW\ Keywords: Bronze Age, prestige goods, economy, Kristiansen/Larsson 2005; Earle/Kristiansen 2010):1 society, World System Theory, Europe and the The ‘Bronze Age’ characterised by the emergence of Mediterranean, Postcolonial Studies (proto-)urban settlements drawing an agricul tural surplus from their surroundings, featuring craft production and exercising control of exchange Abstract with commodities, raw materials and exotic ob- jects from abroad; the period, when there were In this paper an attempt is made to deconstruct ȴUVWSHDVDQWVFUDIWVSHFLDOLVWVDQGWKRVHLQFKDUJH some widely held notions in Bronze Age research – a warrior elite that developed new forms of male that each involve bridging the gap between socially habitual expression, amongst others by their com- and culturally distinct societies widely set apart in mand of shining bronze weaponry; aggrandisers space and/or in time in order to produce the uni- whose competitiveness propelled Bronze Age soci- ȴHG%URQ]H$JHQDUUDWLYHVRZLGHO\DFFHSWHG,WLV ety onto a new stage of social evolution ultimately argued, instead, for an approach that leaves behind in likeness of the urban centres of the ancient Near essentialising concepts of ‘core’ and ‘periphery’ East or the palaces of the Bronze Age Aegean. and allows for the variability and historicity of po- Since with various brands of ‘Neo-Diffusionism’ tentially interacting local groups – both from the we currently see the return of grand narratives that Bronze Age Mediterranean and from ‘Barbarian’ have us believe in the dependency of European soci- Europe. It is argued, furthermore, that a narrow eties of the Bronze Age on the Mediterranean, we will set of ethnographic analogies, such as the notorious turn to the dangers involved in this kind of reasoning Hawaiian chiefdoms, are wrongly imposed upon ȴUVW VHHDOVR+DUGLQJ .LHQOLQE 'HULYHG Bronze Age archaeology as a universal stage of from either traditional diffusionist approaches or a social evolution, when in fact they represent an ex- reading of World System Theory (WST) and its modi- WUHPHDQGKLVWRULFDOO\VSHFLȴFH[DPSOHRIȆSROLWLFDO ȴFDWLRQVLQVXFKVWXGLHVUHJLRQDOYDULDELOLW\LQERWK economy’ only. the ‘core’ and the ‘periphery’ is ignored and sub- sumed to the grand narrative given without actually producing evidence to support far-reaching claims of Introduction dependency or convergence. This kind of theorising falls short of more recent interaction studies, for The ‘Bronze Age’ under scrutinity in this paper is example in Mediterranean Archaeology, and at no the one qualitatively different from the preceding 1 For additional references, the theoretical context of this Neolithic and historically unique on a pan- debate and the approach advocated here the reader is re- European scale (e.g. Kristiansen 1998; Earle 2002; ferred to Kienlin (2012a; 2012b; 2015a; 2015b). 144 Tobias L. Kienlin point attention is drawn to the differential outcomes of hierarchical society. It is certainly important of contact and exchange depending on local valua- to know who (or what group of persons) was in WLRQVVSHFLȴFKLVWRULFDOWUDMHFWRULHVDQGSHULSKHUDO charge of the Vatya period tell of Százhalombat- FKRLFHRUDJHQF\RSSRVLWHRXWVLGHȆLQȵXHQFHȇ ta-Földvár on the Danube or Mycenae in the Ar- Part and parcel of such WST-derived reasoning golid respectively; which kind of authority and/or (and of course beyond) is an emphasis put on the power he, she or they were in command of; and economic impact of long-distance trade in metal if it was derived from control over agricultural and other commodities, and/or the pervasive use surplus, craft production and/or control of pres- of various brands of ethnographically documented tige goods etc. Yet, the application in this context ‘prestige goods economies’ to account for the emer- of such supposedly timeless or universal concepts gence of inequality in prehistoric Europe. Here, it VXFKDVȆFKLHIVȇȆUHGLVWULEXWLRQȇȆZHDOWKȴQDQFHȇRU is the expansionist and competitive nature of such ‘prestige goods exchange’ falls short of an appro- systems that has much too long been accepted as priate understanding of the historically specific a wholesale explanation of social change and po- quality of each situation under study; an under- litical differentiation – change observed, or in fact standing of this VSHFLȴF way of living and its ma- just assumed because so neatly ‘predicted’ by the terial remains as a medium of social action by past model applied. The structuring potential of for- human beings, and their social and cultural ‘reali- eign derived (prestige) goods on social relations ty’ thus created. has much too long gone without critical revision (cf. Kienlin 1999; Kümmel 2001). In fact, it is en- tirely unclear why all such exchange of valuables (Prestige) Goods in Motion: Transfer of as gifts for extending alliances, for display and Meaning, Value by Exchange? feasting etc. should carry an inherent asymmetry. The model falls short of a more complex ancient ‘World System Theory’ outlined by I. Waller- reality of valuation and exchange by collapsing stein in 1974 was an attempt to account for the all kinds of production (agriculture/subsistence, emergence of underdevelopment in the wake of crafts) and consumption into ultimately just one European colo nisation and imperialism in terms system, the reproduction of political order and in- of structured interaction, systemic (economic) equality (see Barrett 2012). dependency, geographical division of labour and We are thinking and analysing then, in terms unequal exchange (e.g. Wallerstein 2011, xvii–xxx, of the same supposedly universal categories ap- 3–17, 347–357). It was supposed that all of these plied to entirely different prehistoric societies. We were to the disadvantage of peripheral societies HQGXSIRUH[DPSOHZLWKWKHȆFKLHȵ\FRXUWVȇRIWKH which were confronted with an industrialised, Bronze Age tell cultures in the Carpathian Basin politi cally ‘superior’ European core area repre- (e.g. Kristiansen/Larsson 2005, 167) conceptu alised sented by colonial powers such as Spain, Portugal, in broadly the same terms as the later Mycenaean France and in particular Great Britain. 2 As to earli- SDODFHVȂZKLFKWKH\WKXVFRPHWRUHȵHFWDOEHLWLQ er, pre-modern periods Wallerstein (2011, 15–129, a somewhat less perfect manner and on a smaller 162, 301–344) made it quite clear that he regarded scale. We are essentialising from a rich and diverse his World System the consequence of a histori cally evidence however indirect of past knowledges, ac- VSHFLȴFFRQVWHOODWLRQLHLQGXVWULDOLVDWLRQDQGWKH tions and intentionality. And we are equating cul- development of capitalism in the modern West. tural manifestations that are historically unique and the material possibilities they provided, when 2 For criticism aimed at the adequacy of World System instead we should be trying to develop an under- Theory to understand the structure and development of VWDQGLQJRIZKDWLVVSHFLȴFDERXWHDFKVLWXDWLRQ modern core and periphery relations themselves, see e.g. Wolf (2010, 22 f., 297 f.), Sahlins (1994, 412–416) and Küm- (cf. Barrett 1994, 1–6). Archaeology is called upon mel (2001, 23 f.); on the problem of morally ‘well-meant’ to study such historically specific constellations, Orientalism (Washbrook 1990, 492), because Wallerstein’s periphery is assigned the role of a passive victim to Euro- not to reduce them to a cyclical pattern of more pean expansion, see Sahlins (1994, 412 f.) and Stein (1999a, or less successful onsets towards the same ‘type’ 16–23; 1999b, 154–157). World Systems and the Structuring Potential of Foreign-Derived (Prestige) Goods 145 In pre-modern times, he claimed at best political goods economies’ (such as the kula or potlatch) structures or ‘world empires’ may have evolved. in order to account for the emergence of political These were lacking, however, the technological hierarchisation. As often as not this is linked to and organisational potential to establish stable specific notions of the prehistoric society under structures of economic domination that extended discussion (in particular Bronze or Iron Age exam- over wider areas for any extended period of time ples) being situated on the ‘periphery’ of a Mediter- (Wallerstein 2011, 15–17, 348–351; see also Cham- ranean or Near Eastern civilisation or ‘core’ area. 5 pion 1989b, 6). That is to say, with regard to most of In this context, a number of unwarranted as- history and all of prehistory Wallerstein’s position sumptions entered archaeological discourse, now was akin to substantivism in that he thought such ZLGHO\KHOGLIUDUHO\UHȵHFWHGXSRQDOOEURDGO\UH- economies and their potential interaction qualita- lated to the supposedly competitive nature of such tively different from modern times. 3 systems and the conviction that the exchange and In view of these self-imposed limitations, it consumption of foreign-derived (prestige) goods is somewhat surprising that Wallerstein’s World structured the reproduction of social relations and System Theory was – in certain quarters – readily political economy (cf. Barrett/Damilati 2004, 150– accepted into archaeological discourse. Its impact 162; Barrett 2012, 8–12). It is thus, we got used to on archaeological thought during the late 1970s the notion of an inherent asymmetry of exchange and ‘80s can only be understood as a response to on all levels from the individual household or lin- the then prevalent Processual Archaeology with eage establishing marriage alliances for biological its heavy emphasis on local causality (be it demo- reproduction, to the chief channelling local eco- graphic, environmental etc.) in the explanation of nomic surplus and foreign derived commodities or socio-political change. Against this background, prestige goods into the reproduction of his political WST was adopted by some to shift back focus to the authority by means of conspicuous consumption, importance of long-distance interaction, interre- sumptuary display, feasting or gift-giving etc. It is gional exchange and the effect this may have had WKXVWRRWKDWDVSHFLȴFVHWRI >QHR@PDU[LVW UHDG- on local systems (e.g. Rowlands 1987, 3–11; Cham- LQJVRIDVSHFLȴFFKRLFHRIHWKQRJUDSKLFDQDORJLHV pion 1989b, 1 f.). Given Wallerstein’s own reluc- became accepted as the true representation of a tance in these matters, an important strand of this broader ethnographic ‘reality’. In parallel, quite debate was concerned to establish the applicabili- VSHFLȴFPRGHUQLVWFRQFHSWLRQVRIKXPDQPRWLYD- ty of WST to pre-modern groups. The solution of- tions in the past became predominant, 6 and our fered comprised merging the interest in structured notion of prehistoric man’s incentives and options supra-regional interaction adopted from Waller- to act (‘economically’, ‘politically’ etc.) are largely VWHLQWRDVSHFLȴFQRWLRQRIWKHHPHUJHQFHRIHFR- unmediated by traditions, norms and values that nomic, social and political inequality derived from may have been entirely different from our own the increasingly popular ethno graphic concept of expectations projected on prehistory (cf. Kienlin a ‘prestige goods economy’. 4 Thus, for example, 2012a; Brück/Fontijn 2013, 201–204). We see there- J. Schneider (1991) in her influential review of fore, alpha males and aggrandisers all over pre- Wallerstein claimed that he had unduly limited the historic time and place, entertaining exploitative range of his own model by denying the exchange relationships with their fellow man, bending all of luxury goods a similar impact on local econo- aspects of production – be it agriculture or differ- my and society as postulated for bulk exchange of ent ‘crafts’ – and exchange towards the expansion raw materials and industrial goods in the modern World System. Following this line of argument, ar- 5 E.g. Kristiansen 1987; 1994; 1998; Chase-Dunn/Hall chaeology ever since has seen a pervasive use of 1991; Hall/Chase-Dunn 1993; Frank 1993; Sherratt 1993a; HWKQRJUDSKLFDQDORJLHVIURPWKHȴHOGRIȆSUHVWLJH 1993b; 1994; 1997; Parkinson/Galaty 2009. 6 ‘The Bronze Age is often thought to have seen a dramat- ic increase in the exploitation of natural resources, compe- 3 Rowlands 1987, 3; Kohl 1987, 13 f.; Champion 1989b, tition over trade routes, and maximisation of agricultural 5–8; Galaty 2011, 9. SURGXFWLYLW\ HJ(DUOH WRȴQDQFHHOLWHSROLWLFDODPEL- 4 E.g. Friedman/Rowlands 1977; Frankenstein/Rowlands tions; as such, much of the literature retains a distinctly ra- 1978; Shennan 1982a; 1982b; Kristiansen 1987. tional-economist tone.’ (Brück/Fontijn 2013, 202). 146 Tobias L. Kienlin of their alliances and networks of indebtedness or (e.g. division of labour and terms of trade fa- patronage. Aggrandisers who presumably were vouring the core) and consequent dominance driving forward society as a whole towards insti- of core polities and elites over periph eral WXWLRQDOLVHGUDQNLQJȴUPO\JURXQGHGLQDV\PPHW- groups (e.g. Kohl 1987, 16; Stein 1999a, 23 f.; ric systems of exchange, control of production and 1999b, 155–159; 2002, 904 f.); and consumption. 7 d) failure to establish why (and how) ‘asymmet- It is certainly true that prehistoric groups must ULFȇH[FKDQJHȂDVGHȴQHGE\WKHFRQWHPSRUDU\ not be studied in isolation, if we want to come up archaeological observer – should always trans- with a realistic understanding of their develop- late into growing disparity between core and ment. It is also true that evidence for trade or ex- periphery (Kümmel 2001, 86–88; Dietler 1990, change and the presence of foreign (pres tigious) 353–358; 2005, 59–61; 2010, 48 f.). This latter objects need to be accounted for, and their sig- point, of course, refers to the un proven as- QLȴFDQFHIRUORFDOSHRSOHDQGHFRQRP\KDVWREH sumption that peripheral prestige goods econo- evaluated. Yet, if WST and encapsulated notions mies will politically end up in competition and of prestige goods economy may theoretically ‘spiralling asymmetries’, while economically hold promise to explain at least some such con- specialisation to serve unequal exchange will stellations, in practice their explanatory power in the long-run have a devastating effect on pe- is severely hampered by the common failure to ripheral society and cause decline relative to demonstrate systemic interlinkage and the validity the core of the system. of the mechanisms and the causality of socio- It is telling that much of this criticism was launched political change thought to have been involved. early on in Near Eastern Archaeology (e.g. Kohl Such problems have, of course been noted for 1987; 2011; Stein 1999a; 1999b; 2002; 2005b; 2005c) some time now. 8 They refer to key assumptions of – i.e. in an area where the outside observer would the model and may be summarised as follows: KDYHH[SHFWHGFRPSDUDWLYHO\OLWWOHGLɚFXOWLHVLQ a) problems of definition and delimiting per- the application of WST (e.g. Algaze 2005; Beaujard ceived ‘core’ area(s) and ‘peripheries’ including 2011). If anywhere in prehistory, should not the problems of demonstrating structural differ- emergent urban centres of Mesopotamia or the ence between the two in aspects relevant to the Egyptian civilisation qualify as core areas? Should operation of the system (e.g. Kohl 1987, 16–18; they not have dominated their respective periph- 2011, 81–85); eries, such as Anatolia or the Zagros mountains, in b) failure to demonstrate structured interac- economic terms by supplying elaborately crafted tion and systemic (economic) dependency be- goods and textiles in return for raw materials such tween perceived core and periphery (instead as metal, stone or wood that were not available on of mere contemporaneity, general contact and WKHȵRRGSODLQV"$QGVKRXOGQRWWKLVFRQVWHOODWLRQ exchange); bear the greatest potential to resemble a modern c) partly related to points a) and b) failure to colonial encounter with its systemic interdepen- demonstrate asymmetry in structured inter- dence and exchange to the disadvantage of less de- action to the disadvantage of the periphery veloped peripheral groups? Yet, it is here that some of the more prominent critiques of World System 7 See Barrett (2012, 13) for the outline of an alternative Theory took their onset, and a growing number of approach: ‘This argument displaces the cycle of production and exchange from its centrality to economic analysis and authors from Mediterranean Archaeology seek to UHFRJQLVHVWKDWYDOXHWUDGLWLRQDOO\LGHQWLȴHGZLWKYDOXHV integrate interaction studies with a broader post- found in exchange and use, arises at a base level in the ex- colonial concern (e.g. Said 2003; Bhabha 2004) with periences (practical and material) which gave security to human existence. In other words, some material conditions agency and the negotiation of local identities in were valued because they were manifestations of the forces VSHFLȴFKLVWRULFDOFRQWH[WV that made the world for humanity.’ 8 E.g. Rowlands 1987, 3, 11; Kohl 1987; 2011; Champion Drawing on the early recognition that in pre- 1989b, 14 f., 18; Sahlins 1994; Stein 1999a; 1999b 2002; 2005a; history even politically centralised and economi- Gosden 2001; Kümmel 2001; Dietler 2005; 2010; van Domme- cally strong ‘core’ states lacked the technological len 2005; 2006; 2011; Galaty 2011; Harding 2013; Ulf 2014; Galaty et al. 2014. and infrastructural ability to project their power World Systems and the Structuring Potential of Foreign-Derived (Prestige) Goods 147 over large distances (Stein 1999a, 55–64; 1999b, for example, it cannot be taken for granted that 160–165), there is a growing awareness that cul- some foreign ‘presti gious’ or ‘sacral’ objects au- ture, too, in the form of local traditions, local val- tomatically received the same appreciation in pe- ues, systems of knowledge or notions of the world ripheral groups and were drawn upon to support and society may delay or forestall core domi nance elite claims to exotic foreign knowledge. 14 This is over peripheral groups (e.g. Gosden 2001, 243; all the more true, when such objects had ‘dripped’ Wengrow 2011, 136 f., 141; Bach huber 2011, 164– down some contingent line of exchange rather 171). 9 Without denying contact and interaction, than being handed over directly with an accompa- it is found difficult to demonstrate systemic de- Q\LQJQDUUDWLYHWRVXSSRUWWKHLUVLJQLȴFDQFH %DFK- pendency as previously postulated, and one turns huber 2011, 166; Legarra Herrero 2011, 274). Both away from the study of interaction in mere eco- ‘import’ by whatever means and local emulation nomic terms (see van Dommelen 2005, 113–115). involve a transformation of meaning (e.g. Stein Instead, attention is drawn to the differential out- 1999a, 66), and neither systemic interdependence comes of contact and exchange depending on lo- nor asymmetry of exchange is an indispensable FDOYDOXDWLRQVVSHFLȴFKLVWRULFDOWUDMHFWRULHVDQG consequence of contact (e.g. Dietler 1989, 135 f.; peripheral choice or agency opposite outside ‘in- Stein 1999b, 157; 2002, 907 f.; Kohl 2011, 80 f.). The ȵXHQFHȇ 10 It is increasingly agreed upon, that nei- effect of contact and exchange, that is to say, must ther comprehensive concepts such as an ideology not be taken for granted. The occurrence of foreign of legitimate political power, social strategies and derived immaterial notions and material culture practices, nor symbolically charged objects such has to be studied by reference to their actual use as valuables or prestige goods are likely to remain in a new context. Foreign elements have to be un- XQDIIHFWHGLQWKHLUVSHFLȴFPHDQLQJDQGSRWHQWLDO GHUVWRRGLQWHUPVRIWKHLUVSHFLȴFUHZRUNLQJE\ to be drawn upon in local discourse when trans- local communities and individuals. Their potential ferred from ‘core’ to ‘periphery’. 11 Rather, there to destabilise local traditions and social order must is an active choice in selecting concepts or objects not be unduly emphasised. WKDWȆȴWȇLQWRH[LVWLQJQRWLRQVRIWKHZRUOGRUVR- cial strategies. 12 Any foreign element, therefore, that makes its way into a new context, is likely to Bronze Age Europe and the undergo an act of ‘translation’, i.e. an active rein- Mediterranean terpretation of its meaning and an effective re-con- WH[WXDOLVDWLRQWRHVWDEOLVKLWVVSHFLȴFSRVLWLRQLQJ Unfortunately, with few exceptions little of this and role in local practice and discourse. 13 Hence theoretical development has so far been applied to the prehistoric European ‘periphery’ of a postu- 9 That is to say – following Dietler (2005, 56; 2010, 46) – lated Mediterranean ‘core’ area. 15 This is par- ‘superior’ high culture does not in every case, like water, ticularly true for Bronze Age research, which in ȵRZGRZQKLOO 10 E.g. Dietler 1989, 127 f., 134–136; 1998, 297–301; 2005, 61–67; 2006, 224–227; 2010, 50–53; Gosden 2001, 242–249; 14 See Bachhuber (2011, 160): ‘We are [...] at risk of impos- van Dommelen 2005, 116–118; Broodbank 2011, 28–29; Ga- ing archaeological knowledge of the origins of exotic objects laty et al. 2014, 158–162, 170 f.; cf. Sahlins 1994, 414–416. and materials onto the knowledge of the ancient consumers 11 E.g. Dietler 2006, 228–229; Knapp/van Dommelen of exotic objects and materials [...]’. In a similar vein, see also 2010, 5–8; Legarra Herrero 2011, 268 f., 276 f.; Maran 2011, Panagiotopoulos (2012) showing that the exotic ‘otherness’ 282–284. of foreign objects may have worn off rather quickly, and 12 See, for example, Dietler (1989, 134–136; 1998, 303–307; they actually were held in esteem for quite different reasons 2006, 232–235) on the selective acceptance of Mediterrane- in their new local context. an imports – wine and high-status drinking gear – into the 15 A prominent example is, of course, the work of M. Di- Hallstatt area and their incorporation in local political strate- etler (e.g. 1989; 1990; 1997; 1998; 2005; 2006; 2010) who has gies and feasting practices. UHSHDWHGO\VKRZQWKDWWKHSRWHQWLDORI0HGLWHUUDQHDQLQȵX- 13 Dietler (2006, 225): ‘[...] cross-cultural consumption is ence and imports to bring about social and economic change a continual process of selective appropriation and creative in its ‘hinterland’ including Early Iron Age Hallstatt Europe assimilation according to local logics that is also a way of is overemphasised by the advocates of core and periphery continually (re)constructing culture.’ See also Dietler 2005, models (see also above). See also papers in Knapp/van Dom- 62–64; 2010, 53; Greenberg 2011, 232 f.; Bachhuber 2011, PHOHQ DQGIRUH[DPSOH*ÅYDQ*RJ¤OWDQ ZKR 164–171; Legarra Herrero 2011, 269–273; van Dommelen/ set out to test applicability of World System Theory on the Rowlands 2012, 21–27 and Knapp 2012, 43–46. Bronze Age Carpathian Basin. 148 Tobias L. Kienlin WKHZDNHRIVSHFWDFXODUȴQGVOLNHWKH1HEUDGLVF The resulting kind of narrative is often catchy rather sees a return to the old ex oriente lux par- and invites one to ignore the pitfalls involved in adigm in recent years. 16 To many, of course, who this kind of reasoning. The current modelling of the never subscribed to the processual paradigm of ȆFKLHȵ\FRXUWVȇRIWKH%URQ]H$JHWHOOFRPPXQLWLHV autochthonous development, this is simply the re- already mentioned provides a fairly good example. turn to what they have known all along. 17 Popular These groups certainly seem to be located on the volumes like ‘Europe before History’ (Kristiansen south-eastern European ‘margin’ of presumably 1998) or ‘The Rise of Bronze Age Society’ (Kris- more ‘advanced’ societies of the Mediterranean. tiansen/Larsson 2005) are hailed for their elegant They have, in any case, been discussed in this and comprehensive review of our perceived state context, whereby different approaches can be ob- of knowledge (see also, of course, the work of A. served: The economic impact of long-distance trade Sherratt e.g. 1993a; 1993b; 1994; 1997). 18 They car- in metal and other commodities may be stressed, ry forward the conviction that somehow ‘contact’ or the social dynamics of prestige goods exchange makes a difference and will affect culture and so- drawing on exotic foreign material culture. 19 More ciety on the periphery. Inspired by WST we still see often than not this involves the de-contextuali- here an interest in systemic dependency, unbal- sation of foreign elements, if any are present at all. anced exchange and cyclical evolutionary patterns Their use and meaning is taken for granted, and (e.g. Kristiansen 1998, 50–53, 407–417). Besides, WKHȆȴQGLQJVȇRIWKLVNLQGRIDQDO\VLVDWWDLQWKHVWD- more recently there is a distinct shift towards the WXVRIFRQȴUPHGKLVWRULFDOȆIDFWȇZKHQDFWXDOO\WKH\ ‘intangible’ (Harding 2013, 383 f.; see also Galaty run counter to a broader contextual examination et al. 2014), since centres and peripheries are now of the groups under discussion (cf. Kienlin 2012b; understood to be linked not merely by economy or 2015a). Just consider the following passage: politics but by ritual, esoteric knowledge and for- Ȇ9LVLWRUVWRWKHFKLHȵ\FRXUWVLQWKHQRUWKZHVW- eign objects which travelling elites derived from ern Carpathians during the seventeenth and six- abroad (e.g. Kristiansen/Larsson 2005, 4–7, 10–13, teenth centuries BC would have met a shining 20–31; Kristiansen 2010; 2011). This reasoning world of painted/decorated houses in east Medi- partly leaves behind WST, most clearly in that con- terranean imitation, chariots, new weapons and cern is not so much with dependency any more, new exotic rituals of drinking and feasting [...] The but rather with convergence, since in the end it is FKLHȵ\FRXUWVRIWKHWHOOFXOWXUHVFRPELQHGDVWURQJ fundamentally the same Bronze Age ideology with innovative local tradition in pottery and metal- its accompanying symbols and institutions that is work with exotic cultural traits from the Minoans detected all over the Old World during the Bronze and Mycenaeans, whom they met regularly at Age (e.g. Kristiansen/Larsson 2005, 142–250). some of the trading points. Even script – the myste- rious powerful script – did they want to adopt. Not for recording their possessions or tribute payments 16 See, for example, papers in Meller (2004), Meller/ [...] but as a powerful, esoteric ritual.’ (Kristiansen/ Bertemes (2010) or Bergerbrant/Sabatini (2013). Larsson 2005, 167). 17 This group can also be characterised by their attempts All of this is problematic since the grand scale to reconcile traditional chronological links between Europe and the Mediterranean with the long radiocarbon chrono- of the narrative and its distance from the evidence logy – most prominent perhaps in the meticulous studies by on the ground tend to immunise underlying as- S. Gerloff (1993; 2007; 2010). See also Schauer 1984 or papers in Kolloquium Mainz 1990. sumptions against critical assessment, and most 18 Interestingly, in archaeometallurgy there is a similar of the general criticism still applies that was di- reaction to processual claims for an autochthonous devel- rected against archaeological reasoning inspired opment of metallurgy, for example, on the Balkans (e.g. Ren- frew 1969). A younger generation now argues in favour of by WST during the last decades (cf. Harding 2013). diffusion and single core development on the basis of a re- :KDWFKLHȵ\FRXUWVRQHPD\DVNWKHQDQGZKDW YLHZRIUHOHYDQWȴQGVZKLFKDFFXPXODWHGWKURXJKRXW(XUD- sia since Renfrew’s original studies (e.g. Roberts et al. 2009). evidence of script, but let us dwell instead on the On the other hand, there are still those who use new exca- YDWLRQGDWDDQGVFLHQWLȴFDQDO\VHVWRDUJXHDJDLQVWGLIIXVLRQ DQGIRUPXOWLSOHFRUHGHYHORSPHQW HJ5DGLYRMHYLÉHWDO 19 E.g. Sherratt 1993a; Kristiansen 1998; Kristiansen/Lars- 2010). son 2005; O’Shea 2011; Kristiansen/Suchowska-Ducke 2015. World Systems and the Structuring Potential of Foreign-Derived (Prestige) Goods 149 VXSSRVHGLPSOLFDWLRQVRIWKLVȆȴQGLQJȇ %URQ]H$JH approaches that stress the renegotiation and the communities in the Carpathian Basin are thought transformation of identities, of meaning and prac- to have adopted fundamental institutions of Mino- tice in contact situations. We are confronted, es- an/Mycenaean civilisation, such as ‘exotic rituals sentially, with an invitation to believe in identical of drinking and feasting’. Other elements, such as meanings and institutions throughout Bronze Age writing and script are thought to have been adapt- centre and periphery. Adherents of postcolonial ed to local context and somehow transformed to studies, on the other hand, would stress the ‘hy- a ‘powerful, esoteric ritual’ (Kristiansen/Larsson bridity’ or rather the process of ‘hybridisation’ of 2005, 167). Yet in total, it is suggested, we see a pro- material culture and social practices as a result of cess of adoption and convergence, and this ‘shin- contact and interaction. 20 Either way, this has to be ing world’ in ‘Mediterranean imitation’ is clearly demonstrated by reference to specific situations thought to have seen the direct transmission of of contact and by a careful examination of the ar- religious and social institutions (e.g. Kristiansen/ chaeological evidence, rather than taking refuge Larsson 2005, 150–167). Now one might argue that in empathy and authoritative statement (e.g. Kris- even if the tell communities under discussion had tiansen/Larsson 2005, 43). Yet, the latter still pre- in fact used Mediterranean script, this use as ‘mys- vails. And this is why it can still be said that the terious signs of powerful and esoteric ritual’ would presence of a Mycenaean sword or spiral motive in point to the exact opposite of what is suggested: the Carpathian Basin equals the adoption of Myce- namely re-contextualisation and appropriation naean warrior ideology (e.g. Kristiansen/ Larsson into a local context and local practices different 2005, 128–132), while, for example, in Minoan from the Mediterranean rather than the transmis- studies Egyptian scarabs etc. in Cretan tombs are sion of institutions such as true Mycenaean palace XQGHUVWRRGWREHGUDZQXSRQLQDVSHFLȴFDOO\0L- administration. noan way to express local identities and negotiate Apart from essentialising groups like the social power. 21 ‘Minoans’ and the ‘Mycenaeans’ and overt simpli- 7XUQLQJEDFNȴQDOO\WRWKHOHJDF\RIȆRULJLQDOȇ ȴFDWLRQLQWKHSUHVHQWDWLRQRI0HGLWHUUDQHDQDQG WST, it is the lasting failure to demonstrate sys- European sequences, there is no demonstration temic dependency between Europe and the Medi- other than broad contemporaneity why and by terranean or between different parts of Europe what mechanism change in one part of the ‘sys- that requires some additional comment. Instead, tem’ should have affected society in another. The the existence of a system is proclaimed, and its de- re-contextualisation of foreign elements – material YHORSPHQWWKURXJKWLPHDQGLWVVSHFLȴFUHJLRQDO or immaterial – and the actual strategies of their expressions are discussed in terms of the internal use in the periphery are not explicated in any de- logic of the approach taken (e.g. Kristiansen 1998, tail. Instead, by and large the meaning of foreign 13 f., 52, 56, 359–394). The same applies to ‘world objects and goods is taken for granted (e.g. Kris- economy’ and asymmetric exchange, and one may tiansen/Larsson 2005, 29, 142–150). Given the approaches in Mediterranean and Near Eastern 20 Compare, for example, van Dommelen (2005, 116–118, 136–140; 2006, 118 f.), Dietler (2010, 51–53), van Dommel- Archaeology mentioned above, such convergence en/Rowlands (2012, 25, 27 f.), Knapp (2012, 33), Ackermann and largely identical meanings should come as (2012, 11–14), Stockhammer (2012; 2013) and Silliman (2013, a surprise. In any case, this assumption would 489–491, 495–497) on the usefulness of concepts like ‘hy- bridity’, ‘hybridisation’ or ‘creolisation’ in archaeological require careful demonstration. The same holds research. Dietler (2010, 52 f.), for example, warns us that true for the claim that social ‘institutions’ can be simply classifying an object as ‘hybrid’ is not an analytical operation, but that the postcolonial emphasis on agency en- LGHQWLȴHGIURPWKHLU V\PEROLF PDWHULDOUHPDLQV riched by an explicit concern with materiality may help to (e.g. Kristiansen/Larsson 2005, 10–31), and that advance our understanding ‘[...] how and why some prac- the intact transmission of such symbolic structures tices and goods were absorbed into the everyday lives of people, while others were rejected or turned into arenas of or institutions is actually easier the more complex contest, and how those objects or practices triggered a pro- the package of related knowledge and skills is cess of cultural entanglement and transformation.’ 21 E.g. Wengrow (2009, 147–150) and Legarra Herrero (e.g. Kristiansen/Larsson 2005, 21 f., 28 f.). Rather (2011, 269–271); see also Maran’s (2013) paper drawn upon the opposite seems likely with regard to current below on the Mycenaean appropriation of amber. 150 Tobias L. Kienlin ask to the contrary, which Bronze Age polities in economically, socially and/or culturally motivat- Europe beyond the Mycenaean palaces themselves ed. We do not know how these motivations were had ever obtained territorial control and did exert distributed on the ‘core’ and ‘periphery’ sides re- military and economic power beyond that terri- spectively. We cannot be sure that our perception tory, thus constituting an early economic system RIȆDV\PPHWU\ȇLQVXFKV\VWHPVDGHTXDWHO\UHȵHFWV (e.g. Kristiansen 1998, 56–62)? On a more funda- emic notions that both ‘partners’ held of the rel- mental level, one has to ask, why exchange be- ative ‘success’ of exchange, and their respective tween such ‘cores’ and ‘peripheries’, if any, should ‘gain’ drawn from contact and the objects, knowl- have been asymmetric (e.g. Kristiansen 1998, 252)? edge etc. they had obtained. We see relatively few This point had already been raised in the debate groups of exotic objects and materials moving to following Wallerstein’s original publication, and and fro in Europe. On this basis, it has been called the same criticism applies to WST’s archaeological into question, whether social reproduction is likely variant with prestige goods exchange supposedly to have come to depend on such exchange (Dietler drawing peripheries into a spiral of elite competi- 1998, 297; Kümmel 2001, 87 f.). Under prehistoric tion and growing dependency on core valuables. 22 conditions interaction is contingent upon innumer- Thus, for example, peripheral elites in the Car- able imponderables, and the consumption of for- pathian Basin may well have been drawing on eign objects may have unintended consequences Mycenaean ornaments and armour. Yet, (early) beyond the foresight of social actors (Dietler 2006, Mycenaean elites themselves had come to depend 229 f.). Hence, there has to be positive evidence for their social reproduction, for instance, on am- that it was possible to rely on outside contacts – be ber from the north and in part elaborately crafted it bulk trade or exchange in valuables – for the so- exotic objects from Minoan Crete (e.g. Maran 2011, cial reproduction of local systems. In prehistoric 284–289; Rutter 2012, 79–82). It is entirely unclear, Europe, at least, this would seem a risky business if in such exchange any side would have been in (Dietler 1989, 132). a stronger position, or if this is the right question More importantly however, the entire ration- to ask at all. For Mycenae it has been shown that ale underlying this argument may be misguided, 23 amber objects which ultimately derived from if rather than (only) acquiring value in (asymmetri- Wessex were put to different uses other than just cal) exchange, objects were (also) perceived as the jewellery like in their country of origin. The mean- material manifestation of traditional values and ings ascribed to them where different, possibly spiritual forces ‘given and manifestly inalienable’ magic or apotropaic. We see evidence of a complex (Barrett 2012, 14), 24 and their circulation was not process of ‘translation’, which also affected Minoan structuring the reproduction of political economy derived objects, rather than just simple transmis- at all in the way we tend to expect (Barrett 2012, sion of foreign objects and their associated mean- 12–15; Brück/Fontijn 2013, 201–204). Rather than ings (Maran 2011, 289; 2013, 147–151, 157–159, projecting our own logic of exchange, value and 161). The same applies to ‘Barbarian’ Europe. The human motivations onto the past, we may be well movement of goods and objects is the result of the advised considering an ancient reality in which QHJRWLDWLRQRIVSHFLȴFQHHGVDQGLQWHUHVWVRQERWK WKHVHZHUHȴUPO\HPEHGGHGLQDQGOLQNHGWRZLGHU sides involved in exchange. These interests may be 23 See also Brück/Fontijn (2013, 202): ‘In discussions of Bronze Age exchange, objects are acquired, accumulated, 22 See Dietler (1998, 298) on the Iron Age situation: ‘[...] it is and disposed of at will by prestigious individuals who wield a serious analytical error to assume that asymmetrical rela- power over their ultimate fate. Like money in a capitalist tions or structures of power that ultimately appeared in later economy, they become undifferentiated and anonymous: SHULRGVZHUHQHFHVVDULO\DIHDWXUHRIWKHȴUVWVWDJHVRIWKH their quantity and economic potential is prioritized over encounter rather than a product of a subsequent complex WKHLUTXDOLWLHVDQGVRFLDOHɚFDF\ȇ history of interaction and entanglement.’ For sure, this also 24 See, for example, Barrett (2012, 12 f.): ‘Inalienable ob- applies to earlier Bronze Age Europe, when evidence of con- jects are treated as the materialisation of the historical and tact and exchange with the Mediterranean is much weaker spiritual values, and persons and communities live out those and even less likely to have been ‘systemic’ than during the values by the care they bestow upon that particular portion Iron Ages. See also Dietler 1989, 130, 135; 1990, 357 f.; 2005, of material world. The values thus expressed are the base or 60 f.; Kümmel 2001, 23, 87 f.; Barrett/Damilati 2004, 150–162 foundational values against which exchanges and alliances and Barrett 2012, 8–15. may be negotiated.’ World Systems and the Structuring Potential of Foreign-Derived (Prestige) Goods 151 notions of identity, the reproduction of community situation under study and the ethnographic mod- and cosmological order. 25 That is to say, there may el applied – such as when we attempt to study ‘tell be good reason to altogether abandon the model of society’ characterised exactly by its long-term sta- prestige goods economy for large parts of prehis- bility and reference back to ancestral place instead toric temperate Europe (Barrett 2012, 12, 14). of by rapid change in terms of ethnographically derived ‘prestige goods economies’, some of which, such as the potlatch, are quite uniquely competi- Conclusions tive and the direct result of early modern colonial encounters between indigenous groups and the in- It is not argued here that the impact of interre- dustrialised ‘West’. gional exchange on local systems is irrelevant. Quite to the contrary, every occasional import Yet, surely, in order to produce meaningful state- ȴQGRI0\FHQDHDQRULJLQZKLFKPD\FRPHWROLJKW ments on past culture contact and interaction said in Bronze Age groups to the north must not be used impact has to be demonstrated rather than just to overcome the fundamental divide that sets pa- assumed, and it is only one facet of a more com- latial society of the Aegean Bronze Age apart from plex ancient reality. Whether in a more traditional such segmentary ‘tribal’ groups. Rather than being sense the economic impact of long-distance trade DZHDNUHȵHFWLRQRISDODWLDOVRFLHW\DQGOLNHWKH in metal and other commodities or instead the so- Mediterranean sequence itself, Bronze Age settle- cial dynamics of prestige goods exchange drawing ment in the Carpathian Basin is a complex and on exotic objects are stressed, advocates of Neo- variable phenomenon – in chronological and Diffusionism have us believe in social and cultural regional terms as well as in socio-political and cul- dynamics and ultimately in convergence in conse- tural ones. This tends to be ignored when likeness quence of contact and exchange. That is to say, they with Mediterranean developments is expected and use the evidence of personal mobility and/or ob- in the words of M. Dietler (1998, 297) ‘[...] otherwise jects moving to and fro to bridge the gap between sensible scholars [start] to see things that are not structurally different communities and societies, there and to ignore crucial developments [...] in an in our case between the Bronze Age Aegean or the effort to impose [foreign; TLK] structures [...].’ Any wider eastern Mediterranean and the ‘Barbarian’ perception of such long-lived settlement mounds hinterland of prehistoric Europe. This approach in prehistoric ‘tribal’ communities, which is solely has to be balanced by an awareness of the complex derived from a narrow view of Mediterranean pro- processes involved in the re-contextualisation of totypes and has us focus on economic competition exotic foreign objects. Particular attention must be and/or political dominance is reductionist and paid to the ways these were actually drawn upon misleading. E\VRFLDODFWRUVLQVSHFLȴFORFDOFRQWH[WV Both areas, the Mediterranean and ‘Barbari- Beyond local meanings and uses of foreign an’ Europe, feature complex societies and cultural objects, however, the more general implication of complexity. Yet, it is only in the Mediterranean that this critique is that we are clearly entitled to as- with the Late Helladic Mycenaean palaces there sume long-term stability of local traditions and is evidence of the emergence of explicitly politi- the continued co-existence of structurally differ- cally differentiated societies (e.g. Galaty/Parkin- ent societies and cultures even if some kind of son 2007; Shelmerdine/Bennet 2008). Even in the contact and/or exchange between them can be es- Mediterranean, however, this development did tablished (Barrett 2012, 15; Kienlin 2015a, 71–91). not take the form of linear socio-political evolution 2IWHQWKHUHLVDPLVȴWKHUHEHWZHHQWKHSUHKLVWRULF from simple to most complex and hierarchically structured societies. Rather, starting with the Ear- 25 ‘We can now understand that the labour of economic ly Bronze Age (Early Helladic II) corridor houses activity could only have produced and exchanged the mate- rials required both for sustenance and for social prestige, if (e.g. Hägg/Konsola 1986), for example the House it was also embedded in moralities of identity and purpose. of the Tiles at Lerna in the Argolid (Wiencke 2000), It follows that economic continuity requires the continuity of we witness the possibility of quite distinct forms the forces and conditions upon which that morality of exist- ence was founded’ (Barrett 2012, 13). of social (and political) complexity and historically 152 Tobias L. Kienlin VSHFLȴFQRWLRQVRIFRPPXQLW\DQGGHFLVLRQPDN- ing (Peperaki 2004; 2010; Weiberg 2007; Pullen Tobias L. Kienlin 2008; 2011). By contrast, the European sequence Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte may expose more of a continuous development. 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In: Wilkinsons et al. 2011, 135–144. :LHQFNH 0+:LHQFNH/HUQD,97KH$UFKLWHFWXUH6WUDWLȴFDWLRQDQG3RWWHU\RI/HUQD,,,3ULQFH- ton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens 2000. :LONLQVRQVHWDO: T. C. Wilkinson/S. Sherratt/J. Bennet (eds.), Interweaving Worlds. Systemic Interac- tions in Eurasia, 7th to 1st Millennia BC (Oxford 2011). :ROI: E. R. Wolf, Europe and the People without History (Berkeley 2010). 159 ERICH KISTLER, BIRGIT ÖHLINGER, THOMAS DAUTH, RUTH IROVEC AND BENJAMIN WIMMER Archaika as a Resource 7KH७3URGXFWLRQ७RI७/RFDOLW\७DQG७&RORQLDO७ (PSRZHUPHQW७RQ७0RQWH७,DWR७௱:HVWHUQ७6LFLO\௲७ DURXQG७௹௹७%& Keywords: old-fashioned pottery, imagined tradi- authenticity. And yet, the rituals associated with tionalism, cultic leadership, Monte Iato, archaic them may not reach as far back in time at all, even Sicily if archaika, or ‘antiques’ and old-fashioned items are used in their execution. The vertical circula- tion of such archaika that becomes tangible in this Acknowledgements way is consequently never a testimony to the long duration of a cultural heritage. It is rather more This article is based on the research ‘Between Aph- indicative of an intangible resource: By using ‘ar- rodite Temple and Late Archaic House’ funded by chaic’ or archaising requisites that allegedly orig- the Austrian Science Fund (P 22642 and P 27073). inated in the world of the ancestors, the cultural )RUHQDEOLQJXVWRFRQGXFWWKHȴHOGZRUNZHDUH and temporal depths of a local original history are extremely grateful to the director and co-director imagined. Equally on Monte Iato this imagination of the Ietas-Excavations of the University of Zurich, lends newly invented rituals and retro-enactments Christoph Reusser and Martin Mohr, as well as the of a ‘pre-colonial’ era the historicity they need to directors of the archaeological park of Monte Iato, be considered as authentic testimonies of locality – Ferdinando Maurici and Enrico Caruso. We also caused by the colonial empowerment of local lead- want to express our gratitude to Sabrina Fusetti ers in the indigenous interior of Western Sicily in and Christoph Ulf for their help, insightful com- the 6th and early 5th cent. BC. ments and suggestions during the completion of this manuscript. Introduction Abstract The Production of Locality and Archaika as a Local Resource With respect to the circulation and consumption of tangible and intangible resources, it is not enough In his seminal work ‘Modernity at Large’, Arjun to pin the factor of time solely to a horizontal axis Appadurai exposes locality as something that is in the sense of the speed of circulations. Time formed neither by landscape nor culture, and has must also be understood as a factor that moves not been in existence since time immemorial. On along a vertical axis. It is along this vertical move- the contrary: Locality is forever being reconstruct- ment of time that traditions are formed, which are ed and reconstituted through complex cultural deeply embedded in the identitary layers of local practices as a means of providing local subjects 160 Erich Kistler, Birgit Öhlinger, Thomas Dauth, Ruth Irovec and Benjamin Wimmer with a common resource for creating identity and a sense of community. Appadurai continues that rituals play a crucial role in creating this construct. It is only through such rituals – celebrated and giv- en out as age-old traditions – that ad-hoc locality becomes culturalised and historicised, thus creat- ing an homogeneous block that appears to have Fig. 1. Piumata bowl I-K 2250. been in place since time began. In this way, the dis- tant past, which often started with an imagined ‘big bang’, is presented as the community’s own histo- ry. This heritage has to be celebrated cyclically in a foundation ritual in order to create the necessary social cement to bind together a community that has supposedly existed since time immemorial. Appadurai asserts that locality and neighbour- hood are always bound within time and context. Fig. 2. Attingitoio K 26018. Consequently, neither are static blocks but are UDWKHUȵXLGȆVFDSHVȇWKDWUHVSRQGVHQVLWLYHO\WRWKH the local group, to be projected back to a founding dialectic interplay between the formation of local period in the distant past and translated into ar- groups and (proto)-global networking. As a result, chaioi logoi, or in other words, seemingly ancient the production of locality is particularly challenged rites and manners of discourse (Foucault 1972, esp. when a community as an existing social construct 131). It is precisely at these moments that locality is in danger of being eroded or even of imploding and neighbourhood are experienced as something through exposure to global pressures. From this that has been handed down over the centuries, perspective, the production of locality is therefore thus becoming particularly powerful as a funda- a central resource of local communal life: It is what mental, common identity resource among local makes processes of global networking and cultural subjects (Rowlands 1993; Lillios 1999; Jones 2007; transformation socially acceptable and therefore, Lillios/Tsamis 2010; Jones/Russell 2012, 275–278; assimilable within the local social fabric (Appa- Mühlenbock 2013; 2015). durai 1981; 1996, 178–199; 2001 esp. 48; see also 7RZKDWH[WHQWFDQWKHVHUHȵHFWLRQVRQORFDOLW\ on this topic: Brown/Hamilakis 2003; Van Dyke/ community and archaika, borrowed from Appa- Alcock 2003; Alroth/Scheffer 2014; Schweizer 2014; durai’s ‘Modernity at Large’ and from recent pa- Fejfer et al. 2015). SHUVLQWKHȴHOGRI0DWHULDO&XOWXUH6WXGLHVEHQHȴW Central vehicles that are repeatedly used in the the discussion on RESOURCECULTURES? To what degree production of locality are so-called archaika or Alt- can they shed new light on the role of resources in stücke (Mehling 1998; Guggisberg 2004). These re- the formation of complex societies, above all, in sources refer not only to ‘antiques’ that are already colonial zones of contact (Ulf 2009; 2015, 874–878, hundreds of years old at the time of their usage, 881–884)? but also to ‘antiqued’ items that have been created, The following will take a closer look at these for example, to perform foundational rituals. Such two questions using as examples two archaika – an archaika, which are often presented to the com- idiosyncratically decorated pottery bowl and an munity as its heritage from the world of ancestors, incised ladling and drinking vessel (ȴJand). lend an apparent ‘archaeological’ authenticity and Both were unearthed on Monte Iato in occupation thus also a supposed prehistoric depth to an im- layers dating from the late 6th and early 5th cent. agined locality. Thus, the materiality of the genuine BC. During this period, the hilltop settlement was or alleged age of the archaika allows the founda- the scene of intense colonial contacts, which chal- tional discourses about empowerment, provoked lenged the question of locality as a basic resource by foreign cultural or even colonial contacts within for common identity. Prior to describing in greater Archaika as a Resource 161 Fig. 3. Map of Sicily with sites mentioned in the text. 1: Monte Iato, 2: Selinous, 3: Palermo, 4: Morgantina, 5: Entella, 6: Segesta, 7: Monte Maranfusa, 8: Monte Polizzo. detail the two archaika and to identifying their are documented by numerous ceramic imports but value as local resources, it would be useful to give also and perhaps most importantly by the Aphro- a short introduction about the location in which dite Temple built in the style of a Greek oikos, the they were found, namely Archaic Monte Iato. Late Archaic House with its upper-storey klinai rooms and the rectangular residential houses on the southern edge of the later Agora (ȴJȂ; with Monte Iato in the 6th and Early 5th Cent. BC further references: Isler et al. 1984, 11–106, esp. 58; Isler 2009, 167–174; Kistler 2014, 91–99, esp. 95; Monte Iato lies about 30 kilometres south-west of Perifanakis 2014; Öhlinger 2015, 140–149; Kistler/ Palermo in the heart of the west Sicilian interior Mohr 2015, 386, 388–390; 2016; Kistler et al. in (ȴJ ). With its steep rocky cliffs, it towers ma- preparation). jestically over the basin 400m below. The latter, In the research literature, Archaic Iato is cited via the 35km Iato River, had natural access to the as an example of a Greek enoikismos in the indig- north-west coast of Sicily at the Gulf of Castellam- enous interior. Accordingly, it is claimed that the mare; while via the Belice River, it was possible Greeks, mainly specialised craftsmen, settled here to reach the ports of Selinous, some 77km away from 550 BC, building their new oblong homes on the south-west coast. Due to the advantages of alongside the residential constructions of the lo- this central position in terms of travel and trans- FDOVDQGHUHFWLQJWKHLUȴUVWFRPPRQUHOLJLRXVHG- port routes, Monte Iato was settled at the latest in LȴFHWKH$SKURGLWH7HPSOHEHWZHHQDQG the early 7th cent. BC; by the early 5th cent. BC, the BC. It is also argued that as the cultural dominance VHWWOHPHQWKDGȵRXULVKHGLQWRDFHQWUHRILQWHUUH- of the Greeks increased the indigenous population gional importance (Isler 2009; Kistler 2015, 202– on Monte Iato soon became completely Hellenised, 209; Spatafora 2015a; 2015b, 112–114). The close resulting in the utter eradication of their original contacts and intense interaction with the Greek culture by the mid-5th cent. BC (Isler 2009, esp. coastal cities in general and Selinous in particular 135 f., 219). 162 Erich Kistler, Birgit Öhlinger, Thomas Dauth, Ruth Irovec and Benjamin Wimmer Fig. 4. Schematic plan of the archaic phases (grey: phases before 500 BC no. 2–3; black: phases around 500 BC no. 1, 4). 1: Aphrodite Temple, 2: Oikos-building, 3: proto-historical dwelling, 4: Late Archaic House, a: hearth with stone slabs, b: terracotta hearth, c: deposit found in 2012, d: deposit found in 2014, e: deposit found in 2015. Fig. 5. Reconstruction of the interior of the Late Archaic House. The Piumata Bowl I-K 2250 and the Pro- bowl in greater detail. Only then will it be possible duction of a Local Tradition in a second step to consider the implications their association with other material in the archaeo- 7KHUHFHQWȴQGRIWKHWKLFNZDOOHGERZO,. 1 logical record has in respect of the production of (ȴJand) radically casts doubt on whether the locality. indigenous population of Monte Iato was really Perhaps the most striking feature of the I-K Hellenised to such an extreme degree. To under- 2250 bowl is the unusual red interior decoration stand why this is so, it is necessary to study this that is remotely reminiscent of bird feathers. Con- sequently, ceramics decorated in this way are also 1 H. 17,8cm; diam. of the mouth 44,4cm. referred to in the research literature on Sicily as Archaika as a Resource 163 Fig. 6. $UFKDLFVHWWOHPHQWRQWKHVRXWKHUQHGJHRIWKH+HOOHQLVWLF$JRUD3ODQRIWKHȴUVW DURXQG%&DERYH and the second (around 500 BC, below) archaic phase (Zürcher Ietas-Grabung). ceramica piumata. This kind of ceramics has been ends in the east of the island with the arrival of the found in only a few places in western Sicily. 2 Orig- Greeks in the second half of the 8th and/or early inating from eastern Sicily, it can be traced back to 7th cent. BC (Ross Holloway 1991, 88, 91; Leighton a Late Bronze Age tradition, and is located primar- 2014, 68; Panvini et al. 2009, 14, 18, 25, 27, 28, 30, ily in the proto-historical layers of the 10th to the 8th 31, 32, 104, 106, 163, 196 and esp. 298). cent. BC (Albanese Procelli 2003, 85; Leighton 2014, These plumed ceramics from eastern Sicily 67, 71 f., 76). With the exception of a few late ex- are generally wheel-thrown (Leighton 2014, 63; Di amples dating into the 7th cent. BC (Ross Holloway Noto 1995, 105 note 79; Albanese Procelli 2003, 85). 1991, 91; Leighton 2014, 61, 124 f.; Albanese Pro- The colouring of the decoration – which is some- celli 2003, 88), the production of piumata pottery times combined with bands and lines around the rim – varies from red to grey depending on the 2 Agrigento (Cooper 2007, 95 f.); Caltabellotta (Cooper OHYHORIKHDWH[SRVXUHGXULQJȴULQJ /HLJKWRQ 2007, 95); Montagnoli di Marineo (Spatafora 2000, 903); Monte Bonifato, Alcamo (Filippi 2014, 84); Monte Maranfu- 50 and 63). A typical feature of east Sicilian vessels sa (Spatafora 2003, 107 f.); Monte Castellazzo di Poggioreale is the shaping of the rim that stems from a Late (Cerniglia et al. 2012, 246); Mozia (Cooper 2007, 95-96); Rocca di Ferro (Spatafora 2000, 915); Scrinida (Leighton 1999, 193); Bronze and Early Iron Age tradition. For instance, Stretto, Partanna (Nicoletti/Tusa 2012, 119). the rims of the bowls were usually designed with 164 Erich Kistler, Birgit Öhlinger, Thomas Dauth, Ruth Irovec and Benjamin Wimmer Fig. 7. PiumataERZO,. SURȴOH a relatively severe inward kink which could be of varying thicknesses on the interior (ȴJ; see Leighton 2014, pl. 82:144, 91:190, 94:214 and 215, 98:245, 105:288 and 289, 121:410, 147:589). These bowls are additionally embellished with the epon- ymous feather-like decoration on the exterior and interior or just on the exterior (Leighton 2014, 63 f., 67, 69). By contrast, the piumata bowls unearthed on Monte Iato in layers dating from the 7th to the 5th cent. BC, were adorned with plumes on the in- terior but not the exterior. 3 Furthermore, the way in which the plumed vessels from Iato have been made appears to be far less proto-historical than their east Sicilian counterparts: The fabric is sur- SULVLQJO\ȴQHDQGWKHȴULQJLVHYHQDQGKDUG,Q Fig. 8. East Sicilian Piumata bowls, 9th cent. BC. addition, the interiors are burnished more smooth- (Leighton 2014, no. 144: Pl. 82; no. 190: Pl. 91; 410 no.: ly and the application of the slip is extremely thin. 4 Pl. 121; no. 481: Pl. 131; no. 589: Pl. 147). However, above all it is the moulding of the rims that indicates that they could not have been creat- Furthermore, quite in contrast to the east Sicilian ed before the 6th cent. BC (ȴJ ). The rims of these equivalent (Leighton 2014, 63: Pithoi, amphorae, bowls fundamentally differ from the rims typical- bowls, carinated cups and jugs), the west Sicilian ly associated with the east Sicilian piumata of the piumata production at Monte Iato 5 appears to have /DWH%URQ]HDQG(DUO\,URQ$JHVUHȵHFWLQJLQVWHDG been restricted mainly to jugs and bowls. 6 the rim shapes of the matt-painted and mono- Moreover, on Iato they were not found in chrome ceramics of western Sicily of the 6th and tombs and houses as was the case in eastern Sicily early 5th cent. BC (Trombi 2015, 49 [DB2], 55 [BBA2]; (Ross Holloway 1991, 89; Leighton 1999, 251), but Hoernes in preparation [O1.2]). were found almost exclusively in cultic contexts Retrospectively, this suggests that the west Si- (see Isler 1992, 34, 37 Abb. 42, 38; 1994, 33 f.; 1995, cilian production of piumata pottery started in 30; Kistler et al. 2015b). the 8th or early 7th cent. BC with reproductions of east Sicilian imports which particularly in the case of the bowls increasingly started to resemble the 5 The local production of piumata pottery on the Monte Iato is now attested on the basis of Neutron Activation repertoire of shapes typical of west Sicilian ware. Analysis by H. Mommsen. By a sample of 13 fragments of Piumata vessels 11 examples could be attributed to the local 3 I-K 1849, I-K 2250, I-K 2576, I-K 2603, I-K 3866, I-K 3910, 1$$ȴQJHUSULQW; 7KHVHUHVXOWVZLOOEHSXEOLVKHGLQWKH I-K 3926, I-K 3952, I-K 3990, I-K 4017, I-K 4067, I-K 4262, I-K dissertation of Kai Riehle (Riehle, Im Westen was Anderes?! 4269, I-K 4270, I-K 4272, I-K 4472, I-K 4475,I-K 4615, I-K 4627, Ȃ5HVVRXUFHQVXFKHXQGGLH*U¾QGXQJJULHFKLVFKHU3ȵDQ] I-K 4655, I-K 4732, I-K 4737, I-K 4751, I-K 4948, I-K 4971, I-K städte in der Magna Graecia). 5015, I-K 5050, I-K 5112, I-K 5160, I-K 5161, I-K 5179. 6 Since today there are only two fragments of pithoi (I-K 4 For instance: I-K 2576, I-K 4067, I-K 4270, I-K 4272, I-K 4444 and I-K4 258), attested as a local Piumata 1$$ȴQJHU- 4475, I-K 4615. print X090). Archaika as a Resource 165 Fig. 9. Left: Ceramica Piumata from Monte Iato, 6th – early 5th cent. BC. Right: Monochrome and matt-painted pottery from Western Sicily, 6th – early 5th cent. BC (no. 617 and 675: Trombi 2015, 457, Tav. LVII; no. 427, Tav. XXVII; Hoernes in preparation). Of course, the ways in which west Sicilian as a mould, as can be identified by the slightly piumata deviated from the east Sicilian examples – roughened exterior surface. 8 This suggests that the which retrospectively is quite obvious to modern- bowl was purposely ‘antiqued’, lending this piece day archaeologists – are unlikely to have been at from the mid to late 6th cent. BC the appearance all present in the minds of the people of Monte Iato of a much older archaikum that referred back to in the second half of the 6th cent. BC. It is just as a pre-colonial time before the potter’s wheel had improbable that the knowledge of the east Sicilian been introduced. Accordingly, bowl I-K 2250 along origins of this plumed ware was preserved from with the other piumata retro-bowls renders a spe- the 8th into the 6th cent. BC. It seems most likely FLȴFFXOWXUDOWHFKQLTXHDUFKDHRORJLFDOO\WDQJLEOH that the local population would merely have been Using requisites that have intentionally been made aware of the following: This striking pottery with to look old, it is possible to lend newly construct- the plumed decor is always found during build- ed rites considerable archaic depth (Jones 2007, ing projects in the context of the colonial hype – 61–67, 84, 158). In this way, these rites are iden- which assumed ever larger dimensions after 550 WLȴHGDVDWUDGLWLRQDOKHULWDJHEUDQGHGZLWKORFDO BC – and is located in the in situ layers that did authenticity. not yet contain any colonial imports (for instance, The piumata bowl I-K 2250 was found to the to the east of the Peristyle House 1, see Isler 2005, north of the Late Archaic House, in a proto-histor- 106; 2006, 67 f.; 2009, 142–144). Therefore, in the ical dwelling (ȴJand). The latter consists of eyes of the then inhabitants of Monte Iato this a square main room and a rounded annex (Kistler piumata ware must have belonged to a pre-colonial et al. 2014, 178 f.; Kistler et al. in preparation). Be- era and, consequently be indicative of a local pre- neath the collapsed annex walls the burned clay of Greek authenticity. 7 a hearth came to light, suggesting that the annex To reinforce the impression of pre-colonial was used to prepare and cook food and drinks 9. production, bowl I-K 2250 was tellingly not wheel- Of the once existing pottery, which was removed thrown like its east Sicilian precursors but simply when the building was abandoned, merely the drawn up from a trough-like sandy hollow, used 8 Concerning an eventually similar technique at Morgan- 7 On the reverse phenomenon of the local adaption and tina see Leighton 2014, 67. production of the west Sicilian ceramica incisa ed impressa at 9 A related annex to the cult and banqueting room F in Morgantina in Eastern Sicily during the 6th and the early 5th the hut complex 2 on Monte Maranfusa was endowed with a cent. BC see Antonaccio 2015, 60–67. corresponding terracotta hearth, see Spatafora 2003, 50 f. 166 Erich Kistler, Birgit Öhlinger, Thomas Dauth, Ruth Irovec and Benjamin Wimmer ȴQHZDUHUXEELQJVWRQHVDVZHOODVERQHVRI cattle, sheep, goats, pigs and deer (Kistler et al. 2015b, 142–149). The fact that this deposit coin- cided with the demolition of the annex is indicat- ed by the sherds of a monochrome jug (I-K 2837 A) and a pithos (I-K 2686), which came to light both in the deposits in the main room and in the rub- ble of the oval annex (ȴJ). Also, sherds from a closed storage vessel with a stamped decoration (I-K 1139) document that the building was vacated and demolished just as the Late Archaic House was being erected around 500 BC. After all, fragments of this vessel appeared in the deposit as well as in Fig. 10. Interior of the annex (from south). 1: north- the levelling of the outer square, granting ground- and east-wall of the main room, 2: north- and east- ȵRRUDFFHVVIURPWKHQRUWKWRWKHXSSHUVWRUH\RI wall of the annex, 3: Piumata bowl I-K 2250, 4: hearth. the Late Archaic house. Interestingly, the fragments in the deposit in the building’s main room did not contain any sherds of colonial imports, even though such frag- ments could be found in significant quantities in contemporaneous layers on Monte Iato (see Kistler/Mohr 2015; 2016). The absence of Greek ce- ramics in this deposit – and in the area surround- ing the proto-historical dwelling – must therefore be the consequence of intentional behaviour. The exclusion of colonial ceramics has already been ob- served in the occupation layer of the outer square situated in front of the north façade of the upper Fig. 11. Deposit in the main room of the proto-histori- storey of the Late Archaic house (Kistler/Mohr cal dwelling in situDQGVFKHPDWLFSURȴOH ZLWKȴJ ,WZDVKHUHWKDWDGHSRVLWFRQ- taining cultic waste was discovered, featuring only sherds of I-K 2250 were discovered in the occupa- selected fragments of incised ceremonial pottery tion layer of the annex, along with just a few in- and matt-painted ceramics dating from the late 7th cised and matt-painted fragments. 10 and early 6th cent. BC (ȴJF). The sherd of an Attic In contrast to the annex, there was no wall UHGȴJXUH1LNRVWKHQLFpyxis (I-K 1058) that came rubble in the main room of the proto-historical to light in the layer immediately below the deposit, dwelling. Here, immediately beneath the remains demonstrates that the intentional shattering of this of an Early Hellenistic house, a trough-like pit centuries-old pottery must have occurred at the was found, dug in the floor and sub-packing of very earliest around 500 BC during a sacrificial the proto-historical building and clad mainly with feast (in more detail and with further references pithos fragments (ȴJ 7KLVSLWZDVȴOOHGZLWK see Kistler/Mohr 2016, 89–92). four layers of deposits consisting of ceramics and Overall, the proto-historical, two-roomed build- bones, which – as the sherd-links of a dipinta jug ing and the two deposits (ILJFand d) conjure (I-K 2838) and a pithos (I-K 2686) illustrate – orig- up images of a material world emanating from inated from a single act of ‘thesaurising’ the cer- a pre-colonial, or in other words, pre-Greek era. emonial waste from a sacrificial feast. This gar- This, however, was now only celebrated as such bage includes fragments of indigenous coarse and in the realm of cult. Greek consumption goods were already being used on a daily basis in the 10 I-K 2246, I-K 2247, I-K 2248, I-K 2301. households of the local elites in the early 6th cent. Archaika as a Resource 167 Fig. 12. Sherd-links from several vessels found in different layers of the deposit in the main room, the annex and the ODWHDUFKDLFȴOOLQJ exclusion of Greek imports from the deposits and the area surrounding the proto-historical dwelling EHFRPHVDOOWKHPRUHVLJQLȴFDQW 11. The absence of *UHHNLPSRUWVFOHDUO\UHȵHFWVDYHU\VSHFLȴFFRQ- sumption behaviour that celebrated a pre-Greek locality and authenticity. Moreover, this appears to have been restricted to the cultic area between the Late Archaic House and the Aphrodite Temple (Kistler et al. 2013, 253 f.; Kistler 2015, 207–209; Kistler/Mohr 2016, 91–93; Kistler et al. 2015b). In the case of the sacrificial pit in the main room of the proto-historical ‘hut’, this retro-enact- Fig. 13. Deposit in the main room of the proto-histor- ment of the pre-colonial world of forebears is inex- ical dwelling with deer antler and horn core of a ram on top of the stone packing. tricably connected to the construction of the Late Archaic house. This is not only because the older BC (Kistler/Mohr 2016, 83–87). This is corrobo- dwelling was demolished to erect the new building rated by the sherds of an Ionian cup type B1 and but also because the perpendicular bisector to the a Middle Corinthian kotyle retrieved from the de- corridor of the Late Archaic house comes to rest bris of a residential construction, ceremoniously precisely on the packing of stones that represent- destroyed in the later Hellenistic eastern quar- ed the over-ground marker of the deposit in the ter of Iaitas around 575 BC (Isler 2009, 152). Simi- main room of the ‘hut’ (ȴJ). This central vertical ODUO\LQWKHVWUDWLȴHGȴOOGDWLQJIURPWKHȴUVWKDOI axis created a link from the two-storey banqueting of the 6th cent. BC on the southern edge of the later wing of the Late Archaic house back to the pro- Agora, the many indigenous ceramics were found to-historical dwelling as its immediate predecessor together with fragments of a bucchero kantharos (ȴJ). In this context, vertical should be under- and several Greek imports (Kistler/Mohr 2016, 83 f. stood not only in terms of space but also time. Af- ZLWKȴJ $URXQG%&FRQVSLFXRXVGULQNLQJ ter all, the vertical reference axis extending from took place in Agora House I, a practice carried out the Late Archaic house to the deposit and the act FKLHȵ\ZLWKFRORQLDOSRWWHU\ .LVWOHU0RKU of closing down the proto-historical ‘hut’, likewise, ȂZLWKȴJ 7KHVDPHLQFLGHQWDOO\DSSOLHV comprises a projection of time back into the past. to the Late Archaic house where only Greek frag- Within this, the matrix of locality and ‘indigeneity’ PHQWVZHUHIRXQGLQWKHȴHOGRIDFWLYLW\UHODWHG to drinking (Kistler/Mohr 2015, 388–391 with 11 Even in the occupation layer of the outer square of the ȴJDQG Late Archaic house only 11 sherds of colonial imports were found alongside the 330 fragments of incised, matt-painted Given the dominance of Greek drinking ves- or monochrome (regional or local) pottery (Kistler/Mohr sels in the homes of the local elite, the complete ZLWKȴJ 168 Erich Kistler, Birgit Öhlinger, Thomas Dauth, Ruth Irovec and Benjamin Wimmer Fig. 14. Deposit in the main room of the pro- to-historical dwelling DV YHUWLFDO ȴ[HGSRLQW for the planning and construction of the ban- queting wing of the Late Archaic house. (Antonaccio 2015, 60–62) arising from the identi- 460 BC (Kistler et al. 2013, 249–254). This kind of tarian constraints ensuing from the colonial situa- receptacle, which tended to feature an incised and tion around 500 BC, was projected back to the ritu- stamped decoration is actually based on proto- ally demolished building ruin as an authentic relic types dating from the Late Bronze and Early Iron from an imagined and unadulterated time prior to Age (Mühlenbock 2015, 252). Referred to in Italian foreign contact (Kistler 2015, 200 f., 208 f.). There- research as attingitoio, this type has so far been fore, a foundation ritual was initiated with the cer- found in the west Sicilian context in Entella and emonial closure of the proto-historical dwelling Segesta as well as on Monte Maranfusa and Mon- and the building of the Late Archaic house. In this WH3ROL]]R %DOFR %DVHGRQWKHVHȴQGV way, the new Greek high-tech building, which was Christian Mühlenbock draws the conclusion that seen as a monumental manifestation of colonial re- such attingitoi, whose handles were sometimes ward power (Kistler 2014, 91–99), was embedded therio- or anthropomorphic, were primarily used within a landscape of religion and remembrance, in indigenous rituals that played an important role which was interpreted and appropriately staged as in the redistribution of food and drink (Mühlen- the legacy of a pre-colonial past through the exclu- bock 2015, 254). sion of all that is Greek (Kistler/Mohr 2016, 91 f.). It is probable that the attingitoio on proto- historical Monte Iato fulfilled a similar function (Kistler et al. 2015b, esp. 140–142.). In several The Attingitoio K 2601812 and Empower- cases, fragments of such biconical vessels with ment through the Production of Locality single handles were found as pars-pro-toto pieces WRJHWKHUZLWKVSHFLȴFDOO\VHOHFWHGERQHVLQFXOWLF It is interesting to note that archaika were used waste deposits from a time before the construction on Monte Iato not only in ritual settings that fo- of the Aphrodite Temple 14. Some of the bones dis- cused on the retro-enactment of a pre-colonial played traces of chopping and cutting that leave world through the exclusion of colonial imports. no doubt that these were the bones of animals that The sherds of a ladling and drinking vessel (K KDGEHHQVDFULȴFHGDQGFRQVXPHG .LVWOHUHWDO 26018) 13 of proto-historical appearance (ȴJ), for 2015b, 153, 159 f.). These sherds of attingitoi fre- example, were located directly next to those of an quently display distinct traces of secondary expo- Attic black-figure skyphos (I-K 666) in the dem- VXUHWRȴUHZKLFKLQGLFDWHVWKDWWKHVHYHVVHOVZHUH olition rubble of the Late Archaic house around 12 2012 supplemented by the matching sherds I-K 418, 460 and 494. 14 I-K 4332, I-K 4336, I-K 4337, I-K 4338, I-K 4339, I-K 4394, 13 H. 5,0cm; diam. of the mouth 24,0cm. I-K 4427, I-K 4473, I-K 4688, I-K 4705, I-K 4790, I-K 4902, K 1795. Archaika as a Resource 169 Fig. 15. Area northwest of the Aphrodite Temple Fig. 17. Ritual deposit with miniature vessels with (from east, see Fig. 4, a–b). 1: archaic canal, 2: round incised and stamped decoration dug into the outdoor FOD\ VODE ȴUHSODFH KHDUWK QRUWK ZDOO RI WKH level of the proto-historical dwelling. ramp between the Late Archaic House and the Aph- rodite Temple. Fig. 16. Attingitoio I-K 2405. Fig. 18. Fragments of the miniature Attingitoio from the ritual deposit dug into the outdoor level of the proto- historical dwelling. intentionally destroyed as part of a ritual. 15 In two In the second instance, at least six miniaturised instances, in-situȴQGVFRQȴUPWKDWWKLVNLQGRILQ- biconical bowls with single handles 17 were like- tentional shattering did indeed take place. wise purposely destroyed during a ritual, mixed In one such case, the fragments are from the ZLWKMXJIUDJPHQWVDQGGHSRVLWHGLQDVDFULȴFLDO archaic-looking, one-handle biconical vessel I-K pit, dug in the corresponding outdoor level around 2405 16 (ȴJ,and). They were found in a layer 5m to the east of the proto-historical dwelling (ȴJ containing charcoal above a round clay slab, which H, and). served as a hearth and was exposed to secondary As already discussed, the sherds of the attingi- ȴULQJWKURXJKWKHKHDWFUHDWHGZKHQEXUQLQJWKH toio K 26018 came to light in the upper storey rub- wood. Tellingly, this hearth, which was most prob- ble of the Late Archaic house. This suggests that, DEO\DSODFHRIVDFULȴFHGHPDUFDWHVWKHHQGRIWKH unlike the majority of other proto-historical ladling ȴUVWEXLOGLQJSKDVHRIWKHUDPSEHWZHHQWKH$SK- and drinking vessels, K 26018 did not originate di- rodite Temple and the Late Archaic house. As the rectly from a context of ritual usage. As described associated ritual was brought to a close, the attin- in considerable detail elsewhere, the fragments of gitoio I-K 2405 was intentionally shattered, with this attingitoio were brought into the upper-sto- many of its fragments falling into the layer of ash rey klinai rooms of the Late Archaic house (ȴJ) in the hearth (Kistler et al. 2015b, 132, 140–142.). around 460/450 BC when the house was being 17 I-K4317: H. 3,5cm; diam. of the mouth 13,0cm I-K; 4332: 15 I-K 4332, I-K 4336, I-K 4337, I-K 4338, I-K 4339, I-K 4394, diam. n/a; I-K 4336: H. 3,9cm; diam. of the mouth 14,0cm; I-K 4427, I-K 4473. I-K 4337: diam. n/a; I-K 4338: H. 5,7cm; diam. of the mouth 16 H. with handle 6,4cm; diam. of the mouth 17,4cm; diam. 13,5cm; I-K 4339: H. 2,4cm; diam. of the base 3,0cm; I-K 4394: of the base 5,8cm. diam. n/a. 170 Erich Kistler, Birgit Öhlinger, Thomas Dauth, Ruth Irovec and Benjamin Wimmer ritually terminated (Kistler et al. 2013, 252–254). However, the remains of this attingitoio, compris- ing four fragments, do not constitute the most dom- inant group of single fragments deposited in the banqueting rooms as pars pro toto pieces during the termination ritual. Based on its state of pres- ervation K 26018 should rather be allocated to a group of vessels, sherds of which were found in the upper-storey debris, which in many cases could be linked together to recreate at least half, if not two- thirds of the whole (see also Öhlinger 2015, 164 f.) (ȴJ ). The differing condition of the ceramics found in the debris of the Late Archaic House bears a striking resemblance to the sherds of vessels un- earthed in a deposit dating from the late 5th cent. BC, located at the heroon in the agora of Selinous (ȴJ). In the case of the deposit in Selinous, it is Fig. 19. (a) Assemblages of vessels found in the upper assumed that similar rituals and festivities were storey debris (Zürcher Ietas-Grabung); (b) pars pro staged for the closure of the tomb ascribed to the toto pieces found in the upper storey debris; (c) min- iature colonette krater K 17310. founder of the apoikia when the Carthaginians conquered Selinous in 409 BC (Mertens et al. 2012, 153–165, see also Öhlinger 2015, 171 f.). these kraters the material-symbolic reference to a In both instances, it seems likely that these bet- retrospectively imagined, pre-colonial world. After ter preserved vessels were the ‘personal’ property DOOWKHȴQHWHPSHULQJRIWKHFOD\ 19 the exception- of the heroon- or house-owners. The two ceramic DOO\KDUGDQGHYHQȴULQJDQGWKHWHFWRQLFVKDS- assemblages are therefore not so much indica- ing are indicative of a level of craftsmanship that tive of the pottery inventory used at banquets but would not have been possible without the pottery rather of a material-symbolic coding of social iden- technology of the late 6th/early 5th cent. BC, with tity, such as was communicated to funeral guests LWVUDSLGO\WXUQLQJSRWWHUȇVZKHHODQGȴULQJNLOQ by placing corresponding ceramic banqueting ser- ( Kistler/Mohr 2016, 89). vices in the tombs of Greek and indigenous mem- As in the case of the piumata bowl I-K 2550, bers of the elite (Albanese Procelli 1996; Hodos the attingitoio K 26018 was also a retro-look ritual 2006, 113–121; Hofmann 2009; Burkhardt 2013, instrument, whose precursor would already have 121–129; Sheperd 2013). Particularly when draw- played a central role in the practice of cultic rule in ing comparisons with the heroon in Selinous, it the pre-Greek age. However, in contrast to the piu- becomes evident that references to the local and mata bowl, archaikum K 26018 was not embedded traditional were apparently of great importance to in an ‘antiqued’ cult that blocked out anything and the owners of the Late Archaic house even though everything that was Greek. Instead, the attingitoio they were highly Hellenised (Kistler 2015, 202–209; is integrated as an archaikumLQWKHVRFLDOȴHOGRI Kistler/Mohr 2015, 394–398). This is underlined, DEDQTXHWLQJFXOWXUHWKDWZDVVWURQJO\LQȵXHQFHG for example, by the 15 matt-painted kraters bear- by Greek customs (Isler 2009, 176–182; Kistler ing an indigenous decorative syntax and retrieved 2015, 202–204). Consequently, in this particular from the upper-storey debris. 18 instance, the imagined pre-colonial tradition alism However, the incised ladling and drinking with which the ancient-looking vessel would vessel K 26018 illustrates even more clearly than have been associated is brought together with the 18 I-K 299, I-K 308, I-K 577, K 10769, K 13011, K 18583, K 19 Neutron activation analysis of the clay showed a classi- 18823, K 16786, K 19201, K 19206, K 23376, K 23698, K 23761, ȴFDWLRQWRJURXS; ZKLFKSURYHVDORFDOSURGXFWLRQRI. K 24509, K 26020. 26018. Archaika as a Resource 171 Fig. 20. Ritual deposit of the Heroon on the Agora of Selinous, late 5th cent. BC (Mertens et al. 2012, 157, Fig. 41). pronounced consumption of Greek cultural goods which nothing Greek was consumed. Rather than (Kistler/Mohr 2016, 87–89). For the owners of the imports, these cultic consumptionscapes feature Late Archaic house, both can be said to be symp- genuine and faked archaika, through which the tomatic and a clear expression of their social iden- invented memory of a pre-colonial past, under tity: In their role as the new leaders, they were constant reconstruction, is celebrated as an unbro- building up their superiority on the back of colo- ken tradition. These retro-constructions of locality, nial reward power, whilst simultaneously having portrayed as an originally indigenous Lebensraum, to convince those around them that they were de- thus become ritual loci of indigenous self-localisa- VFHQGHGIURPDOHJLWLPDWHORFDO ȴFWLWLRXV" DXWKRU- tion (ȴJ. E, c and d). ity (Kistler/Mohr 2016, 92 f.). These consumeristic arenas of re-enacted pre-colonial locality do not however represent an exaggerated form of conservatism. 20 They rather Conclusion: Locality, Colonial Empower- emanate from an indigenous defensive reaction, ment and new Masters on Monte Iato which would have been triggered by the start of co- lonial contacts. These retro-enactments are indeed Based on the concept of the ‘Production of Local- more of a social technique for the production of lo- ity’ by Arjun Appadurai (1996, 178–199), the two FDOLW\WKDW$SSDGXUDLȴWWLQJO\GHVFULEHVDVDFRORQL- archaika K 26018 and I-K 2250 were examined sation (Appadurai 1996, 183) or reclamation of the in greater detail in terms of their production and past with a view to claiming ownership of local his- the location in which they were found on the Late tory (Kistler et al. 2015a, 522–524 with further ref- Archaic Monte Iato. This showed that the hilltop erences). This technique would have been used on population of the day was not as strongly Hellen- Monte Iato particularly at that moment when elite LVHGDVROGHUȴQGVKDGOHGPDQ\WREHOLHYHHYHQ status was being expressed to an ever increasing to this day. In spite of the strikingly intense circu- lation of Greek cultural goods, cultic zones still 20 Regarding the suggested ‘resistant’ aspects of ancient in- existed on Monte Iato, even around 500 BC, in digenous religion see Urquhart 2010, 16–19, 86–87. 172 Erich Kistler, Birgit Öhlinger, Thomas Dauth, Ruth Irovec and Benjamin Wimmer degree through the demonstrative consumption retro-enactments and archaika, the colonial hype of Greek architecture and symposium pottery. Had on Monte Iato during the late 6th and early 5th cent. it not been for the colonial situation, the return to BC could never have assumed such dimensions. Lo- the suggested world of ancestors would never have cality is thus a central basic resource that permits been as virulent or opportune. However, this im- empowerment and can promote the formation of agined world was not about creating an individual complex societies in colonial zones of contact. psychological balance between the indigenous and the colonial. It rather served to promote a target- ed policy of empowerment: By turning the termi- nation festivities for the proto-historical dwelling Erich Kistler into the retro-enactment of pre-local authenticity ([email protected]) in the guise of a foundation ritual, the Late Archaic house is declared the immediate successor to the Birgit Öhlinger proto-historic building. Furthermore, by creating ([email protected]) this new succession, the new house owners placed themselves in an ancestral line with the former Thomas Dauth heads of the previous household in the dwelling, ([email protected]) upon which their claim to cultic leadership be- tween the Late Archaic house and the Aphrodite Ruth Irovec Temple ultimately rested. Precisely this authority ([email protected]) is embodied in the incised ladling and drinking vessel K 26018 in the ceramic assemblage from Benjamin Wimmer the upper-storey debris of the Late Archaic house. ([email protected]) This objectivisation of an imagined pre-colonial tradition and indigeneity was the only way to gain Institut für Archäologien acceptance for the colonial within the local group, Klassische und Provinzialrömische thus paving the way for the new elites on Iato to Archäologie distinguish themselves culturally from the ‘Elders’ Zentrum für Alte Kulturen of the pre-Greek period, whilst bringing them cul- Leopold-Franzens-Universität Innsbruck turally a step closer to their Greek guest-friends. Langer Weg 11 Without the production of locality, which raised A-6020 Innsbruck colonial loci to places of self-localisation through Bibliography $OEDQHVH3URFHOOL : R. M. Albanese Procelli, Importazioni greche nei centri interni della Sicilia in Età Arcaica. Aspetti dell’«acculturazione». In: I vasi attici ed altre ceramiche coeve in Sicilia. 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Der Neue Pauly, Supplemente 10 (Suttgart 2015) 853–888. 8UTXKDUW: L. Urquhart, Colonial Religion and Indigenous Society in the Archaic West Mediterranean. c. 750–400 BC (PhD-Thesis Stanford University 2010). III. Resources and Spatial Development 179 MARTINA NEUBURGER Geographical Approaches on Territorialities, Resources and Frontiers Keywords: territory, resources, frontier concept, ȂDV7XUQHUGHȴQHGLQKLVKLVWRULFDOVWXG\RQVHW- coloniality of science, German geography, history tlement expansion processes in the West of North of frontier research America – ‘the outer margin of the ‘settled area’’ which ‘lies at the hither edge of free land’ (Turner 1920, 3). In this historical context the study of Abstract Turner can be understood as creation of a colonial narrative of the North American nation building The ‘frontier’ concept was a very powerful ap- process through the dissemination of the concept proach in politics, society and science with chang- of ‘frontier’, which legitimated the displacement of ing meanings in specific historical and regional First Nations by European settlers in the 17th and contexts. Mainly in geography, studies on the de- 18th century in what are today the USA and Canada. velopment of settlements in different regions and 'HVSLWHWKHYHU\VSHFLȴFKLVWRULFDODQGVFLHQ- historical phases have used and are still using this WLȴFFRQWH[WWKHȆIURQWLHUȇFRQFHSWEHFDPHDYHU\ concept to explain expansion processes. While powerful approach not only in politics and society frontier concepts of the early 20th century were EXWDVZHOOLQVFLHQWLȴFGLVFRXUVHV0DLQO\LQJHR based on the construction of natural spaces with graphy, studies on the development of settlements unused or underused natural resources newer in different regions and historical phases have approaches integrated critical perspectives and used and are still using this concept to explain ex- contextualised the regional development within pansion processes. Based on the original idea of national and global contexts of incorporation into Turner in these studies, ‘frontier’ regions are char- capitalistic centre-periphery and unequal power acterised by high immigration rates, the formation relations. However, colonial ideas in the construc- of new settlements and the introduction of new tion of ‘free’ land remain in these studies. The au- land use systems. Findings state that individuals thor will give a critical overview of these histori- and social groups enter into an unsettled area – a cal studies and more recent works with a focus on ‘free land’ – and bear different types of natural re- literature about South American ‘frontiers’. Based source use. In the process of ‘frontier’ formation on the rejection of the ‘frontier’ concept in its’ co- the actors form new identities and create a ‘new’ loniality, she will develop an alternative approach VRFLHW\ZLWKVSHFLȴFSRZHUUHODWLRQV7KXVVSHFLȴF with the idea of territorialities and their dynamics sociocultural dynamics and intertwined man- by conceptualising the frontier as area of very dy- nature-relationships are constitutive elements of namic de-territorialisation and re-territorialisation ‘frontier’ regions. processes and of spaces of multiterritoriality. The following paper concentrates on the ‘fron- tier’ concept as it was and still is applied by Ger- man spoken geographers in their extensive re- 1. Introduction search on settlement expansion and the question of the limits of settlement boundaries, the limits The use of resources and the intertwined socio- between the so called Ökumene and Anökumene. FXOWXUDOG\QDPLFVDUHFKDQJLQJLQDYHU\VSHFLȴF The author will give a critical overview of histor- way in so called ‘frontier’ regions. ‘Frontiers’ are ical studies and more recent works, of which she 180 Martina Neuburger herself is part, with a focus on literature about peoples with extractive and nomadic practices. South American ‘frontiers’. Based on the rejection Consequently, declaring ‘natural landscapes’ as un- of the ‘frontier’ concept in its coloniality, she will used spaces they legitimised the expansion of per- develop an alternative approach with the idea of manent settlement into these areas. These studies territorialities and their dynamics. of early Geography provided important conceptual framings for later German geographical research on settlement expansion all over the world (see 2. ‘Frontiers’ and Settlement Mackenroth 1953; Czajka 1953) – not least for the Boundaries in German Geography VFLHQWLȴFOHJLWLPLVDWLRQRIH[SDQVLYHSROLWLFVRIQD- tional-socialist Germany (Bock 2005). 2.1. The Colonial Origins of the In the same decades Frederick Jackson Turner ‘Frontier’ Concept (1861–1932) and Isaiah Bowman (1878–1950) played a similar role in the North American context Since the beginning of Geography as institution- of studies on (European) settlement expansion into alised university discipline in the 19th century Western regions). Similar to the evolutionary ap- German geographers deal with settlements, their proach of Ratzel and Gradmann, but with a more spatial distribution and their internal structure. sociocultural focus, Turner created the ‘frontier’ Within this academic field, issues of settlement concept as ‘meeting point between savagery and boundaries, their character, dynamic and the civilization’ (Turner 1920, 3), where ‘wilderness’ is factors for their existence were of main impor- WUDQVIRUPHG7KURXJKWKHGHȴQLWLRQRIȆIUHHODQGȇ tance. Friedrich Ratzel (1844–1904), considered as ‘public land’ he passed the control over this land as one of the ‘fathers’ of Geography, defined in to the US American state and opened the option his programmatic book ‘Anthropogeographie’ for the European settlers to occupy it without any (‘Human Geography’) settlement boundaries as restrictions (Turner 1920, 2). He distinguishes dif- limit between Naturvölker (natural peoples) and ferent types of ‘frontiers’ depending on the domi- Kulturvölker (cultural peoples) that is the limit QDQWLPPLJUDQWJURXSHDFKVHDUFKLQJIRUVSHFLȴF between non-sedentary and sedentary peoples re- resources: hunters and traders look for wild, ranch- spectively (Ratzel 1891). The concepts of Ökumene ers for grass land, miners for mineral resources, (ecumenical area) and Anökumene (non-ecumen- farmers for virgin soils (Turner 1920, 12, 18). ical area) added a societal dimension to this dif- However, Turner didn’t ignore the presence ferentiation by integrating the sedentary people of First Nations. He conceptualised the ‘frontier’ into the human (Christian) community, while all as ‘belt’ where ‘primitive Indian life’ has been in- other people are excluded. This Darwinian and fluenced by traders and hunters (Turner 1902, dichotomising approach was followed by Robert 3, 13). On the basis of this observation Bowman Gradmann (1865–1950), who in his studies on pre- (1931) conceptualised some decades later the area historic settlement expansion in today Southwest of frontier dynamics as ‘pioneer fringe’. In this ap- Germany distinguished the so called Altsiedelland proach different phases of immigration into the ( anciently settled land) from Neusiedelland (newly ‘frontier’ region characterise the further develop- settled land) using ecological factors as soil fertility ment. Starting with hunters and traders, so called and vegetation formation to explain the establish- SLRQHHUVFRQVWLWXWHWKHȴUVWZDYHRILPPLJUDWLRQ ment of human communities (Gradmann 1913). 1 followed by founders of counties and eventually by Both – Ratzel and Gradmann – only considered capitalised farmers and enterprises. With each im- sedentary settlements with cultivation activities as migration wave the agricultural system becomes relevant force to transform ‘natural landscapes’ more modernised and the complexity of local so- into ‘cultural landscapes’. They ignored the prob- ciety increases. Furthermore, as important aspect able occupation of these areas by non-sedentary of ‘frontier’ society, Turner observes that early set- tlers have strong ties to the ‘Old World’ – Europe 1 The theory of Gradmann, that areas with open vegeta- WLRQIRUPDWLRQDQGHDVLO\ZRUNDEOHVRLOVZHUHVHWWOHGȴUVWLQ and the coast – and with the advance of the ‘fron- prehistoric times, was disproved in more recent studies. tier’ these ties get weaker giving the space to create Geographical Approaches on Territorialities, Resources and Frontiersiving 181 a new American society (Turner 1902, 17–23). The in the following chapter, who published about set- concept completes the American myth of melting tlement expansion in Latin American contexts, had pot by the observation that ‘frontier’ regions con- personal connections to each other by orientation stitute a space of individualism, where ‘immigrants of doctoral thesis, by professor-assistant relations were Americanized, liberated, and fused into a HWFLQWKHLUUHVSHFWLYHGHFDGHIRUPLQJDVSHFLȴF mixed race, English in neither nationality nor char- type of genealogy of ‘frontier’ geography in Latin acteristics’ (Turner 1920, 23). This individualism American studies. 2 We concentrate our analysis on is – in the view of Turner – the fundament of de- the main conceptual lines and transformations of mocracy, due to the fact that in ‘frontier’ societies ‘frontier’ approaches with regard to resource use the primitive organisation based on the family and and sociocultural dynamics. individualism provides equal rights and duties for all in a self-organising process. We can constitute a common idea of Ratzel, 2.2.1. German and European Gradmann, Bowman, and Turner in their ap- Settlements in Latin America as proaches on settlement boundaries and ‘frontiers’. Focus of German Geographers $OOGHȴQHȆQDWXUDOODQGVFDSHȇRUȆIUHHODQGȇDVDUHDV to be occupied by sedentary settlers to develop the Leo Waibel (1888–1951) and Oskar Schmieder region economically and socioculturally by using Ȃ FDQEHFRQVLGHUHGDVȴUVWJHQHUDWLRQ the before unused or underused natural resources of German geographers who carried out expedi- and by civilising ‘wild’ society. In this conceptual tions to so-called ‘frontier’ regions in Latin America framing advancing ‘frontiers’ intensify the use of after the First World War focusing their research natural resources – sometimes until their degra- on settlement of German migrants, their folk- dation – by the incoming and outgoing of actors lore (Volkstum) and agricultural practices. While searching for different natural resources. Further- the former realised extensive studies on agrarian more, societal structures become more complex: coloni sation in Brazil by European immigrants in the initial wilderness characterised by individual- the 19th century as main research topic during his ism is gradually substituted by identity dynamics, stay in Brazil from 1946 to 1950, for the latter the democracy and nation building processes. Thus, studies on mainly German colonised areas repre- intangible resources like knowledge about adapted sented an integrated issue of the regional geogra- agricultural practices, democratic structures, social phy of the La Plata region that he realised jointly networks between settlers and collective identity with his assistant Herbert Wilhelmy (1910–2003) stepwise complete the tangible resources of soil, in the 1930s some years after his professorship wildlife, wood, water, mineral resources etc. in Córdoba, Argentina (Pfeifer/Kohlhepp 1984; Schmieder 1932; Schmieder/Wilhelmy 1938). All three geographers – Waibel, 3 Schmieder, Wil- 2.2. Research of German Geographers helmy – did their research in a more or less direct on ‘Frontiers’ in Latin America linkage to nationalist and National Socialist think- ing about the ‘problem’ of living space (Lebens- While the studies of Ratzel and Gradmann gave im- raum) for European and German population (Bock pulses for the studies in geography on settlement 2005; Etges 2000): the expansion of mainly German dynamic in a more general way, Turner’s ‘frontier’ concept entered into research on settlement ex- 2 In the near future the author plans to write a paper on the interconnections and continuities of geographers and SDQVLRQSURFHVVHVPRUHVSHFLȴFDOO\ 1LW] D their research on Latin American settlement processes ana- German geographers took both approaches and lysing the life courses and careers and their role in the colo- merged them in more recent studies on settlement nial framing of Latin American geography of today. 3 In contrast to the others, Leo Waibel dissociated from expansion in Latin America. And this was not by the nationalist ideas after being forced to migrate to USA by chance, but reflects the personal life courses of the Nazi regime (Etges 2000, Kohlhepp 2013). He started his research on the basis of an order of the US government to the involved German geographers in the early identify regions for settlement of potential refugees of the twentieth century. Almost all geographers named Nazi regime (Nitz 1976b). 182 Martina Neuburger settlements beyond national borders was thought factor was the availability of ‘free’ and cheap land, as proliferation of the ‘high culture’ and ‘highly de- so that partially areas without adequate ecological veloped’ economy of Germany to bring progress or access properties for agriculture were occupied to other parts of the World. Thus, the integration (Schmieder/Wilhelmy 1938; Waibel 1955). The or assimilation of German settlers into the respec- most important act to transform the ‘wilderness’ tive national society never was planned, but on into ‘civilisation’ was deforestation and agricul- the contrary was seen as risk in the process of mi- tural production – that means: the destruction of gration. The main focus of all these studies was to forest resources – wood, fruits, wildlife etc. – and develop an applied concept for settlement politics the intensive and permanent use of soil and wa- with guidelines for governments and settlement ter. But the abundance of the tangible resource planners (Nitz 1976b). land – not always in good quality for agricultural Following the concept of Turner, all studies on use – was contrasted by the lack of intangible re- German and European settlements in Latin Amer- sources: the new settlers struggled with the lack ica characterise ‘frontier’ regions as formerly un- of knowledge about the local ecosystem and the used areas of grass or forest land where indige- adequate handling of agricultural products, social QRXVSHRSOHVOLYHG&RQWDFWVRUFRQȵLFWVZLWKWKHP networks and communities of common beliefs are rarely mentioned, at the most to emphasise the and practices were not existent, while feelings of KHURLVPRIWKH(XURSHDQVHWWOHUVLQȴJKWLQJDJDLQVW homesickness made the emergence of a localised them or to position the indigenous as trading part- collective identity difficult. 4 Furthermore, in Ar- ners or as helpful consultant for environmental gentine and South-Brazilian contexts the farmers issues. However, Waibel commented the presence suffered general societal disregard and discrimina- of indigenous people within the ‘frontier’ zones tion by cattle breeders, who saw them as ‘starve- in later phases of the European settlement expan- ling’ (Hungerleider) and ‘poor devil’ (armer Teufel) VLRQDQGGHȴQHGDSUHSKDVHRIWKHȆUHDOIURQWLHUȇ (Schmieder/Wilhelmy 1938, 24). Observing these as occupation of the ‘free’ area by European-born processes, German geographers interpreted it as traditional groups of hunters, gatherers, and cattle cultural degradation and primitive life style, when ranchers, so-called caboclos or ‘frontiersmen’ German language and Christian rituals were not (Waibel 1955, 79). Nevertheless, ignoring the prop- practiced (Schmieder/Wilhelmy 1938; Wilhelmy erty rights of the indigenous peoples complete- 1940; Waibel 1948). In their (nationalist) view, only ly, the spatial advance of ‘frontiers’ is seen by the if religiously, ethnically or ideologically homoge- Geographers as civilising process for the respective neous groups decided to migrate and settle jointly regions and societies, as transformation of natural in ‘frontier’ regions, the ‘risk’ of integration and landscapes into cultural landscapes, and as legit- assimilation into Latin American societies was al- imate interest of the young Latin American states leviated and the cultural ‘level’ could be preserved. to guarantee the control over its’ territory (Waibel These sociocultural dynamics in the opening 1948; 1955; Schmieder/Wilhelmy 1938; Wilhelmy phase of a ‘frontier’ are – as conceptualised in Ger- 1940; 1954). Consequently, the state was the main man geographical studies – one of the main factors actor to initiate colonisation processes either on for the further development in ‘frontier’ regions. its own or by contracting colonisation enterprises Other factors, but tightly linked with the former, to execute this task, while migrants from Europe are adequate agricultural practices, technological faced these socioeconomic and political processes progress, access to internal and external markets, as actors on the ground. and environmental conditions like climatic pa- In the opening phase of ‘frontiers’ indigenous rameters, soil quality, water availability etc. Social or cattle drive trails, roads, and railways were crises are manifest when settlers do not create an the lines along which the settlement process was emotional linkage to their land and consequently started. But in most cases, neither the access to the area by transport means nor adequate ecological 4 This idea follows the concept of Turner, but Turner interpreted the formation of new identities starting from FRQGLWLRQVIRUDJULFXOWXUHZHUHVXɚFLHQWIRUWKH individualism in ‘frontier’ situation as positive Americanis- further development of a ‘frontier’. The decisive ing and as nation building process (Turner 1920). Geographical Approaches on Territorialities, Resources and Frontiersiving 183 do not care about resource-friendly agricultural religious life (Waibel 1955). Even though the idea of practices (Wilhelmy 1940). The introduction of ‘frontier’ development in form of historically suc- new technologies – at that time the iron plough – cessive stages follows the evolutionist thinking of and success in agricultural production depends Rostow, Waibel states the possibility of stagnation on the social and cultural origin of the settlers and LQIRUPHUVWDJHVEHIRUHUHDFKLQJWKHȴQDOSKDVH the presence of leader personalities (Schmieder/ More generally spoken, the ‘frontier’ model of Wai- Wilhelmy 1938; Waibel 1948). Environmental con- bel considers the ‘frontier’ development as process GLWLRQVVXFKDVIHUWLOHVRLOVDQGVXɚFLHQWSUHFLSL- of intensifying natural resource use, economic tation are important for subsistence production in growth, technological progress, increasing social DȴUVWSKDVHEXWQHHGWREHFRPSOHWHGE\H[SRUW DQGFXOWXUDOFRPSOH[LW\DQGVSDWLDOGLYHUVLȴFDWLRQ opportunities to national or international markets All elements are interlinked, so that for example for agricultural success in a second phase. Finally, ‘primitive’ agricultural practices damage cultural the authors mention the role of the state in conced- and social life and vice versa (Waibel 1948). ing tax reduction and implementing infrastructure This basic model of ‘frontier’ development in like roads, railways, water supply, education and IRUPRIVWDJHVHDFKZLWKVSHFLȴFHFRQRPLFVRFLR- health institutions. cultural and spatial characteristics was quiet om- Based on these paradigms, Waibel developed nipresent in the German geographical literature of a ‘frontier’ model with three stages: the pioneer the 1930s to the 1950s. Schmieder/Wilhelmy (1938) stage, the cultural stage and the mature stage, each and Wilhelmy (1940; 1954) analysed the German characterised by the combination of an agricultur- and European settlements in Argentina and Para- DOSURGXFWLRQV\VWHPZLWKVSHFLȴFKRXVLQJW\SHV JXD\FRQȴUPLQJWKHWKHVLVWKDWȆIURQWLHUȇSURFHVVHV and sociocultural situations (Waibel 1948). 5 The may stop in early stages by ecological (degradation ȴUVWPRVWȆSULPLWLYHȇVWDJHLVFKDUDFWHULVHGE\WKH of natural resources and subsequent decrease of agricultural system of simple land rotation and agricultural productivity), sociocultural (lack of subsistence production, huts of wood and palm knowledge on environmental conditions and sub- leafs without windows and a ‘low level’ of cultural sequent inadequate production systems), or eco- (religious) and social (education) life. Local society QRPLF LQVXɚFLHQWWUDQVSRUWLQIUDVWUXFWXUHORZ consists of poor settler families and one enrich- PDUNHWSULFHVDQGVXEVHTXHQWGLɚFXOWLHVLQFRP- ing intermediary, who has the powerful position mercialisation of agricultural products) factors. to organise the exchange of goods with the ‘outer Stagnation in ‘frontier’ regions means emigration world’. In the second stage agriculture develops and decay of settlements. The lack of land reserves to an improved land rotation system with higher for succeeding generations or the heritage sys- technological equipment and the introduction of tem of estate distribution could represent another European food and staple crops. Roads and the es- reason for emigration, but not necessarily means tablishment of commercial centres guarantee the the stagnation of ‘frontier’ regions. Nevertheless, access to markets, housing constructions show the the emigration out of ‘frontier’ regions is seen ethno-cultural background of the settlers, and eco- as main source of population migrating to ‘new nomic sectors diversify with the craftsmen, traders frontier’ regions into the interior of a state – that etc. Living standard increases and basic education means: the still ‘free’ land – resulting in the further LVDPSOLȴHG)LQDOO\LQWKHPDWXUHVWDJHWKHȆIURQ- expansion of the ‘frontier’ zone (Waibel 1955). tier’ region reaches a socioeconomic structure The scholars of these authors followed the ba- comparable to agrarian regions of Europe and USA sic arguments in their research on German and ZLWKIXOO\GHYHORSHGDJULFXOWXUHGLYHUVLȴHGXUEDQ European settlers in Latin America. Pfeifer (1973) centres and a ‘high level’ of social, cultural and as doctoral student of Waibel worked on German settlements in Southern Brazil (Pfeifer 1973), while 5 The same framing Waibel uses for his concept of Kohlhepp (1968), doctoral student of Pfeifer, initi- ‘economic formation’ or ‘economic landscape’, which he ated his research in Brazil concentrating on the developed based on a regional study of the Sierra Madre de industrial development of a German-Brazilian Chiapas in Mexico (Waibel 1933a; 1933b; Etges 2000; Kohl- hepp 2013). VHWWOHPHQWDUHD ȂVRWRVSHDN DQDO\VLQJWKHȴQDO 184 Martina Neuburger phase of the ‘frontier’ development in Santa Cata- goals. Sandner (1961) analysed the colonisation rina (Kohlhepp 1968). 6$QRWKHUW\SHRIȴQDOSKDVH processes in Costa Rica and showed that sponta- his doctoral student Lücker (1986; 1989) analysed neous migration to forest areas was supported by in Southern Brazil, pointing out the importance juridical rules, which guaranteed land ownership of the ethnic origin for the development of mod- to each person who proves the long year use of a ernised soybean production in Rio Grande do Sul certain plot. Only in the second phase ecological (Lücker 1986; 1989), which Kohlhepp extended factors, access to markets and private initiative to with his study on Danube Swabian settlements in build up infrastructure and services were relevant the Brazilian coffee region of Paraná (Kohlhepp for the development of frontier regions. Like his 1989a). In a similar conceptual framing, but within colleague Sandner, Nuhn (1976) in Hamburg fo- another line of research on European and German cused on planned colonisation in Central American settlements in Latin America, several geographers forests and emphasised the importance of the type concentrated their studies on ethnic dimensions of colonising institution – private or public – and of ‘frontier’ development in various regional con- its long lasting interest as well as the importance texts: German and Italian settlers in Espírito Santo, of the personal conditions of settlers – agricultural Brazil (Sabelberg 1989; Struck 1992; 1997), German experience, adaptability, motivation. As external settlements in Southern Chile (Golte 1989) and factors he mentioned mainly land speculation and Mennonite colonisation in Santa Cruz de la Sierra, spontaneous immigration which contributed to in- Bolivia (Schoop 1970). All emphasise the impor- creasing land prices and population pressure with tance of ethnic and social origin of the settlers, but consequential ecological degradation respectively. as well that of environmental conditions and eco- At the university of Aachen Monheim (1965; 1976; nomic structures for agricultural practices, hous- 1977) and later Schoop (1970) dealt with the colo- ing and social networks. nisation of Eastern Bolivian lowlands by Andean population describing public and private colonisa- tion projects and their development depending on 2.2.2. Conceptualising ‘Frontier’ ecological conditions, plots sizes and adaptability Development in German of the settlers to the new environment. Geography Starting with his studies on German settle- ments in Southern Brazil and ‘following’ these set- In sequence to these studies focused on German tlers in their search for new ‘free’ land, Kohlhepp and European settlements in Latin America, the built up a research group who worked on colonisa- in a way second generation of ‘frontier’ studies tion processes in the Brazilian Amazon region. Still in German geography dealt with settlement ex- EHIRUHȆDUULYLQJȇVFLHQWLȴFDOO\LQ$PD]RQLD.RKO- pansion in forest areas mainly in the context of hepp analysed in his habilitation thesis published agrarian colonisation processes. While the first in 1975 the so called coffee frontier in the south- publications about the colonisation of forest ern state of Paraná, where the ethnic dimension areas in South America by Wilhelmy (1940) still remains mentioned, but environmental and agro- had the aim to explore regions as potential set- social dynamics came into the foreground (Kohl- tlement areas for refugees of the Second World hepp 1975; 1989b; 1990). The phases of frontier War, the studies of the post-war time tried to un- development are characterised by the dominance derstand socioeconomic and environmental pro- of different agricultural products – coffee, cattle cesses in frontier regions in order to detect faults ranching, soybean and wheat – and triggered by of planning to eventually give recommendations environmental degradation and development of for successful colonisation – of course without external markets. Successful adaptation strategies any doubts that the expansion of settlements into depend on sociocultural factors like readiness for ‘new land’ is legitimised by regional development innovation, agro-technical knowledge und access to capital. Furthermore, Kohlhepp discovered that 6 Later Kohlhepp and his scholars turned the focus of VSHFLȴFPLJUDQWJURXSV ȂIDUPZRUNHUVWHQDQWV their analysis to the ‘frontier’ development in Amazonia (see next chapter). contractors etc. – in their way from the oldest to Geographical Approaches on Territorialities, Resources and Frontiersiving 185 settling spaces affluent former structural change ier affluent front IV. phase of degradation displacement eer displaced pion re he ecological degradation natu t displaced of III. phase of incorporation life-cycle re cattle farming d clearing increases natu lan II. phase of differentiation transformation of farmland ure to pasturage I. phase of occupation clearing increases nat land concentration of property urban growth city marginalisation re clearing begins natu land sales urban growth land concentration of property consolidation of middle city emigration class informal sector spontaneous settling land formation of elites emigration controlled colonization city urban consolidation emigration city founding city frontier oneer the pi shift of Model of the life-cycle of the pioneer frontier I. phase of occupation Concept: Martin Coy 1991 modified Fig. 1. Model of frontier life cycle. the newest frontier region have the opportunity centre-oriented political programs of colonisation to advance socially. The following studies of the and agrarian support, which resulted in environ- research group of Kohlhepp on Amazonian fron- mental degradation, economic recession, out-mi- tiers can be seen as logic sequence of these studies, gration, and land conflicts. Henkel (1987; 1994) as all these frontiers are considered as agrarian VSHFLȴHGWKHLQWHUQDOPLJUDWLRQSURFHVVHVRQȆGH- coloni sation of forest regions and as the settlers of grading’ frontier regions at the example of the these frontiers originate – at least partly – from Brazilian state of Pará. All these studies on coloni- the Brazilian coffee regions. sation in forest areas conceptualised the develop- The perspective on frontier development fo- ment in frontier regions as process of sequential cusing on environmental and socioeconomic dy- phases with characteristic socioeconomic, spatial namics continues in the studies on Amazonian and ecological structures, but stayed in a widely frontiers. Besides Kohlhepp the younger members descriptive level. of his team Henkel, Lücker, and Coy – all as doc- Only Coy and Lücker introduced a new theo- toral students orientated by him – dealt with the retically based quality of studies on the Amazonian development of settlement expansion areas in Am- frontiers (Coy 1987; 1988; Coy/Lücker 1993; Kohl- azonia. In the Amazonian case studies Kohlhepp hepp/Coy 1986). In their analysis they interpreted maintained his focus on the role of the Brazilian the formation and dynamic of the frontier region state and national politics in frontier dynamics within the perspective of the centre-periphery complemented by the description of environmen- model. With this conceptual framing, the process tal conditions, population dynamics and changes of settlement expansion represents the incorpora- in the agricultural system (Kohlhepp 1976; 1979; tion of the Amazonian periphery – the ‘new’ land – 1980; 1987b; 1987c). As new factor for failing ‘suc- into the centre-dominated capitalistic system. The cessful’ frontier development he mentioned the frontier regions exercise their peripheral functions 186 Martina Neuburger Frontier development in Brazil Basic modell Hinterland A political ecological analysis of Cáceres Baixo Alegre Quatro Marcos Rancho Alegre Time Levels Brazil 1950s and 1960s 1970s and 1980s 1990s World resource flows (large, short) dynamic centers Sectors economic stagnating centers migration flows (large, small) marginalized spaces social survival spaces influence (strong, middle, weak) conflicts political (heavy, weak) influence (strong, middle, weak, very weak) cultural conflicts (strong, weak) natural environment reduction ecological expansion Einfluß, Dominanz (stark, mittel, schwach) Basic structure expansion modernization globalization Neuburger 2000 Fig. 2. Frontier development in Brazil – a political ecological analysis. ȴUVWDVVXUYLYDOVSDFHIRUPDUJLQDOLVHGSHRSOHRI interpreted as peripherisation of marginalised so- the centre – here the South Brazilian regions of cial groups within a structurally heterogeneous highly capitalised agriculture – followed by the society triggered by increasing and persistent de- function as resource basis for economic growth pendencies. In the comparative study of several by investments of powerful actors. The continu- frontier regions in the Midwest of Brazil, Coy and LQJGLVSODFHPHQWSURFHVVHVRIWKHȴUVWVHWWOHUVDUH Lücker worked out this model combining it with Geographical Approaches on Territorialities, Resources and Frontiersiving 187 the concept of social space (Coy/Lücker 1993). Fol- – so called non-place-based actors – form interest lowing the ideas of former studies, they developed coalitions to act jointly in the frontier region. Thus, DPRGHORIIURQWLHUOLIHF\FOHGHȴQLQJIRXUGLVWLQFW unequal power relations in national and interna- phases: occupation, differentiation, incorpora- WLRQDOFRQWH[WVDUHUHSURGXFHGRQWKHVSHFLȴFOR- tion and degradation (see ILJ). All phases are cal level of frontiers. Furthermore, deforestation, FKDUDFWHULVHGE\VSHFLȴFPLJUDWLRQG\QDPLFVDQG soil degradation and water pollution are results migrant groups as well as by different spatial divi- RISURȴWRULHQWHGH[SORLWDWLRQRIKLJKTXDOLW\QDW- sions between nature, rural and urban areas each ural resources by powerful actors or of survival of them with specific internal structures. In the oriented overuse of scarce resources by marginal- following years, Coy continued his studies on the ised actors. The embeddedness of frontier regions Amazonian region and on the internal dynamics and societies into national and global processes is a of frontier regions, focusing on the formation and constitutive element of this approach (ȴJ). Klin- competition of different frontier types – extractive, JOHUFRQWLQXHGWKHVHLGHDVE\GHȴQLQJDSRVWIURQ- productive and urban – as well as on the functions tier characterised not as place, but as object of mul- of cities and urban development in frontier regions ti-scalar negotiation process of societal priorities (Coy 1990; Coy/Neuburger 2002). (Coy/Klingler 2011; Coy et al. 2016). In the most recent studies on the Amazonian To sum up, we can observe that all studies on frontier the author – doctoral student of Kohlhepp frontier development in Latin American forest – and Klingler – doctoral student of Coy – devel- areas understand frontiers as timely and spatially oped a political ecology approach on their research FOHDUO\GHȴQHGUHJLRQVZLWKQDWXUDORUTXDVLQDWX- (Neuburger 2002; 2004; 2005; Neuburger/Coy 2008; ral – only extensively and sporadically used by tra- Coy/Klingler 2014). They integrated the dimension ditional groups – characteristics which are trans- of power and power relations into their analysis formed to a intensively and permanently used and explained not only the settlement expansion area by social groups who newly came into the re- to the Amazonian region as appropriation process gion. This assumption is common for all studies of by which powerful actors occupy and use natural German geographers. All conceptual framings di- resources in frontier regions for their purposes vide the settlement expansion process into phases displacing other less powerful actors. In addition, – in the most models into occupation, differentia- they conceptualised frontier internal processes WLRQDQGFRQVROLGDWLRQRUGHJUDGDWLRQ,QWKHȴUVW like soil degradation, decreasing productivity and phase, natural – tangible – resources for agricul- RXWPLJUDWLRQDVUHVXOWRIVSHFLȴFDFWRUFRQVWHOOD- tural or extractive use are abundant. Different tions within unequal power relations. Following actors struggle over the access to these resources the idea of the political ecology approach that en- – land, water, wood, mineral resources etc. In the vironmental processes are understood as materi- newer studies, access and systems of production or alisation of power relations, they interpret the ex- extraction depend on the effective property rights pansion of settlements of the dominant society as and power relations between the involved actors. act of ignorance of other existing property rights, Additionally, in the centre-periphery and the po- as disappropriation of marginalised groups and litical ecology approach structural heterogeneity occupation of natural resources by powerful ac- and power inequalities at national and global level tors. Within a frontier region dominant actors are constitute an important dimension of the resource able to reserve those resources, which are impor- dynamic in frontier regions. Internal societal pro- tant for their purposes, in their best quality – for- cesses, which are relevant for the availability and ests, soils, water, mineral resources etc. – while dynamic of intangible resources, in this framing other actors remain with minor qualities or are are interlinked and mostly entangled with exter- displaced. In this framework, the state is one of nal development: knowledge about local ecological the most powerful actors in the region, but at the FRQGLWLRQVVRFLDOQHWZRUNVDQGSROLWLFDOLQȵXHQFH same time reproduces the inequalities of socie- potentials are characterised by the peripheral po- ty. Some actors on the regional – so called place- VLWLRQRIIURQWLHUVRFLHWLHV7KXVLQWKHȴUVWSKDVH based actors – national and international level marginalised social groups have little access to 188 Martina Neuburger intangible resources and suffer displacement in an Newer studies such as centre-periphery and polit- early stage of frontier development. ical ecology approaches explain the processes in This is the starting point of the second phase, frontier regions as dependent on inequality struc- when the forests are opened and land is ‘prepared’ tures and power relations on national and even IRUPDUNHWRULHQWHGDJULFXOWXUDOXVHZLWKGHȴQHG on global level. Consequently, frontiers are seen as institutional rules for land and resource access, embedded in higher-level processes in the socio- with good developed commercial infrastructure economic and political spheres and their develop- and consolidated public services. New actors come ment cannot be understood without considering LQWRWKHUHJLRQZLWKHFRQRPLFȂSURȴWRULHQWHGȂ this contexts. interests, so that regional society is getting more diverse. In political ecology and centre- periphery approach this is interpreted as incorporation 3. Territorialities and Resources: Some phase in which peripheral regions and societies Ideas to Reconceptualise the Frontier are integrated into centre directed commodity FKDLQVDQGSROLWLFDOGHFLVLRQV:KLOHLQWKHȴUVW Now the question is how to deal with the re- phase natural resources are relevant for survival maining coloniality of the frontier concept? We purposes in the second phase the interest gets in- propose here the integration of some ideas of the creasingly economised and natural resources com- Brazilian geographer Rogério Haesbaert, who de- PRGLȴHG)RUHVWVDUHFXWGRZQDQGKLJKTXDOLW\ veloped the concept of territoriality (Haesbaert soils and access to water replace the function of 1997; 2013; Haesbaert/Araújo 2007). To explain the the Former. multifaceted aspects of territory he detects the fol- The following phases are – in most of the lowing concepts of territory useful for our search models – characterised by increasing degradation for an alternative concept of frontier: or – in successful cases – by maximum use of nat- – Territory as natural resource and functional ural resources and full integration in national eco- place nomic and political contexts. As far as intangible – Territory as relational space, as part of society resources are concerned, knowledge of local eco- inseparable from social relations systems is fully developed, but social networks are – Territory as controlled space destroyed due to the fact, that important persons of – Territory as representation in its symbolic di- these networks migrate to other frontier regions or mension, which gives spatial orientation for to cities. At the same time in ‘successful’ regions like identities WKHVR\EHDQIURQWLHUVLQ0DWR*URVVRWKHLQȵXHQFH – 7HUULWRU\DVFXOWXUDOO\GHȴQHGYDOXH on political decisions on national level increases. Furthermore Haesbaert characterises territory in a While all the concepts show – in compari- VSDWLDOFRQWH[WZLWKVSHFLȴFPRELOLWLHV VRQZLWKWKHȴUVWVWXGLHVLQWKHHDUO\th century – Territory and network – a sophistication of analytical view, the colonial – Centripetal and centrifugal character of the frontier concept with the think- – Areas, zones and point, lines ing about an – more or less – unoccupied natural – Borders, limits and cross-border space, which is occupied by frontier development, – Rooted and rootless remains integral of the concepts. Nevertheless, we )RUDQDO\WLFDOSXUSRVHVKHGHWHFWVDVSHFLȴFUHOD- can observe an important advancement in frontier tion between time and space: issues since the last decades. Most of the German – Simultaneous and sequential geographical studies before the 1980s understood – Process and moment IURQWLHUUHJLRQVDVFRQWDLQHUZLWKFOHDUO\GHȴQHG – Time oriented or space oriented natural resources, population, which increases by In the concept of Haesbaert, territory is not sta- LPPLJUDWLRQDQGVSHFLȴFODQGXVHV\VWHPVZKLFK ble but continuously dynamic and moving due to DUHLQWHQVLȴHGWKURXJKWLPH$VORJLFFRQVHTXHQFH the fact, that territories are a product of constant natural resources degrade by increasing popula- de-territorialisation and re-territorialisation pro- tion pressure and overexploitation of resources. cesses. These territorialisation processes are on the Geographical Approaches on Territorialities, Resources and Frontiersiving 189 one hand a result of the dominance and control of VSHFLȴFWHUULWRULDOLWLHVFRPSHWLQJZLWKDQGUHSODF- space by hegemonic groups that means a function- ing each other, the so called ‘free’ land represents al territorialisation. On the other hand, subaltern a region of dense territorialities, but negated by groups appropriate space symbolically and by this GRPLQDQWDFWRUV7KHGHȴQLWLRQRIWKLVUHJLRQDV put territorialisation into practice. In the concept natural land without population means, that dom- of Haesbaert, we observe simultaneity and contin- inant discourses of external actors appropriate uum of dominance and appropriation in a very dy- symbolically the region and expand their territori- namic process, in which territorial representation ality to the respective region. not necessarily needs a concrete territory, while no In case of the settlement expansion into the territory can exist without any territoriality. Addi- ‘free’ land, the symbolic territoriality is trans- tionally, symbolic territorialisation may be embed- formed into a functional territoriality by occupy- ded in several territories – Haesbaert speaks about ing and appropriating the natural resources of the multitterritoriality – while functional territoriality ‘free’ land. This re-territorialisation of dominant needs one territory as spatial anchor. In the dynam- actors means at the same time the de-territoriali- ic movement of territorialities several territories sation of subaltern – here of indigenous – people. and territorialities of different actors are super- While the diverse symbolic territorialisations of posed in time and space. Mobility – in this concept indigenous people – ancestors, rituals, identity – – is understood as continuous process of de-terri- and settlers – frontier myth, new identity – may torialisation and re-territorialisation. Manly net- exist simultaneously, the functional territorialisa- work-like territories may overlap without any con- tion of settlers – intensive, large scale agricultural nection with each other. However, territorialities use, exploitation of mineral resources – replaces DUHQRWHTXLWDEOHVLQFHSRZHUUHODWLRQVGHȴQHWKHLU the indigenous territoriality. In this moment of the SRVLWLRQDQGKHJHPRQ\ZLWKLQVSHFLȴFWLPHVSDFH VRFDOOHGȆRFFXSDWLRQȇSKDVHWKHȴUVWVHWWOHUVHYHQ contexts. Even though mobile, powerful actors stay marginalised people in the dominant society – LQWKHLUVSHFLȴFORJLFRIWHUULWRULDOLW\E\FUHDWLQJUH- land less people, land workers etc. – get the hegem- spective territories in other regions. Marginalised onic group in the region who have the power to actors are forced to integrate into existing territori- de-territorialise the subaltern indigenous people. alities with their own logics. In the following time other actors – more pow- If we use these ideas of Haesbaert to reconcep- HUIXOWKDQWKHȴUVWVHWWOHUVȂFRQWLQXRXVO\H[WHQG WXDOLVHWKHIURQWLHUZHȴUVWRIDOOVKRXOGFRQVLGHU their territories into the frontier region. Prior to WKHVSHFLȴFVLWXDWLRQRIDIURQWLHUUHJLRQ,IQRWHU- this act of functional re-territorialisation with the ritory exists without any territoriality than we can appropriation of natural resources a symbolic ter- state, that the so called natural ‘free’ land in a fron- ritorialisation by recognising the frontier region as tier region has several territorialities: using the VSDFHRILQWHUHVWIRUHFRQRPLFSURȴWDQGSROLWLFDO case of the Amazonian frontier, the territoriality of strengthening. Powerful actors like cattle ranch- indigenous people has functional aspects by using ers or soybean producers are able to create new territory and natural resources for hunting, gath- territorialities by continuing their own logic. They ering and – in small plots – agricultural produc- reproduce the same production system – mod- WLRQ7KLVWHUULWRULDOLW\LVYHU\ȵXLGEHFDXVHPRVW ernised, mechanised, market and profit oriented RIWKHLQGLJHQRXVSHRSOHGRQRWKDYHȴ[HGVHWWOH- etc. – and the same cultural spaces by founding ments and plots for agricultural use, but develop cultural associations to cultivate traditions and rit- DYHU\ȵH[LEOHVSRUDGLFWHUULWRULDOLW\RIQHWZRUNV uals. Subaltern or marginalised groups are de-ter- with centripetal and centrifugal dynamics by their ULWRULDOLVHGDQGȵHHWRQHZȆIUHHȇODQGDUHDVRUUH- agricultural – e.g. shifting cultivation – and extrac- treat to marginal areas within the frontier regions. tive practices – hunting, gathering, creation of re- Thus, they have to change continuously the logics source islands. Nevertheless, symbolic territories of their territorialities – small-scale farmers, land like ancestor locations and ritual places may be workers, urban poor etc. – depending on the niches more stable. Assuming that in the Amazonian re- left by the dominant actors. We observe a time in gions many indigenous people live each with their which de-territorialisation and re-territorialisation 190 Martina Neuburger processes are very dynamic and territorialities of natural spaces with unused or underused nat- overlap in time and space. ural resources. Within the container concept of Multiterritoriality represents a constitutive fea- the frontier region natural resources degraded ture in frontier societies due to the fact, that migra- when population grows and agricultural produc- tion and mobility are present in all time and spatial WLRQLQWHQVLȴHV5HFRPPHQGDWLRQVRIVXVWDLQDEOH scales. Migrants in their way pass through different resource use and ‘better’ planning instruments concrete territories experiencing different family, are mostly the consequent recommendations. Fur- work, leisure etc. contexts. The identities and feel- thermore, advancements in frontier studies inte- ings they develop in and with each of these places grated critical perspectives and contextualised the form a multiple basis for their territorial orienta- regional development within national and global tion. Different references and symbolic appropria- contexts of incorporation into capitalistic centre- tion of territories are present in their identical ori- periphery and unequal power relations. However, HQWDWLRQDQGGHȴQHWKHPXOWLWHUULWRULDOLW\ colonial ideas in the construction of ‘free’ land re- Concluding we can observe that frontiers are main in these studies. The concept of territoriality characterised by a symbolic territorialisation of may help to overcome this problem by conceptual- dominant actors who have the power to negate ising the frontier as area of very dynamic de-terri- other territorialities. These territorialities con- torialisation and re-territorialisation processes and struct the frontier region as ‘free’ natural space of space of multiterritoriality. and thus legitimise the functional re-territorialisa- tion and expansion of settlement, agricultural use and resource exploitation. The high mobility of all actors is responsible for the simultaneous de-terri- Martina Neuburger torialisation and re-territorialisation processes. Critical Geographies of Global Inequalities Institute of Geography University of Hamburg 4. Conclusion Bundesstrasse 55 D-20146 Hamburg The traditional frontier studies reproduced the co- [email protected] loniality of the concept through the construction Bibliography %RFN: U. 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Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin 5.6, 1940, 303–314. :LOKHOP\ : H. Wilhelmy, Neu-Karlsruhe (Liebig). Ein warnendes Beispiel gescheiterter Genossen- schaftssiedlungen im nördlichen Argentinien. In: G. Kohlhepp (ed.), Geographische Forschungen in Südamerika. Ausgewählte Beiträge von Herbert Wilhelmy. Kleine Geographische Schriften 1 (Berlin 1980) 86–104. 195 GISELA GRUPE, STEFAN HÖLZL, BALAZS KOCSIS, PEER KRÖGER, MARKUS MAUDER, CHRISTOPH MAYR, EIRINI NTOUTSI, WOLFGANG SCHMAHL, FRANK SÖLLNER, ANITA TONCALA AND DOMINIKA WYCISK Isotopic Mapping and Migration Research Based on Bioarchaeological Finds 7KH७,QWHUGLVFLSOLQDU\७3URMHFW७‘Transalpine 0RELOLW\७DQG७&XOWXUH७7UDQVIHU’1 Keywords: stable isotopes, Sr, Pb, bioapatite, )RUDGHȴQLWLRQRIORFDOELRDYDLODEOHLVRWRSLF provenance analysis, cremation, European Alps ratios and related cut-off values to neighbouring regions, isotopic mapping is very informative, however not trivial. The interdisciplinary DFG Abstract Research Unit ‘Transalpine Mobility and Culture Transfer’ aims at breaking new methodological The desire to better understand past human and grounds including modern data mining by com- animal mobility and patterning in prehistoric and puter scientists to cope with multiple isotopic historic times has benefited substantially from signatures, and a systematic mineralogical charac- GHYHORSPHQWVHVSHFLDOO\LQWKHȴHOGRIUDGLRJHQLF WHULVDWLRQRIWKHVNHOHWDOȴQGVIRUYDOLGDWLRQRIWKH isotope research (stable strontium and lead iso- isotopic signatures. A reference region of eminent WRSLFUDWLRV :KLOHWKHGHȴQLWLRQRIQRQORFDOȴQGV DUFKDHRORJLFDOLPSRUWDQFHLVVSHFLȴFDOO\WDUJHWHG can be rather easy by use of the exclusion princi- namely the transalpine Inn-Eisack-Adige passage SOHGHȴQLWLRQRISODFHRIRULJLQLVVWLOOIUHTXHQW- over the Brenner Pass. This paper introduces aims ly fraught with ambiguity, be it due to an overall and scopes of the research group and summaris- geo graphical redundancy of isotopic ratios, or an es the results achieved in the course of the first overwhelming imprint of a few edibles only on three years of the project. In particular, a novel ap- the isotopic composition of the consumer’s skele- SURDFKIRULQWHUSUHWLQJDPXOWLLVRWRSHȴQJHUSULQW ton. Moreover, the eminent danger of false positive has been worked out by computer scientists, and results brought about by diagenetic signals over- we show the applicability of stable isotopic analy- printing the original, biological signal remains. As VLVIRUSURYHQDQFLQJFUHPDWHGȴQGVLQWKHUHIHU- a result, the question arises whether ’isotopic land- ence region studied. scapes’ in bioarchaeology do exist at all – are we dealing with an ecogeographical reality, or rather with a concept, and is this concept really a ‘silver Isotopic Mapping and Isotopic bullet’? Landscapes in Bioarchaeology Stable isotope analysis of archaeological skeletal finds has become an indispensable tool for the 1 This project is financially supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG). detection of non-local individuals on a site, be it a 196 Gisela Grupe et al. burial site or a settlement. The number of primar- URFNVKDYHVLJQLȴFDQWO\ORZHUUDWLRVDURXQG ily non-local individuals gives important clues to Ocean water has a relatively constant 87Sr/ 86Sr the extent of human migration and popula tion ad- isotopic ratio of 0.7092 world wide due to global mixture in the past, to animal import, domestica- mixing with a slight variability related to salinity tion processes, or the size of the catchment areas (Andersson et al. 1992). Soils are generated through of hunted game. Stable stron tium isotope analysis the weathering of parent rock, and a geological (87Sr/ 86Sr) in bone or dental enamel has become map may give useful hints for the expected range that fashion in the course of the last two decades of local stable strontium isotope ratios in skeletal that this method is sometimes labelled as sort of ȴQGV%XWDOUHDG\DWWKLVHDUO\SRLQWWKHȆSULPHVLO- ‘prime silver bullet’ for an evaluation of human ver bullet’ for provenance analysis becomes less and animal migration behaviour. The underlying trivial because it can be very difficult to define concept is indeed very easy: While it is a fact that the ‘local’ isotopic signa ture of the foodweb that alkaline earth elements such as strontium, which is a requisite for a recognition of an isotopic out- UHDGLO\ȴWVLQWRWKHDSDWLWHFU\VWDOODWWLFHWHQGWR lier and hence a ‘non-local’ signature. Bioavailable heavily contaminate a skeleton in the course of long strontium that enters the biosphere and is incor- inhumation periods, a stable strontium isotopic sig- SRUDWHGLQWRWKHFRQVXPHUȇVVNHOHWRQFDQVLJQLȴ- nature that is not compatible with the overall local cantly differ in its isotopic composition from the such signature in soil, water and vegetation cannot underlying bedrock (Beard/Johnson 2000), some be due to contamination but must indicate a differ- soils are wind blown or were introduced into the ent region of origin of the individual in question. region by glaciations and are not at all related to If a ‘foreign’ 87Sr/ 86Sr isotopic ratio is measured in the local parent rock, and since rubidium (an alkali tooth enamel that precipitates during childhood metal) behaves differently in geological reactions and juvenile age and is not remodelled thereafter, than strontium, also differences in the Rb/Sr ratio this particular individual must have grown up else- of rocks are responsible for variations of 87Sr/ 86Sr where and is therefore primarily not local to the isotopic signatures in ecosystems (Capo et al. 1998; site of its recovery. A ‘foreign’ isotopic signature in Porcelli/Baskaran 2012). Regions that do not differ bone indicates a ‘late immigrant’ to the site. Follow- much in terms of the baseline 87Sr/ 86Sr ratios in ing this exclusion principle, valuable information the environ ment will lead to very similar isotopic about the extent of mobility/migration/import is signatures in the consumers‘ tissues, such as areas quickly obtained. Let alone that the question from dominated by loess. These fertile soils have been where this ‘foreigner’ originated is less readily an- sought after since the beginnings of agriculture, VZHUHGSURYHQDQFLQJELRDUFKDHRORJLFDOȴQGVE\ but any movement of people and animals ‘from VWDEOHLVRWRSHDQDO\VLVLVGHȴQLWHO\QRWWKDWHDV\ loess to loess’ will remain undetected by stable Today, stable strontium isotope analysis aiming strontium isotope analysis. This implies that sta- at the reconstruction of place of origin and migra- ble isotopes can be spatially redundant and that tion of modern and past humans and animals is WKHQXPEHURILPPLJUDQWLQGLYLGXDOVLGHQWLȴHGE\ ȴUPO\LQFOXGHGLQWRWKHPHWKRGRORJLFDOFDWDORJXH the exclusion principle only provides a minimum of ecological and bioarchaeological sciences (e.g. value of non-local individuals at a site. For several Bentley 2006; Crowley et al. 2015). Out of the four regions and times, this underestimation of mobile stable strontium isotopes, 84Sr, 86Sr, and 88Sr have people may be critical. gained constant abundances in the course of the Another crucial aspect, which has been over- earth’s history, while 87Sr is a radiogenic isotope looked for long and is still frequently neglected 87 -9 and the decay product of Rb (t½ = 48.8 x 10 years). in bioarchaeology, is the physiology of the former Therefore, geologists use to measure 87Sr/ 86Sr in living individuals and their feeding preferences. rock for dating purposes since the abundance of Strontium enters the organism by ingesting food 87Sr is both a function of the initial Rb content of and water. The majority of this ingested non-essen- rock and its age (Faure/Mensing 2004). As a result, tial trace element is excreted, the remaining atoms old and Rb-rich continental rocks typically exhibit are sequestered into the mineralised hard tissues. high 87Sr/ 86Sr ratios > 0.71, while young volcanic Burton and Price (2013) recently pinpointed that Isotopic Mapping and Migration Research Based on Bioarchaeological Finds 197 95% of the 87Sr/ 86Sr isotopic ratios measured in is no doubt that these empirically gathered data 4885 human dental enamel samples originating for an isotopic map are requisite for the generation from six continents fall within the narrow range of model predictions, it has also been common- between 0.7047 and 0.7190, what implies that the ly agreed upon that the measurement of a single worldwide variability of stable strontium isotopic LVRWRSLFV\VWHPDORQHLVLQVXɚFLHQWEHFDXVHRILWV VLJQDWXUHVLQKXPDQVLVVLJQLȴFDQWO\FRPSUHVVHG geo graphic redun dancy. Bioarchaeological stron- with regard to the geological variability at any tium isotope maps are very useful for supporting site (Burton/Hahn 2016). Strontium is always as- or rejecting an archaeological hypothesis about the sociated with calcium in nature, therefore, a few possible place of origin of immigrants to a site, but calcium-rich food items will dominate the con- still cannot predict provenance with a certain prob- sumer’s 87Sr/ 86Sr signature (see also Meiggs 2007; DELOLW\0XOWLLVRWRSHȆȴQJHUSULQWVȇZLOOEHQHFHVVDU\ )HQQHU:ULJKW 7KLVUHQGHUVWKHGHȴQLWLRQ in the majority of provenance studies, what implies of a ‘local’ isotopic signa ture the more complicat- that simple univariate statistics will no longer be ed, and cut-off values between ‘local’ and ‘non- capable of extracting the necessary information local’ often remain arbitrary. Several attempts (see e.g. hierarchical cluster analysis performed have been made for an assess ment of local stable by Turner et al. 2009). Since the vast majority of strontium isotopic ratios for archaeological strata, ELRDUFKDHRORJLFDOȴQGVLVPDGHXSRIYHUWHEUDWH whereby the co-analysis of residential vertebrate skeletal remains including humans, other isotopic remains as suggested by Price et al. (2002) is still signatures augmenting 87Sr/ 86Sr in the bioapatite 18 the most reliable method because these verte- DUHƁ Ophosphate because of its known ecogeogra phic brates integrate the regional small-scale isotopic variability (see e.g. Vitvar et al. 2007; Aggar wal variability at a site. Also, approximating the local et al. 2010), and to a much lesser extent (mostly isotopic signature by sampling modern reference due to technical problems caused by the low skel- PDWHULDO HJVRLOZDWHUDQGȵRUD KDVEHHQDW- etal lead content of prehistoric vertebrates and the tempted (e.g. Frei/Frei 2011; Maurer et al. 2012). low abundance of the non-radiogenic isotope 204Pb) Quite recently, the impor tance of strontium in the the lead isotopic ratios 208Pb/ 204Pb, 207Pb/ 204Pb, local water sources for the 87Sr/ 86Sr ratios in mam- and 206Pb/ 204Pb. Since the radiogenic lead isotopes malian skeletons was stressed (Crowley et al. 2015; are the products of three different decay series Söllner et al. 2016). (2388ࠉ206Pb, 2358ࠉ207Pb, and 2327Kࠉ208Pb), their Despite of the fact that bioarchaeology has variability in rocks by far exceeds the variability KLJKO\EHQHȴWHGIURPUDGLRJHQLFVWDEOHLVRWRSHV of 87Sr/ 86Sr (Bullen/Kendall 1998). Provenancing for provenance analyses, the limitations of this metal objects with lead isotopes is successfully per- method are still persistent. Bioarchaeologists have formed since long and led to an accumulation of learned much more about both the small-scale extensive data bases (for Europe see Durali- Mueller vari ability and geographic redundancy of stable et al. 2007; Stos-Gale/Gale 2009). Reimann et al. strontium isotopic ratios, and ‘outliers’ are less (2012) recently published a map of lead isotopes in readily labelled ‘immigrants’ because the evalu- European agricultural soils. ation of the genesis of an isotopic signal in bio- logical tissue is performed more cautiously. At present, specific regions of interest (for Europe, Across the Alps: The Interdisciplinary the Mediter ranean and the Americas see Slovak/ Project ‘Transalpine Mobility and Paytan 2012) are isotopically mapped by investi- Culture Transfer’ gating as many accompanying archaeological and modern reference samples from this region as pos- The research group ‘Transalpine Mobility and Cul- sible. The resulting isotopic map gives clues to the ture Transfer’ 2ȴQDQFLDOO\VXSSRUWHGE\WKH*HU- spatial variability of the isotopic ratios, but does man Science Foundation, aims to contribute to the QRW\HWIXOȴOWKHFULWHULDIRUDQȆLVRWRSLFODQGVFDSHȇ which is characterised by model predictions cou- 2 Fig. 1. Gross geological map of 87Sr/86Sr ratios in the region between the Danube River (Germany) and the Lago di Garda (Italy). Green: crystalline rock, mantle dominated; pink: crystalline, crust dominated; yellow: mixed isotopic ratios; blue: carbonate rock. Red dots: sites investigated in the project (Figure by Frank Söllner). FXUUHQWUHVHDUFKHIIRUWVDLPLQJDWDUHȴQHPHQW a.s.l., the mountains did constitute a geographical of provenance analysis by use of a multi-isotope boundary which, however, did not prevent its in- ȴQJHUSULQWLQDUFKDHRORJLFDOVNHOHWDOȴQGV8SWR tensive exploitation and the transfer of humans now, the majority of such investigations was dedi- and animals from north to south and vice versa. cated to a particular site and the establishment of It can be depicted from the gross geological map an ‘isotopic map’ by evaluating the spatial distri- (ȴJ) that carbonate soils dominate the northern bution of stable strontium, oxygen, and lead iso- and southern Alpine foothills, which exhibit very topes in potential source materials. An isotopic similar 87Sr/ 86Sr isotopic ratios. The Central Alps mapping for the scope of applying this map for are characterised by crystalline material and archaeological finds to come, in other words a mixed isotopic ratios. Therefore, any immigrant map which will be applicable to the majority or from the north to the south and vice versa can- even all archaeological strata, is still the excep- not be detected by measuring a stable strontium tion to the rule (e.g. Price/Gestsdóttir 2006; Gill- LVRWRSLFUDWLRLQELRDUFKDHRORJLFDOȴQGVRQO\7KH maier et al. 2009; Nafplioti 2011; Voerkelius et al. DSSOLFDWLRQRIDPXOWLLVRWRSHȴQJHUSULQWIRUWKLV 2010; Frei/Frei 2011; Brems et al. 2013; Willmes reference region is necessary. et al. 2014). In our project, a specific transect The aims and scopes of the project in particular across the European Alps is studied, namely the are as follows: Inn- Eisack-Adige passage via the Brenner Pass. – Evaluation of the spatial variability of stable Abundant archaeological finds are proof for a strontium, oxygen, and lead isotopes in the bio- regular use of this transect since the 9th mill. BC. apatite of residential vertebrates recovered at Although the Brenner Pass is the lowest pass of particular archaeological sites along the Inn- the European Alps with an altitude of only 1370m Eisack-Adige-Brenner passage. Isotopic Mapping and Migration Research Based on Bioarchaeological Finds 199 – Purification of the bioapatite from compact by the burials. A model for Raetia’ (for details bone and teeth from cattle (Bos taurus), pigs and the responsible principal investigators see (Sus domesticus), and red deer (Cervus elaphus) the project’s website). 3 and mineralogical characterisation of the pu- – Finally, the complete database will be made rified apatite for a validation of the isotopic public by use of a suitable platform for a world data. This in-depth mineralogical investigation wide data sharing. serves for the formulation of a catalogue of While the research group does not claim to solve authentication criteria for stable isotopes in every open problem of provenance analysis by archaeological bioapatite. VWDEOHLVRWRSHVLWQHYHUWKHOHVVDLPVDWDVLJQLȴFDQW – To extract the spatial information hidden in the contribution with regard to the chosen reference LVRWRSLFȴQJHUSULQWD*DXVVLDQ0L[WXUH0RGHO area and archaeological strata. The network, the ZKLFKȴWVDQXPEHURIPXOWLYDULDWHQRUPDO JHQHUDOVWUXFWXUHRIZKLFKLVRXWOLQHGLQȴJLQ- distributions over the given data set, was gen- YROYHVVFLHQWLVWVIURPWKHȴHOGVRIDQWKURSRORJ\ erated using the Expectation-Maximization archaeology, archaeozoology, computer sciences, Algorithm. A focus was on a ranking of the dif- crystallography, and geology. ferent features (isotopic ratios), in particular with regard to the relative structural relevance (a single feature’s contribution to a reference clustering) versus structural redundancy (the capability of the other features to capture the 18 UHIHUHQFHVWUXFWXUHFOXVWHULQJ RIƁ Ophosphate. 6LQFHƁ18O is thermally less stable than the iso- topic ratios of the heavier elements strontium 18 DQGOHDGWKHVSDWLDOLQIRUPDWLRQRIƁ Ophosphate RIFUHPDWHGȴQGVLVQRWUHOLDEOH7KXVWKHTXDO- ity of isotopic maps for provenance analysis in- FOXGLQJDQGH[FOXGLQJƁ18O needs to be tested. – Application of the generated isotopic map to persistent archaeological questions related to Fig. 2. General structure of the project. prehistoric mobility/migration will focus on SHULRGVEHWZHHQWKH8UQȴHOG3HULRGDQG,P- The project is subdivided into two phases, whereby perial Roman Times when cremation was the WKHȴUVWWKUHH\HDUSKDVHKDVMXVWFRPHWRDQHQG major if not exclusive burial practice. A sys- ,QWKHFRXUVHRIWKLVȴUVWSKDVHWKHLVRWRSLFPDS tematic study of population admixture and has been created, a mineralogical catalogue for culture transfer based on cremations will be the authentication of isotopic signatures measured SHUIRUPHGIRUWKHȴUVWWLPH7KHIRXUDUFKDH- in archaeological bioapatite has been established, ological subprojects concern in particular the and the suitable data mining methods have been topics ‘Mobility and social dynamics in South- ZRUNHGRXW$OVRȴUVWDQDO\VHVRIDODUJHVDPSOH ern Bavaria, the North Tyrolean Inn Valley and of human cremations from the Urnfield Period WKH6DO]DFK9DOOH\GXULQJWKH8UQȴHOG3HULRG Ȃ and the Fritzens-Sanzeno Culture have been com- copper as catalyst for migration and social ac- pleted. The involved archaeologists have com- celeration?’, ‘Migration or acculturation – the SOHWHGWKHȴQGDQDO\VHVDQGGRFXPHQWDWLRQVDQG genesis and spread of the early Fritzens-San- the cremation samples are ready for analysis in the zeno Culture (5th/4th cent. BC)’, ‘Transalpine cul- second project phase. This manuscript will present ture transfer: Population and domesticates of an overview of the results achieved so far in the the Raetian Alps and alpine foothills in the 1st cent. AD’, and ‘Gontia as melting pot? The Im- 3 See 18 form of a ‘proof of concept’ and ‘state of the art re- $V H[SHFWHG Ɓ Ophosphate values turned out to be 18 port’. A monograph mostly summarising the work PRUHUHOLDEOHWKDQƁ Ocarbonate values (Lihl 2014). 18 of the natural sciences, which is indispensable $IWHUWUDQVIRUPDWLRQRIWKHƁ Ophosphate of an even for a successful accomplishment of the project’s larger subsample (47 cattle, 45 pigs, 26 red deer, 18 second phase that is mainly dedicated to the social WRWDO LQWRƁ Owater by use of published spe- sciences of the network, will be published soon FLHVVSHFLȴFFRUUHODWLRQVWKHGDWDREWDLQHGIURP (Grupe et al. 2017). the archaeological specimens plotted exactly on 18 WKHUHJUHVVLRQEHWZHHQƁ Oprecipitation and altitude in the European Alps as published by Kern et al. Isotopic Mapping of the Inn-Eisack- (2014) (Mayr et al. 2016). Therefore, the choice of Adige-Brenner Passage across the Alps animal bone samples for the isotopic map was ap- propriate. However, data from one site (Zambana) 18 For the establishment of the isotopic map, 217 KDGWREHH[FOXGHGPDLQO\GXHWRWKHSLJVȇƁ Ophos- animal bone samples were analysed in terms of phate values there. We speculate that the pigs at this stable strontium, lead, and oxygen isotopes in the site could have been bred close to the river Adige, bio apatite (method details and all raw data see which is in close vicinity of the archaeological site. Toncala et al. in press). Care was taken to sample If so, they rather incorporated the river catchment at least three individuals of each species per site, if WKDQWKHORFDOLVRWRSLFFRPSRVLWLRQDQGWKXVUHȵHFW available. This was possible in most cases, however, an apparent altitude not representative for the site. at a few sites, the appropriate material was limited. An indispensable prerequisite for mobility re- Modern groundwater and vegetation samples search in prehistory by use of stable isotope analy- žFHOOXORVH VHUYHGIRUDFRQWURORIWKHHFRJHR VLVRIELRDUFKDHRORJLFDOȴQGVLVWKHDXWKHQWLFDWLRQ JUDSKLFDOYDULDELOLW\RIƁ18O along the alpine tran- of the measured isotopic ratios. sect, in particular in terms of the expected altitude Skeletal tissue is prone to diagenesis and con- effect. As expected, a positive correlation between tamination in the course of long inhumation peri- 18 PRGHUQƁ Ocellulose and both latitude and altitude ods, and no catalogue of authentication criteria for exists, whereby the Austrian wood samples exhib- the integrity of extracted bioapatite that is com- 18 18 LWHGVLJQLȴFDQWO\ORZHUƁ Ocellulose DQGDOVRƁ Owater) monly agreed upon is available so far. This con- YDOXHVWKDQWKH,WDOLDQRQHV6SHFLHVVSHFLȴFGLI- trasts with the analysis of preserved bio molecules ferences between the wood samples also followed such as bone collagen where the necessary authen- expectations. Since hazelnut trees were available WLFDWLRQFULWHULD HJSURWHLQDPLQRDFLGSURȴOHV at almost every site and also develop roots which are at hand since long. In this respect, a regret- reach below the agricultural horizon, further com- table knowledge gap still exists which needs to be SDULVRQZDVUHVWULFWHGWRKD]HOQXWžFHOOXORVH Q closed especially when cremated finds shall be DQGWKHVLJQLȴFDQFHRIWKHGHWHFWHGHFRJHR- forwarded to analysis. In this case, not only diage- graphical variability in Germany and Austria in- netic, but also possible thermally induced altera- 18 FUHDVHG FRUUHODWLRQFRHɚFLHQWEHWZHHQƁ Ocellulose tions of the skeletal mineral phase need detection 18 DQGODWLWXGH DQGEHWZHHQƁ Ocellulose and and quantification. A subsample of 63 cremated altitude) (Göhring et al. 2015). The average altitude and uncremated animal bone samples, augment- JUDGLHQWRIƁ18O of -0.18‰ per 100m corresponds ed by experimentally cremated modern animal 18 ZLWKWKHDYHUDJHDOWLWXGHJUDGLHQWRIƁ Oprecipitation bones, were investigated by X-ray diffraction to for the region (-0.16‰ per 100m) as published by determine crystallite size and unit cell volume, Humer et al. (1995). among other crystallographic parameters, and by 2- - To check whether the results obtained by the FTIR with regard to the chemistry (CO3 , HPO 4 , - modern reference samples could be translated to OH , H2O, etc.). The results were correlated with archaeological vertebrate bone samples, a subsam- archaeological parameters. The purified apatite ple of the latter specimens (36 cattle, 35 pigs, and was of nanocrystalline size and mostly consisted 20 red deer, total = 91) were analysed in terms of of a single mineral phase only, namely carbonated 18 18 ERWK Ɓ Ophosphate DQG Ɓ Ocarbonate in the bioapatite. hydroxyapatite. In only 20% of all samples, calcite Isotopic Mapping and Migration Research Based on Bioarchaeological Finds 201 was detected as a second phase. XRD line width of the calcite crystal lites also indicated a nanocrystal- line size in the order of some tens of nanometers. We interpret this in terms of a decomposition of the original bioa patite rather than a contamination from the burial environment. In the latter case, the calcite crystals would have been definitely much larger and of a size in the μm and even mm range. In experi mentally cremated bones, also no other mineral phases besides hydroxyapatite were found. We conclude that the laboratory processing PHWKRGVIRUWKHSXULȴFDWLRQRIELRDSDWLWHIURPWKH Fig. 3. Bivariate plot of 87Sr/86Sr versus 206Pb/207Pb of bioarchaeological finds was successful and that 217 animal bones from the Alpine transect by country. the measured isotopic data are original biological signals rather than diagenetic alterations. To vali- to the inneralpine and southern Alpine regions, date stable isotope ratios from archaeological bio- values between 0.709 and 0.713 are found near- DSDWLWHDFKDUDFWHULVDWLRQRIWKHȴQGVLQWHUPVRI ly everywhere along the studied reference areas. mineral phases, crystallite size, crystallite unit cell None of the Italian samples exhibits 206Pb/ 207Pb iso- volume, and microstrain are suggested as authen- topic ratios > 1.230, but ratios between 1.170 and tication criteria (Schmahl et al. 2016). 1.230 also occur almost everywhere. The picture While the removal of contaminating Sr from does neither change in bivariate plots using differ- an archaeological bone is meanwhile performed ent isotopic ratios, nor on a smaller-scale inspec- by use of established lab protocols, a caveat still tion (Grupe et al. 2015). While it is out of question concerns lead isotopes because of the worldwide that single prominent outliers will be detectable by conta mination of the environment with indus- the exclusion principle, the limitations of this con- trial lead. In Europe, contaminated soils typically servative data interpretation are obvious. ex hibit a 206Pb/ 207Pb isotopic ratio < 1.16, uncon- To overcome the spatial redundancies, two taminated soils a ratio > 1.20. The archaeological novel approaches were chosen: The evaluation of specimens investigated in the frame of the transal- the structure of the data set by modern data min- pine project do not show any remnants of this ing methods (see below), and an attempt to model anthropogenic Pb contamination after laboratory the local, bioavailable 87Sr/ 86Sr isotopic ratios at a processing, what holds also for all isotopic ratios site by use of modern reference material. The latter related to the non-radiogenic 204Pb. All measured was assumed to be a necessity because an isotopic stable lead isotopic ratios are in agreement with PDSEDVHGRQVNHOHWDOȴQGVRIUHVLGHQWLDOIDXQD the respective pre-industrial variability (Kamenov/ is not totally free of ambiguities: while the overall Gulson 2014). Subsamples have also been inves- assumption that cattle and pigs were kept in the tigated in terms of Pb concentrations which are vicinity of human settlements is plausible, it can all by far lower than 1ppm (in agreement with never be decided with certainty that every individ- e.g. Drasch 1982; Grupe 1991; Fergusson 1990). ual was indeed local to the site. The Alpine transect We therefore conclude that the measurement of studied in our project is a transition zone, and ani- uncontaminated stable lead isotopic ratios was mals or preserved edible parts of them might well successful. have been transported to the site of their recovery A bivariate plot of stable strontium and lead from elsewhere. It is also a matter of herding man- iso topes in the animal bone finds by country agement whether the animals, especially cattle, c learly shows the spatial redundancy of single were kept at a larger or shorter distance from the isotopic ratios in the reference area which is only human dwellings. With regard to game, red deer is partly overcome by analysing more than one iso- assumed to be quite residential, but the catchment topic ratio (ȴJ, see also Toncala et al. in press). area of former herds might have been larger than While 87Sr/ 86Sr isotopic ratios > 0.713 are restricted today. This way, deer might integrate bioavailable 202 Gisela Grupe et al. ůŽĐĂůĂŶĚŶŽŶͲůŽĐĂůϴϳ^ƌͬϴϲ^ƌͲ ŝƐŽƚŽƉŝĐƌĂƚŝŽƐŽĨƌĞĐŽǀĞƌĞĚĂŶŝŵĂůďŽŶĞƐ 0.718 206 Pirchboden, Fritzens error of data point 2*STDev 215 Kalvarienberg, Mühlau 237 236 0.716 Fig. 4. Modelled local 230 Hörtenberg, Pfaffenhofen 87 86 230 geodependent Sr/ Sr 236 Buchberg, Wiesing 0.714 206 LVRWRSLF UDWLRV DW ȴYH 0.7135 237 Widumfeld, Ampass sites in the Inn Valley 215 ^ƌ 206 236 87Sr/86Sr(cow) local are marked by site ϴϲ 236 0.712 ^ƌͬ 215 87Sr/86Sr(cow) non-local code numbers and cut- ϴϳ 215 206 off error bars (± 0.001). 236 206 87Sr/86Sr(pig) local 0.71 215 Marked domains (see 215 87Sr/86Sr(pig) non-local 0.709 215 215 text) are separated by 87Sr/86Sr(deer) local horizontal dashed lines. 0.708 215 87Sr/86Sr(deer) non-local Mathema tically non- error of data point 2*STDev local individual ani- 0.706 mals are plotted with 200 210 220 230 240 250 260 270 280 290 300 open symbols (Figure ƌƵŶŶŝŶŐEŽ͘ by F. Söllner). strontium with its respective signatures that dif- PDWHULDO ȱ 87Sr/ 866U ȱ DQG IOXYLR fers from the bioavailable strontium in the micro lacustrine sediments, 87Sr/ 866UȲ$VSUHOLP- region inhabited by humans. inary cut-off value for a differentiation between $PRGHORIWKHVWURQWLXPȵX[WKURXJKWKHELR- local and non-local individuals, 87Sr/ 86Sr ± 0.001 sphere with resulting estimations of local, bioavail- was conservatively defined (Söllner et al. 2016). able stable strontium isotopic ratios was developed Measured stable strontium isotopic ratios in the based on common geological mixing diagrams DQLPDOERQHȴQGVZHUHWKHQFRPSDUHGZLWKWKH where 87Sr/ 86Sr is plotted against the reciprocal modelled, expected values with a very good over- strontium content of the samples. This way, the rel- all agreement. Not unexpected, several indi viduals ative contributions of total ingested strontium by which had a priori been assumed to be local to a water, soil, and vegetation is taken into account. site turned out to be no more local mathematically Since a river valley permits for considerable iso- (ILJ ). Since the distance covered between the topic mixing (sediment charge, erosion, mud slides, most western and most eastern sampling site in precipitation run-off etc.), the Inn River valley the valley approximates only 70 km, it is a matter ZDVWDUJHWHGȴUVWDQGWKHUHIHUHQFHVDPSOHVZHUH of the underlying concept according to time, cul- WDNHQDWȴYHVHOHFWHGDUFKDHRORJLFDOVLWHV7KH,QQ ture, and archaeological findings whether these River valley separates the Northern Calcareous PDWKHPDWLFDOGLIIHUHQFHVDUHVLJQLȴFDQWLQWHUPV Alps with 87Sr/ 86Sr isotopic ratios between 0.707 of animal import, or in terms of the normal mo- and 0.709 from the Central Alps which are mainly bility within the limits of a micro region. Never- made up of crust dominated crystalline rocks with theless, comparison of expected and modelled 87Sr/ 866U!0RUDLQHDQGȵXYLDWLOHVHGLPHQWVRI isotopic ratios constitutes crucial information for the Inn valley are mostly enriched with crystalline WKHLQYHVWLJDWLRQRIWKHPXOWLLVRWRSLFȴQJHUSULQW rocks and exhibit mixed stable strontium isotopic by computer scientists (see below). UDWLRV XQWLO'XULQJȴHOGH[FXUVLRQV One important outcome of this pilot study was in the years 2013 and 2014, groundwater from that at certain sites, consumer 87Sr/ 86Sr isotopic ra- neighbouring springs or wells, ‘weathered soil’ tio was strongly related to the respective iso topic (comparable to leached soil, see Drouet et al. 2005), ratio in soil, but was nearly exclusively related to and vegetation (wood with deep-reaching roots, the strontium isotopic ratio of water at a single see above) were collected (for details see Söllner site (Pfaffenhofen/Inn, Austria; Söllner et al. 2016). et al. 2016). Modelled local bioavailable 87Sr/ 86Sr ra- This was primarily unexpected but in agreement tios in the frame of this small pilot study resulted in with the results obtained by Crowley et al. (2015) three distinct geological domains, namely: Brown, for a number of sites in the US. During the current calcare ous soil and rendzina: 87Sr/ 86Sr < 0.709; mo- second phase of our project, modern reference raine soil, coarse detrital and mostly crystalline samples from at least 30 other selected sites along Isotopic Mapping and Migration Research Based on Bioarchaeological Finds 203 This implies that the investigation needs to make and use its own references, i.e. that the data struc- ture has to be learned by an unsupervised learning process. To extract the relevant structure from the available data, the data-driven approach of GMM clustering using the EM algorithm was chosen (Mauder et al. 2016) to unravel the information entrapped in a 7-dimensional isotopic finger- print consisting of 87Sr/ 86Sr, 208Pb/ 204Pb, 207Pb/ 204Pb, 206 204 208 207 206 207 18 Pb/ Pb, Pb/ Pb, Pb/ 3EDQGƁ Owater (the 18 ODWWHUDVVHVVHGIURPƁ Ophosphate, see above). The spatial distribution of the maximum like- OLKRRGFOXVWHUVLVYLVXDOLVHGLQȴJZKLFKFOHDUO\ shows the advantages of provenancing individual VNHOHWDOȴQGVE\DPXOWLLVRWRSHȴQJHUSULQWRYHU single or two stable isotopic systems. The majority of individual animals is captured by the red clus- ter, which is distributed all over the reference area under study. At this stage of the project, however, we cannot exclude that a further refinement of the method could lead to a better differentiation between the members of this red cluster. In con- trast, the green cluster is restricted to the northern Alpine foothills with a few individuals on the northern mountain slopes, and the pink cluster is restricted to the Inn River valley and the southern mountain slopes with only two individuals that plot in the southern Alpine foothills. The blue clus- ter is found in the Inn River valley and to the north of the Alps, but not in the south. In contrast to an attempt of defining local isotopic signatures by a single stable isotopic ratios such as 87Sr/86Sr (see ȴJ), the northern and southern Alpine foothills DUHFOHDUO\GLVWLQJXLVKDEOHE\WKHPXOWLLVRWRSHȴQ gerprint. In the transition region of the Inn valley, Fig. 5. (0FOXVWHULQJRILVRWRSLFȴQJHUSULQWV VWDEOH animal bones which belong to every cluster were Sr, Pb, and O isotopes) of 217 animal bones. Colours indicate the membership to a cluster, each circle re- excavated. Whether this is due to animal mobility presents one individual (Figure by M. Mauder). or the result of naturally occurring isotopic mix- tures (see above) still needs to be checked and can- the alpine transect will be analysed aiming at mod- not be decided by the isotopic signatures alone. The elling the local, bioavailable isotopic ratios. next step of the evaluation necessitates an osteo- logical re-assessment of individual animals of each species which are captured by different clusters to Data Mining and Provenance Analysis decide whether e.g. cattle from different clusters do also differ in terms of size, shape, age or sex. 7KHLQWHUSUHWDWLRQRIDPXOWLLVRWRSHȴQJHUSULQW Another important question concerns the rank- for provenance analysis by data mining methods ing of the isotopic systems in terms of struc tural rel- is challenging for obvious reasons since neither evance and redundancy. By comparison of the data a ground truth, nor any class labels are available. sets with or without certain attributes (e.g. with 204 Gisela Grupe et al. in the Inn Valley and again, this result needs to be cross-checked with the archaeological evidence. A VLQJOHRXWOLHUZLWKDQLVRWRSLFȴQJHUSULQWWKDWGLG QRWPDWFKWKHRWKHUVZDVLGHQWLȴHG6LQFHQRGHQWDO enamel or dentine was available from the studied cremations, this outlier is definitely a late immi- grant to the site of its recovery. With a very high probability, this individual did not originate from any of the micro regions sampled along the refer- ence area. In sum, the mathematical analysis showed that none of the seven isotopic ratios included in the ȴQJHUSULQWDORQHUHȵHFWVWKHVWUXFWXUHRIWKHPHD surement data, implying that univariate statistics will not be capable of extracting the relevant spatial information (Mauder et al. 2016). Conclusion At this stage of our project, we can conclude that the archaeological human and animal skeletal sam- ples, no matter whether cremated or not, were suc- cessfully decontaminated and the isotopic ratios Fig. 6. EM clustering of isotopic ingerprints (stable measured in the bioapatite therefore validated. A Sr and Pb isotopes) of 200 human cremations from the 8UQȴHOGDQG)ULW]HQV6DQ]HQR&XOWXUHZLWKDVLQJOH catalogue of mineralogical/crystallographical qual- outlier (pink) (Figure by M. Mauder). ity criteria for the state of integrity of processed archaeological bioapatite is suggested. Comparison DQGZLWKRXWƁ18O, or by addition of spatial informa- with modern reference samples showed that the tion such as latitude, longitude and altitude), stable choice of animal bone samples for the generation strontium and lead isotopes turned out to be the of the isotopic map was appropriate. A major and top structural attributes with the exception of the promising result for future research is that despite 208Pb/ 204Pb ratio which was of very low relevance. WKHYHUWLFDOVWUDWLȴFDWLRQRIWKHUHIHUHQFHDUHDDQ %XWDOVRƁ18O has a low relevance score despite the isotopic map consisting of stable strontium and altitude effect (see above; Mauder et al. 2016). This OHDGLVRWRSHVRQO\LVDSSOLFDEOHWRFUHPDWHGȴQGV LVDVLJQLȴFDQWUHVXOWIRUWKHUHIHUHQFHDUHDVWXGLHG for the scope of provenance analysis. Interpreta- EHFDXVHWKLVLPSOLHVWKDWDQRPLVVLRQRIƁ18O from WLRQRIWKHLVRWRSLFȴQJHUSULQWEHQHȴWHGVXEVWDQ- WKHȴQJHUSULQWZLOOQRWVLJQLȴFDQWO\GLPLQLVKWKH tially from the novel approach of GMM clustering, results. This is important, as only stable strontium because a large proportion of the spatial redun- and lead isotopic ratios are applicable for prove- dancy of single isotopic ratios has been overcome, QDQFHVWXGLHVEDVHGRQFUHPDWHGȴQGV DQGEHFDXVHWKHUHOHYDQFHRIVSHFLȴFLVRWRSLFV\V- At this stage of the project, 200 human crema- WHPVLQDUHIHUHQFHDUHDFDQEHGHȴQHG7KHQH[W WLRQVIURPWKH8UQȴHOGDQGWKH)ULW]HQV6DQ]HQR VWHSZLOODIIRUGVLPLODULW\VHDUFKWRȴQGVROXWLRQV Culture have been analysed in terms of stable to at least two questions. First, since stable isotope strontium and lead isotopes (ILJ ). Again, the ratios in the consumers’ skeletons are diet de- northern and southern Alpine foothills appear in pendent, it cannot be expected that local human rather distinct clusters (green and red) and are sug- isotopic signatures are identical with local animal gestive of reasonable micro regions. Just as in the isotopic signatures, although they should be simi- case of the animals, these two clusters seem to mix lar and somehow matching. How ‘similar’ human Isotopic Mapping and Migration Research Based on Bioarchaeological Finds 205 DQGDQLPDOLVRWRSLFȴQJHUSULQWVQHHGWREHWRFRQ- ȴUPWKHQRWLRQRIȆORFDOȇYHUVXVȆQRQORFDOȇUHTXLUHV Peer Kröger further investigation. After this will be achieved, Markus Mauder stable isotope analyses combined with data mining Eirini Ntoutsi methods will be capable of answering persistent Lehr- und Forschungseinheit für questions posed by archaeologists with regard to Datenbanksysteme human migration and animal import/export as for Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München H[DPSOH Ȇ*LYHQDKXPDQDQLPDOVNHOHWDOȴQG; Oettingenstraße 67 ȴQGDOOVNHOHWDOȴQGVZLWKVLPLODULVRWRSLFȴQJHU- D-80538 München prints within a distance of Y km, which are of the same archaeological age, and which belong to the Christoph Mayr same species’. Institut für Geographie Friedrich-Alexander Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg Wetterkreuz 15 Gisela Grupe D-91058 Erlangen Anita Toncala Department für Geo- und Dominika Wycisk Umweltwissenschaften Biozentrum der Paläontologie und Geobiologie Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität Anthropologie und Umweltgeschichte Richard-Wagner-Str. 10 Grosshaderner Str. 2 D-80333 München D-82152 Martinsried Frank Söllner Stefan Hölzl Department für Geo- und RiesKraterMuseum Nördlingen Umweltwissenschaften Eugene-Shoemaker-Platz 1 Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität D-86720 Nördlingen Luisenstr. 37 D-80333 München Balazs Kocsis Wolfgang Schmahl Corresponding author Ludwig-Maximilians.Universität München Prof. Dr. Gisela Grupe Department für Geo- und Biozentrum der Umweltwissenschaften Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität Lehrstuhl für anorganische und biogene Anthropologie und Umweltgeschichte Geomaterialien Grosshaderner Str. 2 Theresienstr. 41 D-82152 Martinsried D-80333 München [email protected] Bibliography $JJDUZDOHWDO: P. 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Grün, The IRHUM (Isotopic Reconstruction of Human Migration) Database – Bioavailable Strontium Isotope Ratios for Geochemical Fingerprinting in France. Earth Sys- tems Science Data 6, 2014, 117–122. 209 JADRANKA VERDONKSCHOT The (Dis-) Advantages of a Flood in Your Living Room /DQGVFDSH७DV७D७'HFLVLYH७)DFWRU७IRU७:HWODQG७ Settling in Neolithic Europe Keywords: lakeside settlements, neolithic, re sources, analyses and GIS mapping. The second part is not theory, northern Alps, Egolzwil 3, Hörnle IA so straightforward, therefore relying strongly on a theoretical approach. The different regions are comprised of the Acknowledgements northern Alps, southern Alps, the Mediterrane- an area and the Balkan/Greece area. Each case is My sincere gratitude goes out to both of my super- supported by two elaborated case studies and a re- visors, Prof. Dr. P. Bueno Ramirez and Prof. Dr. M. gional overview of the development of settling in Bartelheim, without whose guidance this project WKDWDUHD,QWKLVDUWLFOHWKHȴUVWUHJLRQWKHQRUWK- would be impossible. I am also very thankful to Dr. ern Alps, will be presented with the case studies K. Schmidt for his help in the geographical aspects of Egolzwil 3 (Kanton Luzern, Switzerland) and of this work and the elaboration of maps. I would Hörnle IA (Lake Constance, Germany). Adapting also like to thank the anonymous peer reviewer for to the framework of this volume and the SFB sev- the comments made on my work. eral aspects concerning the interdisciplinarity of This research project was partially supported UHVHDUFKDQGWKHRUHWLFDOUHȵHFWLRQVKDYHEHHQLQ- by the SFB 1070 RESSOURCENKULTUREN as a Pilot Pro- cluded in this work. ject and by the DAAD with a scholarship. 1. Introduction Abstract The present article is the result of the Pilot Project The present article is part of a broader research carried out for the Collaborative research Centre project. The PhD project it pertains to assesses Neo- SFB 1070 RESSOURCENKULTUREN of Tübingen Universi- lithic lakeside settlements from different European ty. The goal of this project was to develop a frame- regions. By studying different sites’ resource man- work for a series of case studies that assess the rea- agement it is hoped to shed light on the initial mo- sons people in Neolithic Europe had to build and tives of people to settle wetland areas, and whether OLYHLQSLOHGZHOOLQJVDQGWRFDUU\RXWWKHȴUVWFDVH these could have been similar or interconnected in study. The aim was to evaluate the possibilities of different areas. applying interdisciplinary methods and theories What is understood by ‘resources’ in this case to an archaeological hypothesis. Therefore, part is comprised by a dichotomy of ‘direct’ re sources, of this article consists of research history and the such as lithics or clay, and ‘indirect’ re sources, discussing of theoretical matters. Then, in order to which are closer to the ideological and symbol- contribute to new visions and not merely write a lit- ical importance of for example ritual and land- erature study, this was applied to two case studies, VFDSH7KHȴUVWDUHVWXGLHGZLWKWKHKHOSRIGDWD FRPSULVLQJWKHȴUVWVWXG\UHJLRQRIWKLVUHVHDUFK 210 Jadranka Verdonkschot project. Apart from this, it is also a small overview As mentioned before, the case studies discussed RIWKHZRUNDFKLHYHGVRIDUIRUWKHȴUVWSDUWRIP\ KHUHDUHWKHȴUVWRIDELJJHUSURMHFW7KHODNHVLGH Doctorate Thesis, carried out in a cotutelle agree- settlement of Egolzwil 3, which can be found in ment between Tübingen University (Germany) and the Swiss Luzern Kanton, was chosen because it Alcalá University (Spain). This thesis will consist of is one of the oldest known lakeside settlements of the mentioned series of case studies and a full as- Central Europe. The second case study is the slight- sessment of the hypothesis. Therefore, everything ly later site of Hörnle IA, located on the western written here should be understood in the light of side of Lake Constance in Germany. Together they this double function of the current article. comprise the first region of study: the northern 7KHVLPSOLȴHGTXHVWLRQWKDWVWDQGVDWWKHYHU\ Alps. The other regions that will be added in a later beginning of this project is ‘why did people start stage of this project are dated back to the Early Ne- living in lakeside settlements?’ Pile dwellings, and ROLWKLFDQGLQFOXGHWKHȴUVWSLOHGZHOOLQJVLWHVWREH other lakeside settlements, have been studied for found in those areas, this being the southern Alps, over 150 years now. Mainly in the circum-Alpine the Mediterranean area and the Balkans/Greece. area, in Central Europe, and Great Britain. But Although Egolzwil 3 and Hörnle IA are later, they more recently evidences of wetland settlements represent some of the oldest sites in the circum- has been found in Southern Europe too. No direct Alpine area. In this sense, the sites are connect- links have been made as there is a rather wide HGDVWKH\DOOUHSUHVHQWWKHȴUVWHYLGHQFHRISLOH chronological gap between the settlements in cen- dwellings in their respective regions. tral and in southern Europe. Apart from that, no effort should even be made to try and categorise the inhabitants of these settlements into a single 2. Research History and the Current cultural group. This diffusionistic approach, com- State of Investigation mon during the very beginning of pile dwelling re- search, is neither currently used nor desirable. The research history plays a crucial role as pile Reasons people could have to settle in wetlands dwellings have been the subject of research for and near lakes have been summarised in very sim- well over 150 years and have been dealt with in ple statements. It has been agreed generally that many different ways by researchers in a variety advantages should be the fertile soil surrounding of countries. The research history of this t opic has the site, the proximity of water enabling intensive been addressed in many books, such as F. Menotti’s ȴVKLQJRUWKHGHIHQVLYHDVSHFWRIOLYLQJLQHOHYDWHG ‘Living on the Lake in Prehistoric Europe’ (Menotti buildings, often on the water. Apart from this, 2004), or other books on pile dwellings (Schlich- the trading aspect should not be ignored either. therle 1997; Schlichtherle/Wahlster 1986; Grünig It is very probable that pile dwellers had boats to et al. 2013). their disposition, found also in the Mediterranean It was the Swiss school teacher Johannes and later Alpine sites. This would highly facilitate Aeppli who decided to report the Ober-Meilen site transport and enable people to travel considerable to the Antiquarian Association in Zürich when the distances easily. Nevertheless, these reasons ‘in fa- lake level dropped in the cold winter of 1853, re- vour’ of wetland settling are not more sophisticat- vealing wooden remains (Menotti 2004). Ferdinand ed or relying on actual evidence than the reasons Keller took on the investigation and published ‘against’, such as the humidity and constant need the report which would set everything in motion: to re-build the short-lived wooden constructions. Die keltischen Pfahlbauten in den Schweizerseen Therefore, the aim of the current research pro- (Keller 1854). In this report pile dwellings, which MHFWLVQRWWRSLQSRLQWDVLQJOHVSHFLȴFUHDVRQZK\ later turned out not to be quite as Celtic as Keller people decided to settle in wetlands. This would ig- had assumed, were compared to contemporary nore a complex reality, which is made up of many settlements in New Guinea and New Zealand. Il- different pieces of information. All we can do is try lustrations showed artistic interpretations of small and reconstruct as many pieces as possible and try wooden villages elevated on platforms right above to gain some insight into the situation as a whole. the water. This romantic image inspired scholars The (Dis-) Advantages of a Flood in Your Living Room 211 and looters both, and together they plunged into War swept across Europe. In most countries re- the so-called lake-dwelling fever (Menotti 2004). search was called to a halt. Even though there are The prehistoric remains ‘hidden’ in lakes some stories of investigation during the period around the Alps and other parts of Europe were in from the beginning of the First World War to the fact known to many local people. But as we know end of the Second World War, the general image to be true in archaeology; not only do you always is that this was neither a priority nor a possibility. ȴQGZKDW\RXORRNIRULWZRUNVWKHVDPHWKHRWKHU However, to mention one of the exceptions, pile ZD\DURXQG These Southern European settlements present 3. Methodology a different chronology compared to the Central European pile dwellings, being roughly 1000 years The current project is structured around several older. As they were discovered rather late they FDVHVWXGLHV,QWKLVDUWLFOHWKHȴUVWWZRUHSUHVHQW- have a big advantage, because they were investi- LQJWKHȴUVWUHVHDUFKUHJLRQDUHSUHVHQWHG1HYHU- gated and excavated with advanced technologies. theless, the inclusion of more regions will follow, Therefore, these sites provide us with unique infor- OHDGLQJWRDEURDGHURYHUYLHZ)RUWKHȴUVWSDUWRI mation and materials. Apart from this, the fact that this study it was important to assess the research these settlements, which are similar in many ways, history. Taking both previous research and previ- have been discovered in different parts of Europe ous research interests into account was deemed and from different chronologies certainly calls for important. According to this and with the hypoth- attention. In what ways exactly they are similar esis in mind the necessary methodology was de- will be discussed in a more advanced stage of the veloped. For this study no new archaeological data present research project. has been collected by excavation or survey, it is In the year 2011 pile dwellings were put on the based on published data. Though no new archae- map when the circum-Alpine Pfahlbauten were ological data is presented, an innovative method- UHFRJQLVHGDV81(6&2ZRUOGKHULWDJH 3DODȴWWHV ological approach is applied. This and the broad 2010). Even before this research had reached a geographical frame can be considered the project’s very advanced stage, but the combination of the ef- main strengths. fort that has gone into the preparation of the candi- As was mentioned before, the Case Studies dateship and the ideological value of being recog- form the spine of the project, as they provide the nised as world heritage has lifted pile dwelling opportunity to assess several regions both on a research to the next level. Apart from this, the fact general scale and provide elaborated insights. By that they were recognised did not come with ideo- studying different sites’ environment, set-up and logical value and recognition alone, but also with resource management it is hoped to shed light on ȴQDQFLDOPHDQVHQDEOLQJHYHQPRUHH[WHQVLYHDQG the initial motives of people to settle wetland areas, better research and impulsing many related pro- and whether these could have been similar or in- MHFWV7KHUHVXOWVRIWKLVDUHGLUHFWO\UHȵHFWHGLQ terconnected in different areas. What is under- the number of excavations being carried out in the stood by ‘resources’ in this case is comprised by a Central European area and the many recent publi- dichotomy of ‘direct’ resources, such as lithics or cations (Hafner 2010; Jennings 2014). clay, and ‘indirect’ resources, which are closer to However, this fact also deepened the abyss be- the ideological and symbolical importance of for tween lakeside settlements research north of the H[DPSOHULWXDODQGODQGVFDSH7KHȴUVWDUHVWXGLHG Alps and in the south of Europe. Indulging in the with the help of data analyses and GIS mapping. abundance of materials, projects and possibilities Different categories are established, such as diet, the ‘Alpine’ researchers generally have adopted ceramics, wood, stone and bone. These rely on data a very passive position towards the other, earlier, collected from literature, which then is assessed pile dwellings that are known a bit further to the and, if possible, evaluated with the help of geo- south. On the other hand, said Southern sites also graphical programs and archaeological methods. focus on regional developments for a great deal. When these categories are established it gets slight- Although there have been certain initiatives, for ly trickier, because the ‘indirect’ resources come example the ‘Balkan and Central European lake- into focus: the categories of landscape and ritual side settlements. Sharing old and new archaeolog- and their intangible but palpable effect on the pile ical data’ project between Greece and Switzerland, dwellers are discussed. For this part, obviously, da- the interest and possibilities of combining different tabases and geographical methods fell short, there- research areas could still be explored further. It is, fore it was necessary to dig deep into theory and however, a valuable line of investigation, as I hope ethnological comparisons. Developing the current to illustrate in the following chapters. study was a process which is too long to describe The (Dis-) Advantages of a Flood in Your Living Room 213 here, but it is necessary to dedicate some words at of being able to see and talk to its subjects, has a least to the explanation of the used approaches, the better chance of understanding. However, this too importance of interdisciplinarity and this project’s LVDȵDZHGGLVFRXUVHDVWKHLQIRUPDWLRQDERXWXQ- take on it. derlying symbolic systems one can retrieve from It has to be said that interdisciplinarity seems an excavation or from an encounter with an in- to be a rather fashionable topic nowadays, but it formant is constructed inferentially in both cases also seems to have been elevated from a means of 7KRPDV ,WLVQRWDUFKDHRORJ\ȇVGHȴFLWEXW producing new forms of knowledge to an explicit the different approach and framework which de- end in itself (Garrow/Yarrow 2010). In many ap- ȴQHWKHGLIIHUHQFHEHWZHHQWKHGLVFLSOLQHV:KDW proaches that call themselves interdisciplinary one LVGHȴQLQJLVWKHZD\DUFKDHRORJ\GHDOVZLWKLWV can recognise a certain unease. Disciplines turn data. But the fact that past societies can be studied RXWWRKDYHIX]]\ERUGHUVDQGWKHDWWHPSWWRGHȴQH archaeologically, sometimes even exclusively ar- RQHȇVRZQGLVFLSOLQHDQGGHVFULEHZKDWVSHFLȴFDV- chaeologically, like the prehistoric societies, does pects of another could contribute to useful results not mean archaeology is only relevant for past is counterproductive. societies. ‘... the difference between material cul- Take the troubled relationship of archaeology ture in an archaeological as opposed to a strictly and anthropology. They are not easily separated as ethnographic context, revolves around how this in an academic form they stem from a very similar issue of temporal fracture between researcher and tradition which only started drawing up borders their subject […] The difference lies not so much in after the institutionalisation in the beginning of the the temporal fracture between the researcher and 20th cent. Not to mention the differences between their object, but in the temporal fracture within the what is conceived as ‘Anthropology’ in the North object itself in archaeology: these remains exist in American and the British traditions (Garrow/Yar- the present but they are also of the past.’ (Lucas row 2010; Gosden 1999). Many anthropologists still 2010, 34 f.). seem to be convinced that their discipline is of use An example to illustrate this is the Garbage IRUDUFKDHRORJLVWVEXWGRQRWȴQGWKLVUHODWLRQWR Project, carried out by W. Rathje and C. Murphy. At be reciprocal (Gosden 1999) as archaeologists are the University of Arizona a group of researchers still often thought to be ‘out of the scope’ (Leach decided to systematically, following an archaeo- 1973). By not being able to access the same sources logical approach, excavate, sift, classify and docu- of information, archaeology is seen as a restricted ment garbage dumps (Rathje/Murphy 2001). They practice. This idea has also extended to archaeolo- were able to carry out an inspiring project, which gists themselves, in the belief that anthropological demonstrates archaeology’s relevance in modern research can get closer to societies than archaeol- society and questions or own methodological and RJ\HYHUFRXOGRULQWKHDSSOLFDWLRQRIVFLHQWLȴF interpretative bases. methods to justify the science in social sciences. An important tendency in archaeology nowa- In the processual tradition archaeologists have days is the ontological turn, also called the (re)turn ȆXVHGȇHWKQRORJ\PDLQO\ȆȴOOLQJWKHJDSVȇRIDUFKDH- to things or symmetrical archaeology (Witmore RORJLFDOUHVHDUFK %LQIRUG GHȴQLQJDUFKDHRO- 2007). Interestingly, also a symmetrical anthropolo- ogy through anthropological models of society. Also gy is on the rise. This development could be used to later, the post-processualists have considered ethno- illustrate the dawning of a new period of research, archaeology useful: ‘in order to clothe the skeleton in which archaeology and anthropology can coop- UHPDLQVRIWKHSDVWLQWKHȵHVKDQGEORRGRIOLYLQJ erate in an unexpectedly parallel manner. Breaking functioning, acting people’ (Hodder 1982, 12). through the hierarchy imposed by the object-sub- This type of relationship stems from the pre- ject relation and defying the supposedly asymmet- viously mentioned belief that an asymmetry ex- rical relation between things (also between anthro- ists due to unequal access to data. At the base of pology and archaeology) by recognising different all this lies the erroneous assumption, maintained ontologies is a development which brings different by some, that anthropology, for the simple merit disciplines and thoughts closer and enables us to 214 Jadranka Verdonkschot develop a qualitative approach in which actual in- Landesmuseum initiated further excavations from terdisciplinarity is possible and fruitful. 1985–1988 (Wyss 1989). Recently, in 2007/2008 The use of geographical methods in archaeo- Egolzwil 3 was studied again with the help of test logical research is of a different kind. Without in- drillings and test trenches, checking the state of tending to simplify, one could say that geographical preservation and gathering new samples for den- methods are in a sense an innate part of archae- drochronology (Capitani 2013). This long and di- ology. It provides us with possibilities to map, dis- verse research history has led to a wide diversity play and project data as well as aiding with their of literature. For this case study it was necessary to interpretation. It is a very closely knit relationship assess this mosaic and piece together many differ- which does not struggle with the more identitari- ent accounts. an issues all things archaeology and anthropology Thanks to the latest dendrochronology results have. Since the 1960s ‘[…] a striking series of paral- we know that Egolzwil 3 existed for a timespan of lels and convergences have taken place in human 9 years, sometime between 4280 and 4250 calBC geography and archaeology.’ (Tilley 1994). Books (Capitani 2013). Early excavations already showed named ‘Geography and Archaeology’, and reac- that the site had only one period of occupation, this tions to them called ‘Archaeology and Geography’, ZDVODWHUFRQȴUPHGE\LWVVKRUWOLIHVSDQ/DNHVLGH engaging in a subtle discussion with slightly pas- settlements rarely have long, continuous chronol- sive-aggressive hints, are absent. They seem to be ogies in the circum-Alpine area. To explain this, it VXɚFLHQWO\VHSDUDWHGQRWWRVWDQGLQHDFKRWKHUȇV has been suggested that they were perhaps used way and any cooperation seems ‘natural’. Nowa- as seasonal settlements. However, this has never days the importance of geography is only growing been proven. Even the evidence from Egolzwil 3, as archaeology is discovering the value of geo- which would seem to be a viable candidate, is not graphical methods such as GIS. conclusive and rather suggests a short-lived but continuous occupation (Böllinger 1992). The short duration of the settlement is an interesting future 4. Case Study 1: Egolzwil 3 point of discussion. However, more case studies are required for the comparison and assessment of 6LPLODUWRKRZWKHȴUVWSLOHGZHOOLQJVLWHZDVGLV- this point. FRYHUHGLQ6ZLW]HUODQGDOVR(JRO]ZLOZDVȴUVW The lay-out of the village has been traced found by an interested local. In 1929 Anton Graf through several excavation campaigns. So far it from the nearby village Schötz noticed some piles is assumed that the houses of the settlement were sticking out of the Wauwilermoos. Since then the aligned in parallel lines, along streets. This has site was subjected to sample drillings in 1932 and been deducted mainly by the positioning of the excavation and more sample drillings in 1933 ȴUHSODFHVDQGSLOHV7KHVHWWOHPHQWZDVGHOLPLWHG *UHEHU 7KHȴUVWELJH[FDYDWLRQVWRRNSODFH by a wooden fence, found by Vogt during his exca- in 1950 and 1952, led by Emil Vogt, who wanted to vations in the 50s. This fence did not seem to serve prove that pile dwelling sites were placed on the any defensive purposes as it was rather low and lake shore and not in the water (Vogt 1951). This not at all that robust. It rather seems to delimit the was an important discussion, the Pfahlbauproblem, settlement and perhaps prevent wild animals from in the mid-20th cent., inspiring a lot of pile dwell- wandering in (Vogt 1951). Egolzwil 3 does not seem ing research (Wyss 1989). The site of Egolzwil 3 to have a central gathering space or any outstand- was used as an example of a lakeshore settlement ing buildings, serving perhaps ritual or more com- as the layers of birch underneath houses and the mon social purposes. presence of hearths indicated that houses were built directly on ground level (Böllinger 1994). 1952 ZDVDQLPSRUWDQW\HDUWRREHFDXVHWKHȴUVWGHQ- 4.1. ‘Direct’ Resources drochronological studies of the site were carried RXWPDNLQJLWRQHRIWKHȴUVW6ZLVVVLWHVWRKDYH In this part of the text we will have a look at what dendro datings. After that research ceased until the could be called the ‘direct’ resources. In other The (Dis-) Advantages of a Flood in Your Living Room 215 words: the raw materials and other practical re- which is not autochtonous to this region, but sources that the inhabitants of Egolzwil 3 had ac- rather comes from the Mediterranean area. But cess to. In previous literature the settlement’s sur- also collected plants and fruits were present. It roundings have been dubbed as favourable with has not been possible to calculate the consump- nearby hunting grounds, fertile lands and grazing tion of cultivated crops and collected fruit, roots, lands (Böllinger 1992). This argument of ‘favoura- berries and plants but the evidence we have sug- ble’ conditions has been used repeatedly to explain gests that many different things were consumed. people settling in wetlands, together with the as- Egolzwil 3’s inhabitants cultivated the land sumed ‘defensive’ value of these sites (Pétrequin around the settlement, 20% of which was suitable 2016). The objective of the following text is to have for this purpose according to studies (Böllinger a closer look at these assumptions and draw some 1994). There were no great clearances and the new conclusions if necessary. area was mainly covered by mixed oak woods. Re- JDUGOHVVWKHHQYLURQPHQWZRXOGKDYHEHHQȴWWR provide for a minimum of 40–50 people all year 4.1.1. Diet long (Böllinger 1994). Remarkable is the fact that barely any remains First off is the diet of the Egolzwilers. The animals RIȴVKDQGW\SLFDOELUGVIURPODNHHQYLURQPHQWV present on the site were ovicaprides, pigs (of mixed have been found. These would seem an important wild and domesticated features), few cattle and source of nutrition, seen the vicinity of the lake. wild game such as deer. The ratio of domesticat- A possible explanation for the absence of these ed and wild animals has been calculated as 55,5% fragile remains, however, could be that they were - 44,5% (Wyss 1994). In previous literature it has overlooked during excavations. been suggested often that the site represents a mix- ture of Neolithic and Mesolithic features regarding GLHWȴQGLQJDȆEOHQGRIPHVROLWKLFKXQWLQJDQGLQ- 4.1.2. Ceramics trusive methods of stock rearing and agriculture’ (Higham 1967). These interpretations show the The next important resource that is discussed are same interpretation tendencies as the research the ceramics. This could even be separated in two project from the late 20th century, led by René parts, discussing the clay and the style separately, Wyss. He hoped to shed light on the Neolithic tran- but eventually this will not be necessary. Egolzwil 3 sition in that area. However, although Egolzwil 3 is the eponymous site for the Egolzwil culture. KDGEHHQWDNHQDVDȵDJVKLSH[DPSOHRID0HVR- The pottery repertoire is not very varied, most OLWKLFOLIHVW\OHVLWHZLWK1HROWLKLFLQȵXHQFHVQRZD- vessels are rather uniform, thin-walled rounded GD\VVRPHUHVHDUFKHUVȴQGWKHVHVWDWHPHQWVEDVHG shapes with rounded bases of a light grey colour. RQZHDNPDWHULDOHYLGHQFH 6WDPSȵL 5HFHQW- The rims are not too accentuated, sometimes cir- O\LWKDVEHHQVKRZQWKDWWKHUHLVDȵXFWXDWLRQLQ cular handles can be found under the rim. Many the importance of game animals in lakeside set- vessels are not decorated, some bear incision or tlements throughout the Neolithic. This would ap- knobs. The material that was used seems very uni- parently be determined less by cultural differenc- form too, course with mainly granite temper, and es than has been assumed so far, and more to the is assumed to come from a local source (Capitani effects of climatic factors. Unfavourable climatic 2013). Therefore, both style and material seem to periods might have forced people to search for an be local. The Egolzwil pottery has also appeared at alternative to unsuccessful agricultural activities other sites, such as Zürich Kleiner Hafner. Its style (Schibler 2006). is described as west and north oriented with paral- As for the plants and crops, the pattern of lels to Cortaillod. The only evidence of external ce- their consumption is also very mixed. Traces of ramics would be a handful of Schulterbandbecher, cultivated cone wheat, barley, einkorn wheat, em- common in the north of Switzerland. Nevertheless, PHUZKHDWȵD[DQGSHDVZHUHIRXQG,WKDVWR these could very well be made from local clay too be mentioned that cone wheat is a type of wheat (Capitani 2013). 216 Jadranka Verdonkschot 4.1.3. Wood According to the pollen analyses, most of the area surrounding Egozlwil 3 consisted of woodlands. Most common were oak, mixed with beech, ash, OLQGHQȴUDQGSRSODU %¸OOLQJHU 7KHLQWHU- esting thing is that we can detect a preference or specialisation in the use of wood. For architectural purposes oak was most frequently used. Probably because there were many oak trees around, but this type of wood is also very strong, making it suit- able for planks for example. The most commonly used wood for artefacts Fig. 1. Provenance of lithic resources from Egolzwil 3 would be oak, beech, acorn, hazel and ash. Apart (Luzern, Switzerland). from that there is evidence of a sporadic use of elm, linden, willow, cherry tree, yew, pine, buckthorn and honeysuckle (Wyss 1994). It is evident that the ȵDWDUHDVZLWKRXWFDUU\LQJDQ\ORDG IRUZRP- inhabitants of Egolzwil 3 relatively effortlessly had en, 4.9 for men (Murrieta-Flores 2010). The first a wide variety of different woods to their disposal. circle represents a distance which could have been travelled within a day and half, assuming that one had to travel slightly slower than 4.5km per hour 4.1.4. Stone DVWKHDUHDLVQRWȵDWDQGHYHQVORZHURQWKHZD\ back as they would be carrying the stones (approx. Regarding the lithic resources found at Egolzwil 3 3.9km per hour (Murrieta-Flores 2010). The next their provenance rather than their typology will be circle, of 50km, would have been a longer expe- discussed, because this was already done in Wyss’s dition. Using the same assumptions at least three (1994) publication. For the purpose of this article, days would be needed to travel there and return to the provenance of the lithic resources has been the settlement. It is possible that any material from studied in order to get information about their beyond this limit reached the settlement by trade availability. This was possible thanks to the pe- or exchange rather than being collected by the in- trographic analyses carried out for another study habitants. The projected circles do not represent a (Kienholz 2011). What is striking in the results is realistic vision in all cases, especially when com- that local materials (Kienholz 2011) only make for ing closer to the stronger relief of the Alps. None- a 0.7% of the total. This is probably due to the very theless, there is work in progress to apply cost-dis- bad quality of the locally available material. Main- tance calculations to these maps, delimiting more ly quartz, radiolarite and glauconite quartzite was organic and relief-bound boundaries. XVHGPDWHULDOVWKDWDUHGLɚFXOWWRNQDSDQGDUH The primary flint deposit can be found at a probably from the surrounding moraine deposits. distance of approximately 20km in the Olten Re- To enable a quick overview and later compari- gion. 47.1% of the material comes from the Olten- son with other case studies, a map was drawn, de- Aarau region making it the biggest import region. SLFWLQJWKHORFDWLRQDQGVKDUHRIDOOLGHQWLȴHGOLWKLF The second most important deposit is the nearby resources (ȴJ). Some points are missing as the Olten/Chalchofen one, with 29.6%. All other de- provenance of some materials was very generally posits, although widespread and varied, make for LGHQWLȴHGDVȆ0RUDLQH$OSVȇRUȆ0DOP-XUDȇZKLFK significantly smaller percentages. It could seem is too vague to assign coordinates. that the lithic resource collection was either not The distance grid used on the map delimits dis- very specialised in Egolzwil 3, obtaining material tances of 25, 50, 100 and 150km. These limits were from many different sources, or that there were chosen using the calculation that a person can trav- strong contacts with other people, delivering lith- el at a speed of approximately 4.5km per hour in ics to the settlement through exchange or trading. The (Dis-) Advantages of a Flood in Your Living Room 217 The problem we have with the material from PHQWLRQHGLQȵXHQFHVVXFKDVWKHH[RJHQRXVFRQH Egolzwil 3 is that it was found all over the settle- wheat or the high number of ovicaprides this could PHQW'XHWRWKHȵRRGVWKHDUFKDHRORJLFDOPDWH- indicate strong connections with the Mediterra- rial has been partially spread throughout the set- nean area. Adding the widespread lithic sources WOHPHQWPDNLQJLWYHU\GLɚFXOWWRDVVLJQZRUNLQJ too, Egolzwil 3 presents the image of a settlement spaces for example. Nonetheless, at least one has which was well connected. probably been found, with the remains of many different lithic materials (Wyss 1994). This leads to the assumption that much of the lithic artefacts 4.2. ‘Indirect’ Resources ZHUHPDGHRQVLWHDQGQRWLPSRUWHGDVȴQLVKHG products. Whether the distant raw materials were 4.2.1. Landscape/Environment imported or obtained through long expeditions re- mains unclear. The site of Egolzwil 3 is located at the Neolithic shore of the Wauwilermoos (Wauwil Bog). The Neo- lithic lake no longer exists nowadays due to drain- 4.1.5. Bone and Shell ing activities from 1856 onwards and the exploita- tion of peat. It was never a big body of water with Most of the bone artefacts can be placed in the ty- an estimated surface of 5.5km² in the Neolithic and pological category of spatulas and chisels, making no deeper than 10–15m. The lake was fed by the up 31.8% of the record. Next are the needles and 5RQULYHUQRZȵRZLQJVWUDLJKWIURPHDVWWRZHVW points with 31.8%.The share of any other type of which used to make its way through the landscape object is considerably lower. 9.3% are amulets, meandering towards the Wigger, often causing 4.7% harpoons, 2.5% are handles and the rest ȵRRGV7KHVXUURXQGLQJODQGVFDSHLVFKDUDFWHULVHG (14.8%) consists of broken artefacts, Retuscheure by the Santenberg (690m) looming over the settle- and ‘varia’. ment from the north. On the southern side, how- Only the two largest categories have been an- ever, the landscape opens up and provides a view alysed to determine the type of bone. This showed of the high plain between the Jura and the Alps on that male red deer was preferred, its bones and which the Wauwil Bog is located. This is a Pleis- antler making up 45.6% of the total record. Small tocene ground moraine, in the area of the Reuss ruminants follow with 22%, then deer with 14%, Gletscher (Böllinger 1994). The area was undoubt- ovicaprides with 10.7%, big ruminants with 7% edly of a very humid nature because of the pres- DQGȴQDOO\WKHZLOGERDUZLWK DVLQJOHLWHP HQFHRIWKHODNHDQGWKHRIWHQȵRRGLQJULYHU7KH Although red deer make up the largest category by area has been characterised as favourable in terms far, this does not necessarily mean that they were of soil fertility and natural resources (Böllinger the most frequently hunted animals, as many of 1992), this can also be deducted from the presence the antler artefacts were made of shed antlers of 30 Mesolithic sites and 10 other Ne olithic sites (Schibler 2006). QHDUE\ 6WDPSȵL *RLQJRQDOLWWOHVWUHWFK To sum up, the bone material found at the site RQHFRXOGȴQGVLPLODULWLHVWRSHRSOHOLYLQJRQWKH does not present us with any big surprises. It is ȵDQNVRIYROFDQRHV7KHVRLODURXQGWKHUHLVH[- fairly similar in species to the bones of consumed ceptionally fertile. These agricultural advantages animals that, and also the surroundings of the site seem to outweigh the risk of occasional eruptions. correspond to the habitat of these animals. There- Nevertheless, this explanation alone does not suf- fore, it seems that the animal resources, both for ȴFHWRJUDVSWKHUHDVRQVIRUSLOHGZHOOHUVWRLQKDE- consumption and for bone and antler material, are it wetlands. Other than the volcanic environment, strictly local. which is only disastrous in the case of an eruption, An exception to this is presented by the pres- there are also very strong disadvantages to daily ence of pendants made of triton shells, or ranel- life itself in the pile dwellers’ humid environment. lidae. This is a kind of mollusc common in the Due to the humidity there is a higher risk of dis- Mediterranean area. Together with the previously eases and people are continuously conditioned 218 Jadranka Verdonkschot E\IUHTXHQWȵRRGVDQGRWKHUGLɚFXOWLHVDGDPS lake-dwellers’ identity strongly. As Tilley said: ‘Peo- environment entails. This is often not taken into ple both live out their lives in place and have a sense consideration. Especially for this case it does, how- of being part of it. Consequently place is fundamen- ever, play an important role as the Wiggertal (Wig- tal to the establishment of personal and group iden- ger Valley), where Egolzwil 3 is located, lies right tities and the formation of biographies. Place is both at the Alpine foothills, making it one of the cold- internal and external to the human subject, a per- est climates of the suboceanic zone (Troll/Paffen sonally embedded centre of meanings and a physi- 1964). Moreover, the broad and open Wigger Val- cal locus for action.’ (Tilley 1994, 18). ley, which is also overshadowed by the Santenberg, Nonetheless, if we take the example of the ri- works as a windtunnel between the Mittelland and beirinho people, who also live in an environment Zentralschweiz/Voralpen (Böllinger 1994). ZKLFKLVVWURQJO\LQȵXHQFHGDQGFRQGLWLRQHGE\WKH It is therefore safe to say that, although wet- SUHVHQFHRIZDWHUDWȴUVWVLJKW7LOOH\ȇVLGHDVVHHP land occupations have many positive sides, which very far off. Harris’ ethnographic research on the might overshadow the exposure to diseases and Amazon floodplains has shown that the people’s the problematics of regular floods, this specific identity is not so much linked to statics in the land- wetland area is not the most favourable one. scape as would be the case with other communities This presents us both with a problem and a (Harris 1998). This is mainly due to the fact that step in the right direction, for, as Tilley says: ‘There WKLVODQGVFDSHLVHYHUFKDQJLQJWKHȵRRGVIRUHYHU may be a strong affection for place (topophilia) or take away or shift any recognisable landmarks and aversion (topophobia), but places are always far points which could be meaningful to the ribeirinhos. more than points or locations, because they have Apart from this, many of the people living on the distinctive meanings and values for persons. Per- ȵRRGSODLQVGRQRWVKDUHWKHVDPHSODFHVRUVSDFHV sonal and cultural identity is bound up with place; as they are on the move most of the time. Although a topo-analysis is one exploring the creation of this seems to contradict what Tilley mentions, we self-identity through place.’ (Tilley 1994, 15). could even opt for a slightly different interpretation. The answer to the question why people settled First of all, the fact that the landscape is not stable LQWKLVSODFHLVWREHIRXQGLQWKHVSHFLȴFYDOXHLW and does not permit the shaping of identity through possessed for them. People occupying lakeshores steady landmarks should mean that the collective and other wetland environments such as marshes identity is not developed in this sense. However, around the Alps maintained an intense relation they obviously do have a strong identity. They are so with their immediate surroundings. Although VWURQJO\LQȵXHQFHGE\WKHZDWHUVXUURXQGLQJWKHP landscapes are never static, wetland environments WKDWHYHQWKHLUSHUFHSWLRQRIWLPHIROORZVWKHȵRZ- are especially dynamic, even in a human time per- ing of the water. ception. This observation can be linked to archae- Although they might not share the same sense RORJLFDOUHPDLQVRIȵRRGVKRXVHUHSDLUDQGRWKHU RIDWWDFKPHQWWRDVSHFLȴFSODFHZKLFKZRXOGEH daily social and cultural practices directly connect- derived from the stability of meanings associated ed to a life not only next to, but with water. with it (Tilley 1994), they share a sense of attache- To have a look at this problem from a new point ment nonetheless. of view it is valuable to bring in some ethnological This cannot be applied directly to the people of examples. For one, there are the ribeirinho people Egolzwil 3, but it does offer an interesting insight from the Brazilian Amazon. Ethnographical studies into how important the coexistence with water about the ribeirinhos state that not only the percep- must have been. As has been mentioned before, WLRQRIVSDFHLVLQȵXHQFHGE\OLYLQJRQDȵRRGSODLQ the climate in this region was not very favourable even the perception of time becomes something DQGLWZDVSURQHWRȵRRGLQJV7KHFKRLFHRI(JRO- which is shaped by the water (Harris 2013). Judg- zwil 3’s inhabitants to live in such close vicinity to ing from this intense relationship it is a small step the water nonetheless could be based on an ideo- WRVD\WKDWWKHVXUURXQGLQJODQGVFDSHGHȴQHGWKH ORJLFDOVLJQLȴFDQFHWKHZDWHUKHOGIRUWKHP The (Dis-) Advantages of a Flood in Your Living Room 219 4.2.2. Ritual burials do shed some light on the mystery of the missing dead. As is the case for most lakeside settlements, no in- dications of any ritual activities have been found at the site of Egolzwil 3. The settlement was con- 4.3. Summary structed in a very straightforward manner; square houses, all of very similar dimensions, were 'XHWRWKHFROGDQGIUHTXHQWȵRRGLQJVWKHDUHDRI DOLJQHGLQURZV$OVRWKHȴQGVGRFRPSULVHVRPH Egolzwil 3 had no ideal climatic conditions. How- ‘special’ artefacts, such as imported lithics or orna- ever, the direct environment did offer many ad- PHQWVQRWKLQJVHHPVWRIXOȴODULWXDOIXQFWLRQ,I vantages. Most of the land was covered by forests, one really makes an interpretative effort, the neck- providing plenty of construction material. Also the laces of perforated boar teeth could be mentioned. soil was favourable for agriculture. The Egolzwil- +RZHYHUWKHFRQWH[WRIWKHLUȴQGLQJGRHVQRWVXJ- ers were very well adapted to their environment. gest any ritual use. All in all, judging by literature Their diet consisted of both wild and domesticated and excavation reports it seems that nothing struck animals, cultivated crops and gathered food, com- a ritual chord with the archaeologists. Apart from bining all available possibilities. this, also the artistic expression of the Egolzwilers 7KLVVSHFLȴFDGDSWDWLRQFRXOGPHDQWKDWWKH seems to have been limited to the simple decora- environment was very suitable for living. How- tions on pottery. It is true that other pile dwelling ever, it could also indicate that a varied diet and sites too represent few artistic or decorative ele- activity were required for survival. In this case ments, except for a unique case where decorated not the directly available resources played an im- houses were found in Bodman-Ludwigshafen (Ger- portant role in the pile dwellers’ decision to set- many). The pile dwellers seem to have been an es- tle there, but other ties to the place. This idea is pecially uninspired people in this regard. strengthened by the fact that the climate must Another important point is that of the missing have posed difficulties, and the local scarcity of burials. There is no evidence of funerary rites at other essential resources such as lithics. Lithic ma- Egolzwil 3, or nearly any other pile dwelling site. terial often reached the site from great distances. However, this cannot mean that they are com- This does indicate contact with other people, as pletely absent. It is obvious there must be deceased does the presence of other imported goods and the people somewhere, and when dealing with lake ‘external’ features such as cone wheat or the many dwellers it would not be a far-fetched assumption ovicaprides. It is very probable that the inhabitants to say that they disposed of their bodies in the lake, of Egolzwil 3 had a strong link to the Mediterrane- especially regarding the close connection with wa- an area. ter. Nonetheless, no evidence that could support As was discussed in the chapter about lithics, this theory has been found. However, when we local material is seldom used. The main sources for have a wider look in the region we can get some obtaining lithic material were located at the con- more information. First of all, sites such as the VLGHUDEOHGLVWDQFHRINPDVWKHFURZȵLHV$SDUW Oberbipp dolmen or the Schweizersbild burials from this, a wide variety of lithics were imported in Switzerland present us with burials related to from even greater distances. There is a strong pos- Horgen and Pfyn people, which also inhabited lake sibility that much of this material reached the site dwellings (Lichter 2016). As was mentioned before, through trade or exchange, again indicating con- not much is known about these people in the hin- tact with other people. terland, but it is possible they inhabited dry-land The lack of any ritual or decorative elements settlements too. In any case, the cultural links that robs us of the possibility to gain more insight into can be drawn with contemporaneous pile dwellers the people’s ideological world. However, judging are very strong and although we cannot construct from the close relationship they had with their a direct parallel for lack of information, these environment, adapting to it even in spite of the 220 Jadranka Verdonkschot mentioned disadvantages, this link could have the oldest known lakeside settlement of Lake Con- weighed heavily. stance and has different phases of occupation with DVKRUWLQWHUUXSWLRQGXHWRDȴUH%XWWRWKHQRUWK- east Hörnle II can be found (3869 BC), a bit further 5. Case Study 2: Hörnle IA Hörnle III which would have been a contempora- neous settlement. Hörnle IV, V and VI have also The site of Hornstaad Hörnle was discovered in been named, all later. Nevertheless, none of these 1856/57 by M. Koch. Therefore, it is also men- sites is as well studied as Hörnle I. As a matter of tioned in some of Ferdinand Keller’s earliest pub- fact, from Hörnle V and VI only some piles are lications (1858). Nevertheless, it was not until known, and Hörnle IV was found during a period PXFKODWHUWKDWWKHȴUVWH[FDYDWLRQWRRNSODFHRQ of very low water in 1949 but has not been spotted this site. Nowadays Hornstaad-Hörnle is located since. This potentially strong presence of contem- DWWKHYHU\VKRUHRI/DNH&RQVWDQFHLWLVȵRRGHG poraneous and posterior sites is important to un- every summer and work on the site is only possi- derstand the dynamics of the area. ble during wintertime, when the lake retreats and The settlement extended over a total area of WKHDUHDGULHVXS7KHȴUVWZRUNZDVFDUULHGRXW at least 100 x 80 metres, its size varying strongly by H. Schlichtherle, who was responsible for sev- in different chronological moments. The oldest eral test probings, opening up small trenches in KRXVHVEXLOWGXULQJWKHȴUVWFRQVWUXFWLRQSKDVH the winters between 1973 and 1978 ( Schlichtherle were generally approximately 3.5 metres wide 7KLVZDVȴQDQFHGE\WKH6WDWH&XOWXUDO+HU- and 8 to 9 metres long. From the excavated areas itage Department Baden-Württemberg. In 1983 LWVHHPVWKDWWKHVHȴUVWKRXVHVZHUHEXLOWLQOLQHV Hornstaad-Hörnle became the focus point for a parallel to the shore looking over the lake. Also in project of the German Research Council (DFG) the following phases after the fire, houses were ‘Siedlungsarchäologie im Alpenvorland’. With the of similar dimensions. What did change was their ȴQDQFLDOKHOSIURPWKLVSURJUDPPHH[FDYDWLRQV orientation. The image of Hörnle that is provided were carried out under B. Dieckmann until 1993 by reconstructions in publications seems rather (Dieckmann et al. 2006). All data and results were messy, with houses in many different orientations, meticulously analysed and interpreted, resulting and lacking a systematic order. Nevertheless, a val- in very exhaustive publications, which grant this uable observation made by R. Ebersbach (2013) is site the position of the best studied and interpret- that often sites are only partially excavated and ed pile dwelling site in Germany. Nowadays the site the lay-out is imagined by copy-pasting the found and its immediate surrounding is a protected area. structures onto the whole extension of the settle- Moreover, the unexcavated occupation layers are ment. In this case, only 1262m2 of the estimated well preserved under lake marl and a reed mead- 3900m2 for the total settlement were excavated RZ 3DODȴWWHV by 1993 (Maier and Vogt 2001). Therefore, the in- Hornstaad-Hörnle is situated at the tip of terpretations regarding organised or disorganised the Höri Peninsula, at the western part of Lake VHHPLQJKRXVHOD\RXWVLVSDUWLDOO\DUWLȴFLDO Constance. This Peninsula is surrounded by wa- The lack of evidence for ground-level hearths ter from three sides, while towards the west the RUȵRRUVVXJJHVWVWKDWWKHKRXVHVKDGDUDLVHGȵRRU Schiener Berg rises. The site of Hörnle IA is located level. For the construction Pfahlschuhe, little wood- at the border of an area of shallow water. This set- en ‘boots’ were used to fasten the piles in the lake tlement is not the only one in this area, as a matter marl and basin clay. The houses consisted of paired of fact, the surroundings provide a lot of evidence posts. The walls were usually made with wattle of other, slightly earlier, contemporaneous and lat- and daub techniques or filled with brushwood. er occupation. Some of these have been investigat- 7KHȵRRUVZHUHFRYHUHGZLWKORDPDQGODNHPDUO ed, others not. In any case, the area seems to have for the hearth areas clay was used. Housefloors been relatively densely and perhaps continuously were elevated approximately 2–3 metres from the settled. Hornstaad-Hörnle IA (3917–3905 calBC) is ground and there are hypotheses stating that the The (Dis-) Advantages of a Flood in Your Living Room 221 front could have been used for working purposes FHUHUDOWKUHVKLQJUHPDLQVDTXDWLFSODQWVȵD[,ȵD[ and the back part was used for resting and sleeping threshing remains, forest plants and peas. Some of (Matuschik 2011). The houses themselves were not the remains that were found are not autochtonous very big, and it has been estimated that they were to the region. Some examples of this are the peas inhabited by small family units of 5 to six individu- (Lathyrus sativus), the cone wheat crops (Triticum als (Maier/Vogt 2001). With a probable presence of turgidum) or herbs such as dill, parsley and celery. about 40 houses, this means that there would be a 7KHLUSUHVHQFHSRLQWVWR0HGLWHUUDQHDQLQȵXHQFHV maximum population of 300 to 350 individuals. (Maier/Vogt 2001). The collection of different fruits $OWKRXJKVRIDUQRHYLGHQFHIRUVSHFLȴFVWDEOHV and plans was still very important too. barns or workshops have been found in pile dwell- All in all, a great variety of different food re- ing settlements (Ebersbach 2013), it has been sug- mains is present. The cereal remains come both gested that specialised areas, for example for bead from storage contexts or were processed to make SURGXFWLRQRUȴVKLQJFRXOGEHUHFRJQLVHGZLWKLQ bread or porridge. Also the burned layer, giving us this settlement. Apart from this, according to Dieck- DUHDOVQDSVKRWRIWKHPRPHQWRIWKHȴUHVKRZV mann’s findings each house constituted its own a great variety of remains. This can only be ex- Wirtschaftseinheit (economic unit), with its own plained by the storage of different foods, otherwise food storage and private tools (Maier/Vogt 2001). the evidence would be more seasonally bound. Almost all of the land around the site was suit- able for cultivation. Beginning at circa 300 metres 5.1. ‘Direct’ Resources from the site and at a height starting at 400 metres. Within 1km around the site the possibly available 5.1.1. Nutrition land is 60ha, for 1.5km around the site this is 150ha. Based on the cereal remains, it is assumed that the As in many Neolithic lakeside settlements around people needed a surface of approximately 18.3ha, the Alps, also Hörnle IA’s inhabitants enjoyed a ZKHQWKHFXOWLYDWLRQRIVRPHSRSS\ȵD[DQGSHDV mixed diet, combining both cultivated and collected are added to this the total land should span 15 to plants and both domesticated, and hunted animals. 20ha (Maier/Vogt 2001). Two possibilities for the We have data from three different layers of agricultural management currently exist; either habitation in Hörnle IA. Each of these presents RQHELJȴHOGZDVFOHDUHGRUWKH+RUQVWDDGHUVFXO- slight differences. Nonetheless, for the purpose of tivated small clearances in the forest (Baum 2014). this study this will not be taken into account. Very Possibly land cultivation was also managed on a slight changes, in this case talking about an in- household-scale, as was shown by a study regard- crease of 2% in the presence of cattle bones from ing the use of manure (Styring et al. 2016). one layer to the next for example, do not contrib- 7KHLPSRUWDQFHRIȴVKLVDOZD\VXQGHUHVWLPDW- XWHVLJQLȴFDQWLQIRUPDWLRQWRWKLVVWXG\ HGGXHWRLQVXɚFLHQWH[FDYDWLRQPHWKRGV1HYHU- Generally, the biggest amount of seeds belongs theless, it has been argued in literature that this to gathered fruits such as for example raspberries. must have been an important point in the choice One has to keep in mind, that this prevalence of of settlement (Dieckmann, Harwath, and Hoffstadt fruits can partially be explained by the fact that 2006). As for the bone fragments that have been they contain many seeds that are likely to be pre- found in the different layers of Hörnle IA, these served and found in great quantities, whereas are dominated by the presence of mainly cattle, other types of plants are less traceable. The next domesticated pigs and deer. Also remains of ovi- LPSRUWDQWFDWHJRU\ZRXOGEHWKDWRIȴHOGZHHGV caprides, aurochs and wild boar have been found, However, these are probably part of the invento- but to a smaller extent (Dieckmann et al. 2016). ry because of their presence among the harvest- What is striking here is the strong presence of cat- ed cereals, not because they were actually used tle in comparison to only few ovicaprides, painting or eaten. Then there are remains of poppy seeds, a very different picture from the animal manage- cone wheat, barley, einkorn wheat, emmer wheat, ment in Egolzwil 3. 222 Jadranka Verdonkschot 5.1.2. Ceramics megalithic monuments, which are strongly linked to ancestral cults and can even show similar dec- The pottery found at Hörnle IA has been de- oration, this seems like a very promising line of scribed thoroughly, both the stylistic features and investigation. the material used to make it. 33 ceramic samples Apart from pottery, also many ornaments and various nearby clay sources were analysed have been found in Hörnle IA, representing a very microscopically. Low calcium carbonate levels broad spectrum of decorative elements. Almost indicated that the pile dwellers did not exploit all of these ornaments are said to have been very lacustrine clay sources, but went further into the common during the 5th and the beginning of the 4th inland to get their clay (Scharff 2011). The pottery mill. BC in Central Europe. is usually tempered with granite and recycled ceramic temper. More rarely with quartz, calcite and sand. 5.1.3. Wood Silk-matt surfaces are prevalent, polished or roughly smoothed surfaces are rare, there are no The surroundings of Hornstaad Hörnle were very roughened surfaces at all. 19% of the vessels are rich in trees. Therefore, it is assumed that its in- decorated. The decoration and shape of different habitants had no trouble finding this resource. vessels is attributed to the ‘culture’ they are sup- Wood was of great importance for the settlement, posed to belong to. In Hörnle IA many different mainly because it was the most important build- types of pottery were found, corresponding to the ing resource. Apart from this, wood was also used material associated with Stichbandkeramik, Rössen, for vessels. Bowls and cups made of wood or tree Schulterbandgruppen and more. Nevertheless, the bark were found. Also nets and ropes were made interesting part is that the majority of this pottery of parts of trees and plants (Schlichtherle 1990). was made with local clay. This indicates an even According to studies regarding the environ- stronger influence as the material is not merely ment the immediate surrounding of the settlement imported, but created locally (Scharff 2011). Ideas ZDVFRYHUHGE\RDNVDQGDVKWUHHV$OVRWKHȴUVW have been transmitted to the Hornstaaders to such houses were made of this wood, later partially extent that they reproduce them. This observation switching to other wood types that can be found breaks down the panorama of countless ‘cultures’ a bit further away from the settlement. This is not co-existing in Neolithic Central Europe, proving surprising, as most of the pile dwelling structures WKDWWKHUHZHUHVWURQJHUFRQWDFWVDQGLQȵXHQFHV,W show preference for oak wood as a building ma- seems strange that much of the material present in terial due to its hard and strong characteristics. the hinterland, Hegau, such as Linearbandkeramik +RZHYHUDWWKLVVSHFLȴFVLWHWKHSUHIHUHQFHIRURDN or Hinkelstein, is absent from the Lake Constance known from other sites correlates with these trees area (Scharff 2011). growing around the settlement. The conditions can Another important type of decoration found therefore be dubbed as very favourable (Maier/ at the site is the one used for the so-called gynae- Vogt 2001). comorphic vessels, pottery that is supposed to More distant from the lake, in slightly drier represent feminine shapes. This kind of vessels conditions, beech is known to have grown. This is known from the rest of the western Constance soil would then be favourable for agriculture. In Lake area too. These vessels represent one of the any case, many different types of wood were used few possible ritual indications. An interesting for different purposes, although mainly architec- link has been made with a decorated house found tonical. The most frequently used trees were ash, at the site of Bodman-Ludwigshafen, showing oak and alder. All these types of woods were locat- sculpted breasts on its wall. Investigations regard- ed in the immediate vicinity of the settlement. Ac- ing this discovery are still going on, but there is a cording to environmental reconstructions, Hörn- tendency to ascribe these features to an ancestral le IA seemed to hold a very favourable position in cult. Taking into account the contemporaneous this respect. The (Dis-) Advantages of a Flood in Your Living Room 223 5.1.4. Stone The distribution of stone resources throughout the settlements suggests house-bound preferences for VSHFLȴFPDWHULDOV1RQHWKHOHVVJHQHUDOSDWWHUQV FDQEHGHGXFHGLQVSLWHRIȵXFWXDWLRQVEHWZHHQ houses and different habitation layers. Remarkable, especially in comparison with the last case study, is that almost all of the processed stones were of regional provenance. The most im- portant materials would be Jurahornstein, fresh ma- terial found around the Alb and Randen, and Jaspis, from residual deposits in Hegau. The third most im- Fig. 2. Provenance of lithic resources from Hörnle portant material would be Hornstein, from the gla- IA (Lake Constance, Germany). cial Schotterterrassen of Mühlhausen- Ehingen. This material was very typical in the Neolithic Lake Con- site. This being said, for the current database a gen- stance area. To conclude the list of local materials eral average percentage of the materials was used. only the Plattenhornstein from the nearby Schiener 7KLVDOWKRXJKLWPLJKWQRWUHȵHFWWKHH[DFWQXDQF- %HUJLVPLVVLQJ7KHȴUVWWZRVRXUFHVFRYHUQHDUO\ es, does bring us close enough to the information 100 % of the used material in Hörnle IA. The latter we need to assess the vicinity and exploitation of two were not used very frequently. The remaining lithic deposits. stone material that was found at the site is proveni- Other stone objects that were found on the ent from approximately six other sources. Never- site were either imported or produced after an theless, the percentage of this material is minimal. ‘importation of ideas’ as they are clearly ‘foreign 0RVWSUREDEO\WKHSUHVHQFHRIWKHVHLWHPVVLJQLȴHV elements’. Examples of this would be the stone contacts with other people, trading and/or exchang- artefacts from Monte Lessini and Monte Gargano ing material. Therefore, the raw material provi- in Italy, the Central Alps, Northern and Eastern sioning of Hörnle IA was almost exclusively local, France and the southern Netherlands. Axes simi- drawing mainly from two sources, which were lo- lar to those that are known from French Brittany, cated within a distance of at least 25, but less than usually made of Jade, but also axes similar to those 50km. This means, according to the same calcula- found in Western Hungary in the Lengyel culture tions used for the Egolzwil 3 case study, that the re- appear in Hörnle I. This broad network stretching sidual deposits of Hegau were located within a total to all corners of Europe places Hörnle I in a very travelling distance of approximately 1.5 days. The central position. Jurahornstein source, which seemed to provide the most commonly used material, required a slightly longer expedition of perhaps two or three days in 5.1.5. Bone and Shell total (ȴJ). It is necessary to mention that the percent- The bones used for the creation of bone and teeth ages that are used for the map are not exact, but artefacts such as tools or various ornaments and approximate estimations. In the publication of the pendants correspond to the same animal species Hornstaad lithics (Hoffstadt 2005) the author uses that were used for consumption. For the orna- many different percentages, reflecting the ratio ments mainly wild animals were used, as is com- of lithic types within different houses and layers. monly seen in other settlements too (Heumüller However, even these calculations are said to be in- 2009). Apart from this, very specialised studies accurate as the settlement has not been excavated regarding the imported material have been car- as a whole and it is possible that the recovered ma- ried out, proving that much of the jewellery and WHULDOGRHVQRWRIIHUDQDFFXUDWHUHȵHFWLRQRIWKH ornaments were possibly made of shells that are 224 Jadranka Verdonkschot common in distant parts such as the North and LVWKHIDFWWKDWWKHVXUURXQGLQJVZHUHȵRRGHGRQ Baltic Sea in northern Europe, southern France or a very regular basis. These frequently changing Sardinia (Dieckmann et al. 2016). Discussing these conditions do a lot of damage to the architectonical long-distance contacts, although it has nothing to ZRRGQRWWRPHQWLRQWKHGLɚFXOWLHVSRVHGWRWKH do with bone or shell artefacts, it is also necessary inhabitants who suffer the consequences of having to mention the copper disc that was found inside SHULRGLFDOO\ȵRRGHGKRXVHV RQHRI+¸UQOH,ȇVKRXVHV7KLVLVDQH[FHSWLRQDOȴQG Again, to widen our perspective and try to un- as metal objects are very rare in this region at the derstand the reasons why people would settle a time. It is thought that the disc has been imported ZHWODQGODQGVFDSHSURQHWRȵRRGLQJVRPHHWK- from Eastern Central Europe, as the production of nographic parallels will be included. We have pre- this kind of copper artefacts is more common there viously seen the ribeirinhos and their special rela- in this period (Dieckmann et al. 2016). It is not pos- WLRQVKLSWRZDWHUGHȴQLQJWKHLULGHQWLW\DQGHYHQ sible to say what role this disc played exactly in the going so far as to condition their time perception. OLYHVRI+¸UQOH,ȇVLQKDELWDQWVEXWLWGRHVFRQȴUPD However, they are not the only possible example. very wide spread trading network, as was already Already in the beginning of pile dwelling research indicated in the paragraph about stones. ethnographical parallels were drawn, although it was for all the wrong reasons. Ferdinand Keller, in his first publications, happily referred to the 5.2. ‘Indirect’ Resources people of New Guinea, thus creating a very real and romantic image of the pile dwellings. In those 5.2.1. Landscape/Environment times also another researcher sought parallels for the lake dwellings. The Marquis de Nadaillac, a re- The settlement is located on a small triangular nowned French anthropologist and palaeontologist ‘peninsula’ protruding into the water at the west- included an account of prehistoric pile dwellings ern part of Lake Constance. Hörnle IA was placed in his book ‘Manners and Monuments of Prehis- QHDUWKHODNHVKRUHPHDQLQJWKDWLWZDVȵRRGHG toric Peoples’. Here we find a list of references, throughout big parts of the year (usually summer) such as the fact that Herodotus describes how the and stood on dry land only during the winter- people of a lakeside settlement on Lake Prasias time, much like it is nowadays. Behind the settle- withstood an attack of the Persians. Or as Alon- ment, away from the lake, the Schiener Berg rises zo de Ojeda, who decided to name a group of stilt 708 metres above sea level. The settlement itself houses on a lake ‘Venezuela’, as they reminded him was set at approximately 394/395 metres above of his native Venice. Many others apparently also sea level. Those more than 300 additional metres, encountered pile dwellings on lakes or rivers dur- sheltering the settlement from the landside, consist ing their travels. Sir Richard Burton found them in mainly of molasses. Dahomey, Captain Cameron in Central Africa and It has been suggested that the settlement, in the Bishop of Labuan in Borneo. As contemporary the very early stages of settling, was placed on examples Celebes, New Guinea, Java, Mindanao water and not dry land. This conclusion has been or the Caroline Islands are mentioned (Nadaillac reached as no evidence of the growth of any plants 1892). It is clear that the lakeside settlements in RUWUHHVZHUHIRXQGXQGHUQHDWKWKHȴUVWWUDFHVRI Central Europe are by no means an exception, and VHWWOHPHQW7KHUHIRUHWKHȵRRUZDVPRVWSUREDEO\ investigation of the mentioned examples will be an covered by water. important part of further research. The environmental conditions seem to have been favourable. People presumably still had to deal with the constant humidity and the effects 5.2.2. Ritual this entails, but at least the rest of the area seems favourable. The settlement enjoys a south exposi- 7KHGLɚFXOW\RIULWXDOLQWHUSUHWDWLRQVIRUSLOHGZHOO- tion to the sun and is somewhat protected by the ing settlements has been discussed in the previous Schiener Mountain. However, an important point Case Study. For Hörnle IA the situation is not very The (Dis-) Advantages of a Flood in Your Living Room 225 different. Although some jewellery and the previ- who considered this area as a favourable place to ously mentioned gynaecomorphic vessels have been settle. In the previous pages different reasons for found, no other evidence of anything that could be this ‘popularity’ have been discussed in an attempt anything but strictly functional were present. to see whether it would rather be the ‘direct’ or Naturally, no burials that could be directly re- the ‘indirect’ resources that conditioned life on the lated to the settlement were found. However, there Höri Peninsula. is evidence of a contemporaneous burial ground in The settlement of Hörnle IA was without a WKHKLQWHUODQGPRUHVSHFLȴFDOO\ (QJHQ:HOVFKLQ- doubt situated in a very favourable area, as far as gen, nearby one of the settlement’s main lithic resources go. Most of the necessary resources such sources (Hald/Wahl 2016). The conclusions regard- as wood, lithics, cultivable land, etc. were located LQJWKLVȴQGLQJKDYHEHHQWKDWWKHUHZHUHSHRSOH within half a day walking distance (one way). It is living in this area, called Hegau, following similar also visible that people seemed to have used what cultural traditions as the pile dwellers, based main- was close to them. For example, when looking at ly on the found pottery and ornaments. Therefore, the wood that was used for architectural purposes, it has been said that it could be possible that the LWVHHPVSUREDEOHWKDWWKHZRRGXVHGIRUWKHȴUVW pile dwellers buried their own dead in a similar houses came from the immediate vicinity of the fashion nearby the lake-dwellings. In this seeming- site, and only later this expanded a bit. Most of the ly logical reasoning, two important shortcomings surrounding area was suitable or even favourable can be found. First of all, the hinterland here was for agriculture. The only inconvenience would be studied well, as opposed to most other cases, and that most of the area was covered by forest. Nev- the settling patterns there are still unclear, yielding ertheless, by cutting down trees for building pur- few results. On the other hand, if the pile dwellers poses probably small clearances were created, had utilised similar burial sites for their deceased which then were cultivated. As for the lithic re- nearby the settlement, at least in some cases ev- sources, this site shows a slightly different pattern idence should have been found. We are therefore than Egolzwil 3. Instead of having many different left with two other hypothetical possibilities: the small sources, the obtaining of lithic raw materi- earlier mentioned idea that pile dwellers disposed als is focused on two spots nearby the site, within of their deceased in the lake, leaving behind no a walking distance of 1–3 days (to and back). Other traces. This would also mean that their contempo- sources, which are located further away could be raneous dry-land neighbours had different burial attributed to long distance trading networks. rites, indicating cultural differences and thus to an As for the indirect resources, the landscape isolation of pile dwellers. This is a line of thoughte seems to have played an important role in this case which I would not like to reiterate, as no other evi- too. But in difference to Egolzwil 3, this region was dence for this isolation of pile dwellers has been definitely favourable in all necessary resources. found. Another possibility could be that the burial A similarity is that this area had also been settled VLWHWKDWZDVIRXQGLVDFWXDOO\DȴQDOUHVWLQJSODFH previously and posteriorly. IRUWKHSLOHGZHOOHUV,QWKLVVSHFLȴFFDVHZHNQRZ that the location was known to them as it is very close to a frequented lithic source. 6. Regional Overview To conclude it is necessary to incorporate a short 5.3. Summary regional overview of the studied region too, pre- senting a broader picture. Also, in this way it As was mentioned earlier, the area held more set- VKRXOGEHFODULȴHGWKDWLWLVQRWLQWHQGHGWRVHWWKH tlements than Hörnle IA alone, evidence from the discussed lakeside settlements apart as special set- Mesolithic has been found, as well as a contempo- tlements, isolating them from other contemporane- rary settlement (Hörnle III) and several posterior ous sites. sites. In this sense, Hörnle IA was no exceptional The circum-Alpine region stretches from site, but rather another expression of many people south-eastern France to Slovenia. The Alps seem 226 Jadranka Verdonkschot to impose a barrier between the southern and the 7. Final Considerations northern part, but it has been proven that there was indeed interaction across the Alps. However, The final part of this article is not a conclusion, the lake dwellers did not settle within the Alps as much work is still left to be done, but rather a themselves, in spite of the presence of small lakes. recap of the current state of research. The main This could perhaps be attributed to climatic con- question, posed at the beginning of this article, re- siderations. Many climatic studies, both from the mains unanswered, it is still not clear at what point 70s and recent work, have shown that the region and for which reasons people started settling wet- ZDVVXEMHFWHGWRUDSLGFOLPDWHȵXFWXDWLRQVLQWKH ODQGV)XUWKHUUHVHDUFKLVUHTXLUHGLQRUGHUWRȴQG Holocene, making life so close to the water even a possible answer. The PhD project, of which this more complicated. Nonetheless, people did de- article is a mere preview, focuses on this, and will cide to inhabit the lakeshores north and south of hopefully contribute further information. Howev- the Alps in great numbers. As a matter of fact, the er, what has been proven for now is that the for- prevalent prehistoric settlement type in the region merly suggested reasons for settling in wetlands, north of the Alps is that of lakeside settlements, or such as defence or a suitable environment, are too pile dwellings. These sites started to appear in the simplistic. The settlements studied do not have a 1HROLWKLFDURXQG%&EULQJLQJWKHȴUVWHYL- defensive character and the disadvantages of the dence of the Neolithic way of live to this region and ZHWHQYLURQPHQWDQGWKHVSHFLȴFFOLPDWLFFRQGL- kept appearing until the Iron Age around 700 BC. tions may have nearly outweighed the advantages There were many times in which no lakeside set- posed by the surrounding lands (ȴJ). Therefore, tlements seem to exist. The question whether this we are looking at a complex equilibrium of mo- could be due to climatic changes, or rather because tives, in which the identity formed by the land- of cultural change still occupies researchers. Re- scape could play a bigger role than was previously cently Benjamin Jennings made a very interesting thought. contribution to the topic (Jennings 2014), and it The case studies from other regions are miss- can be said that the demise of pile dwellings is still LQJLQWKLVRYHUYLHZEXWDIWHUDVVHVVLQJWKHȴUVW better studied than their beginning. Some attempts two several preliminary observations can be not- to explain it have been made, but they usually do ed. First of all, both of the sites are part of an ex- not to stretch beyond a rather general account tensive network of contacts, Hörnle I even more (Pétrequin 2016). so than Egolzwil. The idea of an isolated position As was mentioned before, the lakeside set- within the circum-Alpine can be rejected. Second, tlements were the most common and often only a certain form of dynamicity can be recognised in settlements found in prehistory in the northern this active contact and trading network. If architec- Alpine region. This seeming lack of other sites can WXUHFDQLQGHHGUHȵHFWFHUWDLQVRFLDODVSHFWV 6FKX- probably partially be attributed to the fascination bert 2010), the short-lived settlements with the for lakeside settlements that started around the even more short-lived and ever changing buildings 1850s. Research was strongly focused on this, leav- GXHWRUHSDLUDQGPDLQWHQDQFHFRQȴUPVWKHIRU- ing the hinterland for what it was. Nevertheless, in mer. This could mean that lakeside settlements did recent years investigations have been trying to lev- not necessarily host a uniform identitarian or eth- el this inequality. Results from Swiss investigations nical group (Ebersbach 2016). Finally, the absence already indicate several land settlements between of anything bearing ritual or symbolical meaning the Jura and the Alps and other evidence for dry- in these settlements makes it complicated to assess land settlements, such as the Oberbipp dolmen. the importance people really ascribed to the wa- Also for the area around Hörnle IA similar studies ter. The sensory experience might seem a peculiar have been carried out. Although up to now not too thing to take into account in archaeology, but it is many contemporaneous settlements have been a valuable factor nonetheless and it is gaining ter- found, the image of lakeside settlements standing rain in research (Hamilakis 2015). We should take all alone in the Neolithic is shifting. a moment to appreciate the sensory experience of The (Dis-) Advantages of a Flood in Your Living Room 227 settlements apart as an isolated phenomenon and attributing ritual and symbolic meanings to the close connection their inhabitants maintained with water. On the one hand, it is in no way intended to discredit the relatively recently won insight that lakeside settlements cannot be attributed to a spe- FLȴFFXOWXUHEXWDUHȆMXVWȇDQRWKHUW\SHRISUHKLV- toric settlement. This is an important advance in research since the last century, and there is no evi- dence that suggests a different interpretation. The FXUUHQWZRUNDOVRUHOLHVRQDVHHPLQJO\FRQȵLFWLQJ assumption. Namely, that the pile dwellers main- tained a special relationship with their environment Fig. 3. Advantages or disadvantages? and the strong presence of water in any form. There are many ethnographic examples indicating people who have such an strong link with water and also what it means to live in such proximity to water. IURPRWKHUKLVWRULRJUDSKLFVRXUFHVZHFRXOGȴQG Proximity is not even the correct word here, as inspiration for this idea. This leads to possible in- people are living with water. Imagine being sur- WHUSUHWDWLRQVWKDWGRQRWȴWWKHFXUUHQWIUDPHZRUN rounded by water all the time, feeling its humid in research. Therefore, a closer look is required not WRXFKQRWRQO\RQ\RXUVNLQEXWDUHȵHFWLRQRILWRQ only at the material, but also at nuancing existing every object, every material. To hear the lapping of limitations regarding concepts such as identity. Fur- the waves against the piles or the lakeshore, day in ther research is required and is actually underway day out until you get so used to it you only notice in the form of the author’s PhD. it in the silence that takes its place once you walk away into the forest or on an expedition. It seems unthinkable that such strong and conditioning fac- WRUVZRXOGQRWEHUHȵHFWHGLQSHRSOHȇVEHKDYLRXU Jadranka Verdonkschot and identity. Nevertheless, there is nothing tan- Institute of Prehistory, Early History and JLEOHWKDWFRXOGFRQȴUPWKLV$SDUWIURPWKLVWKH Medieval Archaeology hypothesis is neither that lakeside settlers belong Schloß Hohentübingen to a different group than contemporaneous people Burgsteige 11 living in dry-land settlements. D-72070 Tübingen Here it becomes clear that the current study [email protected] tries to walk a fine line between setting lakeside Bibliography $UQROG: B. Arnold, The Lake-Dwelling Diaspora. Museum, Private Collectors and the Evolution of Eth- ics in Archaeology. In: Menotti/O’Sullivan (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Wetland Archaeology. Ox- ford University Press (Oxford 2012) 875–892. %DXP: T. Baum, Models of Wetland Settlement and Associated Land Use in South-West Germany dur- ing the Fourth Millennium B.C. 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The aim of this article is to explain why we are interested in the question as Historians have presented the history of monas- to how ‘tangible resources’ might be transformed ticism between ca. 800 and ca. 1200 AD as a nar- into ‘intangible resources’ and vice versa. For his- rative of ever newer reforms, the aims of which torians of the Middle Ages this is a somewhat unu- would be to return to a life in accordance with the sual question, and indeed a rather strange perspec- wording of the ‘Regula Benedicti’ and to adopt the tive on monasticism in medieval Europe. However, Consuetudines of another monastery perceived as this approach has been developed in collaboration exemplary. This scholarly model is problematic. with anthropologists and archaeologists within our The monks of the 9th to 12th cent. were assiduous in collaborative research centre (cf. Bartelheim et al. the compiling of their history into various lengthy 2015); and it can be of use to medieval historians narrative texts; however, one searches in vain for too. Indeed, the approach allows us to engage with cyclical succession of reform within these histori- a fundamental problem in the study of medieval cal narratives. We are also not dealing simply with monasticism in a new and interesting manner. a functionalist model from the modern discipline Until now, the history of monasticism has usu- of History. Rather, the cycle of ‘reform’, ‘decadence’ ally been portrayed as a succession of perennial and newer ‘reform’ is an explanatory model which ‘reforms’: underlying this narrative is the concep- was invented in the monastic historiography of the tion that individual monasteries were invariably in transition between the Middle and Early Modern jeopardy of losing sight of their original aims – and Ages (i.e. roughly during the 15th cent.). In our nar- thereby tended to relax stringency of their monas- ratives of monasticism, we are hence perpetuating tic vows of obedience, poverty and chastity, that a pre-academic model – which does not originate they ‘secularised’ and became worldly. Yet, in the from those historical actors whose history is the long history of monasticism there were repeatedly subject of this paper. In this article, therefore, we moments of reform, in which individual ‘reform- propose to abandon the concept of ‘reform’ and to abbots’ ensured that their monks reflected upon analyse medieval monasticism by observing the these original norms and values and returned to a variability of tangible and intangible resources. We better, less worldly, monastic life (cf. e.g. Melville argue that this perspective could be helpful to un- 2012; Vanderputten 2013, 2015; cf. also Sellner 2016, derstand the dynamics of medieval monasticism in 67–74 and 521–551, suggesting the medieval concept a new way. correctio instead of ‘monastic reform’). 234 Steffen Patzold A focus on written and codified normative understood as merely a return to the ‘Regula Ben- texts has served as the yardstick for the actual edicti’, but also as a possibility for a community to norms and values of monasticism: for the 8th cent. adopt the Consuetudines, these ‘regulatory statutes’ onwards this means specifically focusing on the of lifestyle, of another monastery perceived as ex- so-called ‘Regula Benedicti’, a very brief text which emplary. The notion of what should constitute mo- maintains in 71 chapters as to how monks and nastic reform thereby changed somewhat: reform their abbot should live together in a monastery was no longer simply reform in itself; it now could (Regula Benedicti, ed. Hanslik 1977). From at least be named after the respective exemplary centre of the turn of the 9th cent. until well into the 12th cent. each reform – thus ‘Cluniac Reform’ (after Cluny in this text served as the most important normative Burgundy), ‘Gorze Reform’ (after Gorze in Lothrin- text to which good monks might turn. Contempo- gen), ‘Siegburger Reform’, ‘Sanblasianic Reform’, or raries viewed a saint of the 6th cent. as the origi- ‘Hirsauer Reform’ for the application of the Consue- nator of this rule: the monk and abbot Benedict tudines of the monastery of Hirsau. However, what of Nursia, the life and miracles of whom were ex- is important here is, that the old cyclical explana- haustively recounted by Pope Gregory the Great tory model remained intact: the history of monas- around 600 AD (Gregor der Große, Dialogi, ed. de ticism was still held to be a constant succession of Vogüé 1979, lib. II). Academics today view the con- reform, decadence (i.e. deviation from rules), new nection between the Rule and Benedict of Nursia reform (i.e. a return to a ‘purer’ life, now, however, with considerably more scepticism (cf. Fried 2004, at the same time the possibility of orientation to- 344–356; Wollasch 2007; Melville 2012, 31–42; ward another monastery perceived as being exem- Licht 2013). plary), then decadence once more, and so on (the To emphasise once more, historians have pre- fundamental study was: Hallinger 1950/51; cf. also sented the history of monasticism between ca. 800 Semmler 1959; Jakobs 1961; 1968; important criti- and ca. 1200 AD as a narrative of ever newer re- cism: Wollasch 1973; for a recent synopsis of older forms, the aims of which would be to return to a ‘Reformforschung’ cf. Sellner 2016, 36–66). life in accordance with the wording of the ‘Regula This scholarly model is problematic. The core Benedicti’. In the second half of the 20th cent., this of the argument of our project is as follows: we H[SODQDWRU\PRGHOZDVUHȴQHGLQDQLPSRUWDQWDV- are not dealing with a model with which the ac- pect: the ‘Regula Benedicti’ is, as mentioned, a very tors observable to us were themselves at all famil- short text. It barely regulates – or even omits – iar; indeed the monks of the 8th to 12th cent. were many areas of monastic daily life, allowing consid- very assiduous in the compiling of their history erable leeway; besides, it presupposes the climatic into various lengthy narrative texts. However, one circumstances and social conditions of Southern searches in vain for cyclical succession of reform Europe in 600 AD, and thereby much which could within these historical narratives (for Flanders cf. not be implemented in following centuries in other now: Sellner 2016). In any case, we are also not regions. Hence, the text was supplemented in the dealing simply with a functionalist model from the course of time by further, more detailed normative modern discipline of History, devised by scholarly texts produced by individual monasteries in order observers in the 20th and 21st cent. Rather, as we to regulate daily life according to this practice and see it, the cycle of ‘reform’, ‘decadence’ and newer UHGXFHFRQȵLFWV WKHVHWH[WVDUHWHUPHGConsuetu- ‘reform’ is an explanatory model which was in- dines (i.e. ‘customs’) within the academic literature vented in the monastic historiography of the tran- and it may be said that the trend of writing out sition between the Middle and Early Modern Ages ever lengthier Consuetudines which regulated ever (i.e. roughly in the 15th cent.). In our narratives of more minutely daily monastic life extended un- monasticism, we are hence perpetuating a pre- til the 11th cent. (editions of the Consuetudines are academic model – which does not originate from published in the Corpus Consuetudinum Monasti- those historical actors whose history interests us carum 1963ff.; cf. Schieffer 1988; Kottje et al. 1989). here. This is a sizeable problem. For the history of monasticism this means the Actually, European monks of the 8th to 12th cent. following: since the 1950’s ‘reforms’ are no longer also did not discuss the ‘Variability of Tangible and Variability of Tangible and Intangible Resources 235 Intangible Resources’, but at least we are dealing and interests, which cannot be introduced here with concepts which were not outlined by monas- individually. Notwithstanding, one chief motive, tic historiographers and their aims in the 15th cent. which recurs explicitly in the documents is: pro re- but rather by ourselves according to the rules of medio animae, ‘for the remedy of the soul’. Monks DUWLȴFH,QWKHIROORZLQJ,ZLOODWWHPSWWRVKHGOLJKW served to some degree as experts in the produc- upon these concepts and to explain what we might tion of salvation: as they personally lived in chas- EHDEOHWRGHGXFHWKHUHE\ ȂDQGZK\ZHȴQGWKH tity, obedience, and poverty, they were particularly ‘Variability of Tangible and Intangible Resources’ TXDOLȴHGWRDVN*RGIRUPHUF\ ȂDQGQRWRQO\IRU interesting in the creation of a new history of me- themselves, but also on the behalf of their friends dieval monasticism. and benefactors. This concept becomes visible Not all monasteries of the Middle Ages, but from the 9th cent. onwards in so-called Libri me- many of them certainly were rich. The individual moriales or memorial books. An important ex- monk extolled poverty; the community of monks, ample comes from the monastery of Reichenau: however, had a wealthy estate of property and the book was begun in the middle of the 820s and possessions. Monastic communities possessed maintained for more than a century afterwards. land, which could be used commercially (fields, The Rei chenauer monks proudly named this book pasturage, woods, vineyards, etc.) and people who the Liber vitae – in reference to the ‘Book of Life’ cultivated this land so that they could live from it referred to in the Apocalypse, within which the themselves but also present dues to the monastic names of all of those were inscribed who would community. In the case of quite a few monasteries attain God’s mercy and salvation in the Last Judge- these incomes could easily exceed what the monks ment. The proud assertion was hence as follows: required to feed themselves. One must hence state the salvation of whosoever was listed here by the that successful monasteries accumulated wealth. Reichenauer monks was practically already as- It is also quite simple to explain as to how mon- sured. In the course of the 9th and early 10th cent., asteries acquired their landholdings (and thereby the names of some forty thousand people were their regular incomes): large numbers of medieval entered into the books; this should provide an im- landowners bestowed land, but also other goods: pression of how sought after this prayer service of cattle, precious metals, clothes, books – there is a large monastery could be (Autenrieth et al. 1979). virtu ally nothing which would not have been pre - Incidentally, this did not only encompass sented to a monastery at one time or another. We prayers for the salvation of the dead; one could know of these endowments as they were docu- also ensure prayer assistance from monks during mented in writing by the monks themselves. The one’s lifetime. Moreover, this prayer assistance monks had an interest in recording their property was also keenly used by elites and rulers in polit- IRUSRVWHULW\WRDYRLG RUVHWWOH FRQȵLFWVZLWKOD\ ical and even military contexts: when Louis the donators and their families: such so called ‘char- German campaigned in the year 828 AD against ters’ or ‘notices’ have survived in the thousands WKHGHȴDQW DQGDVRI\HWXQFKULVWLDQLVHG %XOJDUV from the period of study – even though the majori- the monks of Fulda sang in Lent a thousand mass- ty are not originals, but rather transcripts in books es and a thousand psalters on the behalf of the which the monks compiled to try to get an over- king and his warriors (evidently, the more the mer- view of their holdings. 1 rier) (cf. Epistolarum Fuldensium fragmenta, ed. Why did large numbers of people again and Dümmler 1899, 518 Nr. 4). again transfer a considerable part of their estate To sum up: monasteries became rich as com- to a monastery? In this regard, historians have munities through the endowments of believers, worked out a broad spectrum of possible motives and indeed because the individual monks extolled asceticism (and poverty) and therefore were par- 1 Several hundreds of early medieval original charters ticularly suited to serve as intercessors with God. have survived from the monastery of Saint Gall (ed. Erhart One might say that monasteries were sacred places 2013); copies are known amongst others from the monaster- in which tangible resources for the maintenance ies of Fulda (ed. Stengel 1958), Lorsch (ed. Glöckner 1929– 36), and Wissembourg (ed. Glöckner et al. 1979). of physical welfare in this world – from pigs (with 236 Steffen Patzold WKHLUKDP WRȴHOGVDQGYLQH\DUGV ȂZHUHWUDQV- interiora of his community; Stephan hence even formed into intangible resources for the main- ORVWKLVRɚFHRIDEERW &RGH[+LUVDXJLHQVLVHG tenance of spiritual salvation – in the form of Waitz 1883, 256 c. 2: ‘[…] quippe qui nihil eorum prayers, litanies, and masses. exterioribus utilitatibus provideret’; cf. also Goetz It is the contention of our subproject that this 1989). connection unfolded a dynamic, which decisively When conversely the community was very suc- drove the history of western European monasti- FHVVIXOLWZDVLQGDQJHURIEHFRPLQJWRRDɛXHQW cism in the Middle Ages. Furthermore, we main- thereby leaving the impression that the monks did tain that working from this connection, the history not live ascetically enough to be able to achieve of monasticism and its dynamics may be described salvation for themselves and others; in this man- in an alternative fashion – and in a more complex ner, their prestige for potential benefactors would way than by trying to understand this history with sink – threatening economic hardship. The actors the model of a cycle of reform, decadence, and themselves saw only one solution to this: to keep newer reform. the interiora (i.e. souls, prayers, inner organisation The transformation from tangible re sources of the community) and the exteriora (bodies, ad- to intangible resources was a very central point ministration of goods, exterior relationships of the encountered in what the monks themselves community) time and time again back into balance described as the interiora and exteriora of their with one another. monastic community – namely the ‘interior’ and Interestingly we can now observe a broad spec- ‘exterior’ things. The ‘interior things’ comprised: trum of norms and values on one hand and on the the monks’ asceticism, their prayer, the daily other practices and institutions, which should have officium for God, and the vita communis within permitted the actors to frequently balance out the the monastic community, the salvation, the soul. interiora and exteriora. Three areas may be men- The ‘exterior things’ included for example the ad- tioned here to illustrate concrete examples as to ministration of the monastic estate, the interaction how we can narrate the history of monasticism with the friends and benefactors of the monastic in the Middle Ages in a different manner, when community and other landowners of the relevant we take the ‘Variability of Tangible and Intangi- region, but also the body and its maintenance (cf. ble Resources’ as our point of departure. These Schnell 2006; Hollick 2016; but also Melville 2011). three areas concern: 1) how land with which the According to their writings, the monastic com- monastery was bequeathed was dealt with, 2) the munities viewed themselves as being tasked with question of so-called ‘immunity’, and 3) the duties achieving some equilibrium between these two of the abbot. realms, for as a community, in their own view, they could only exist successfully when these two were 1) The most vital tangible resource for monasteries connected. Ensuring this, incidentally, was no sim- was landholdings. This resource could – through ple task. A monastery needed the reputation as a human labour (not that of the monks, rather of de- result of the asceticism of its monks so as to be able pendents) – be transformed into grain, fruit, veg- to achieve the salvific litanies to God, otherwise HWDEOHVDVZHOODVȴVKDQGRWKHUDQLPDOSURGXFWV it became unattractive for benefactors outside of and by means of markets and trade into money. the monastery grounds – thereby threatening the Land estates were vital to the survival of a commu- loss of those tangible resources necessary to the nity, but at the same time also a constant challenge ensuring of the physical survival of the commu- to its ascetic withdrawal, as the landholdings drove nity here on earth. Strange as this may sound to the monastic communities to interact with the base us on account of our previous knowledge of me- physical world. dieval monasticism: the monks of the monastery at The most blatant example of this problem +LUVDXUHSURDFKHGWKHLUȴUVWDEERW6WHSKDQZLWK will become clear in the following context: since 12th cent. hindsight; he was alleged to have devot- the Carolingian Age it was common for the king ed himself too fully to the prayer and spiritual sal- to compel monasteries to undertake military ser- vation of his monks, indeed too one-sidedly to the vice. This did not mean that the monks themselves Variability of Tangible and Intangible Resources 237 went on campaign, but they had to equip soldiers 2) A second example: when a landowner trans- VRWKDWWKH\FRXOGȴHOGFRQWLQJHQWVIRUWKHNLQJȇV ferred a tract of land to a monastery, then accord- host. A very vivid example of this point is provided ing to the perceptions of contemporaries it also by the so-called Notitia de servitio monasteriorum changed its character – because property of the from the beginning of the 9th cent. Here, Emperor church counted as being protected in a special Louis the Pious listed as to which monasteries had manner. Already in Late Antiquity the estates of to render to him military service, annual gifts, and the church were ascribed with such a special val- prayers – and which had to offer merely gifts and ue. 5HVHFFOHVLDHQLKLODOLXGVXQWQLVLYRWDȴGHOLXP prayers, or even only prayers (Notitia de servitio precia peccatorum, patrimonium pauperum, as can- monasteriorum, ed. Semmler 1963; cf. Geuenich on law formulated this: ‘The wealth of churches 1998, 106–108; Kettemann 1999). To perform mil- are nothing more than the vows of the believers, itary service for the king, the monasteries lost a the price of sin, the property of the poor.’ (Collectio good deal of their pool of men, who went on cam- canonum in V libris, ed. Fornasari 1970, lib. III, 369 paign with the ruler – of men then, whose profes- c. 116) – This sentence was widely spread during sional expertise was with horses and weapons who the early Middle Ages. In the 9th cent., for example, were prepared to kill others in battle. Military or- Abbot Grimald of Saint Gall had it inscribed in his ganisation for at least the 9th to 11th cent. was con- personal florilegium (Saint Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, nected to a considerable degree to this relationship Cod. 397, 27; for doubts about the ownership of (cf. Renard 1999; 2006; 2009). Grimald cf. Grupp 2014); and the synods of Bishops For the monasteries, this meant an interesting in the Carolingian Age relished in quoting it. In ca- challenge in the balancing act of interiora and ex- nonical law, church property was indeed specially teriora. They had to convince landowners to be- protected: what was once bestowed to a monastery stow a piece of their land to a monastery for the could not be removed from thereon – not even by salvation of their souls – although the risk existed the abbot himself. At best, it could be exchanged that with this land a warrior would be equipped for a good of equivalent value or indeed conferred who was a professional in killing others. We can as a EHQHȴFLXP (cf. Esders et al. 2016 with further observe how benefactors and monks from the literature). 9th cent. onwards attempted to solve this problem. This did not suffice. From the early Middle Some benefactors left in their charters the clause Ages onwards, we observe that kings in ever-grow- that the land endowed could not be given out to the ing numbers sought to protect the property of laity as a EHQHȴFLXP, or in turn, that it could only monasteries in particular and to mark them as spe- EHXVHGIRUYHU\VSHFLȴFSXUSRVHVȂVXFKDVIRUWKH cial material: they conferred upon monasteries in RXWȴWWLQJRIPRQDVWHU\FKXUFKHVZLWKFDQGOHVRU high and ever growing numbers so-called ‘immu- for the provision of food or garments for monks. nity’ (for an anthropological perspective cf. Rosen- The monastic communities in turn also tended to wein 1989; for a legal perspective: Vogtherr 2000, identify a part of their goods with a particular end, 19–24). This consisted of the special privilege that and to keep reserves for the welfare of the com- no public judge or functionary of the king was per- munity itself. In this manner the so-called mensa mitted to enter the property of monastic land and fratrum (the goods of which could only serve for there levy duties, pronounce the law, or perform the provisioning of the monks) and a mensa abba- other sovereign duties. Which of these properties tis which the abbot was permitted to use for other beyond the monastery itself were included was, purposes (cf. Renard 2004; Patzold 2007) came into however, rather less clear: Emperor Louis the Pi- being. ous took as his principle that those properties pos- One might say the relationship between interi- sessing a fence or a ditch should certainly be en- ora and exteriora was balanced out: a part of the compassed by the immunity (but not, for example, PRQDVWLFSURSHUW\ZDVH[SOLFLWO\GHȴQHGDVDUH- an open tract of woodland) (Benedictus Levita, ed. source for the guarantee of the interiora (e.g. can- Pertz 1837, lib. I, p. 61 c. 279; cf. Patzold 2014). dles for mass, freeing of monks from gainful em- The conferral of immunity upon a monastery ployment in order to enable prayer services). (and other spiritual institutions) was viewed for a 238 Steffen Patzold long time from the perspective of royal sovereignty that many monasteries in the 9th cent. actually and legal history (classics are: Stengel 1910; Hirsch profited from their so-called ‘lay abbots’ (Felten 1913). From the perspective of the monasteries it 1980). In practice, this meant that one of the monks may be worth considering as to whether we are took over the daily internal running of the com- not once more observing an attempt to balance out PXQLW\ZKLOHDQLQȵXHQWLDOPDJQDWHUHSUHVHQWHG interiora and exteriora: at least a part of the land the monastery to the outside world as abbot and estate of the monastery was marked in a particu- advocated for it – and indeed accessed those goods lar manner by immunity – and removed from the which were allocated for purely worldly aims world and its obligations and requirements, and (such as military service). Quite a few abbots car- foremost from the reach of the laity who acted ried out these tasks in the interests of the monas- without the permission of the abbot. tic community, as for example Einhard did – and XVHGWKHLUSROLWLFDOLQȵXHQFHDQGH[SHULHQFHLQWKH 3) Finally, a last point regarding the role of the ab- world to support their community materially and bot: 2 this role changed repeatedly over the course to administrate the monastic property to the best of the centuries; and these changes can also be un- of their abilities. Here one sought to balance out in- derstood in connection to the balancing out of inte- teriora and exteriora, as one conferred the respon- riora and exteriora. Already in the Rule of St. Bene- sibility for the interiora upon the community itself, dict, the position of the abbot between cloister and while engaging a professional lobbyist of sorts who world is outlined (Regula Benedicti, ed. Hanslik indeed – as he did not have to be in charge of the 1977, c. 64). During the early Middle Ages, abbots interiora – was free to occupy himself with proper- are among those magnates who are regularly spo- ty and its administration. ken of in normative texts of kings; they are present In conclusion we may summarise once more at the king’s court, some of them have a large share the central points of this paper in the form of three of the political decision-making on an imperial lev- short theses: Instead of describing the history of el, and they are responsible for the levying of mili- medieval monasticism as an endless cycle of re- tary contingents for the king’s army (for the exam- form, decadence, new reform, and new decadence, ple of Wala of Corbie: Weinrich 1963; for Adalhard we can attempt to explain a dynamic, in which we of Corbie: Kasten 1986; for Einhard: Patzold 2013). take seriously monasteries as being sacred places One may say that the abbot must act outwards in within which tangible resources for the provision order to make the special spaces within the mon- of the corporal here on this earth were trans- astery possible for the monks, within which they formed into intangible resources for the salvation are able to exude a particular power of salvation of souls after death. Monasteries transformed calo- through asceticism and withdrawal. ries into prayer. From this background, one might think of a In order for them to do so, they were com- phenomenon which previous research has viewed pelled to balance out repeatedly and ever anew as a typical sign of decadence: in the course of the what the actors themselves termed interiora and 9th cent., it was common for kings to confer the exteriora – i.e. on one hand the things related to abbotship even of important monasteries to mag- the soul, prayer, the inner salvation-guaranteeing nates who had professed no vows as a monk and organisation of the community, and on the other did not live with the monks of their monastic com- hand the things related to the physical, the admin- munity but rather remained present as a layper- istration of property and the external relationships son in the world. Traditionally, these so-called ‘lay of the community. abbots’ meant for historical research a symptom This necessity – to repeatedly impose an equi- of the evil decline of monastic life, as a sign of the librium between interiora and exteriora anew – ex- ‘secularisation’ of the monasteries. Franz Felten plains to a considerable degree the dynamic of the had, however, already in the 1980s demonstrated history of monasticism in the medieval Europe: it drove, and brought about those ever newer prac- 2 This point will be treated somewhat briefer here, as it will form the focus of the PhD dissertation, on which Marco tices and institutions which we can observe in the Krätschmer is working under the auspices of our project. history of monasticism. Variability of Tangible and Intangible Resources 239 Steffen Patzold Fachbereich Geschichtswissenschaft Seminar für mittelalterliche Geschichte Wilhelmstraße 36 72074 Tübingen [email protected] Bibliography $XWHQULHWKHWDO : J. Autenrieth/D. 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In: Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores 14 ( Hannover 1883) 254–265. :HLQULFK : L. Weinrich, Wala, Graf, Mönch, Rebell. Die Biographie eines Karolingers. Historische Studien 386 (Lübeck 1963). :ROODVFK : J. Wollasch, Mönchtum des Mittelalters zwischen Kirche und Welt. Münstersche Mit- telalter-Schriften 7 (München 1973). :ROODVFK -:ROODVFK%HQHGLNWYRQ1XUVLD3HUVRQGHU*HVFKLFKWHRGHUȴNWLYH,GHDOJHVWDOW"6WXGLHQ und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens und seiner Zweige 118, 2007, 7–30. 243 RICHARD BORSHAY LEE Resources, Material and Symbolic and Exchange Relations An Example from the Kalahari Keywords: resources, exchange relations, Namibia, between the two then-colonies occupying the north- HFRQRPLFVHOIVXɚFLHQF\6DQ%DQWXUHODWLRQV ernmost reaches of the Kalahari desert. They were among the last peoples in Africa, if not the world, to live as hunter-gatherers with Abstract traditional tools. Their way of life changed dra- matically in the late 1950s in the case of Namibia, The Collaborative Research Centre SFB 1070 at and about a decade later in Botswana. Collectively Tübingen has launched a multi-year study of they have experienced four-plus decades of rapid ‘resources’, involving anthropologists, archaeolo- change. Yet surprisingly, in the 2000s, even with gists and related disciplines. This exciting initiative their computers and cell phones, recent research gives the promise of new perspectives and novel KDVVKRZQWKDWWKH\VWLOOJHWDVLJQLȴFDQWSHUFHQW- solutions to issues of long-standing in economic age of their food from the bush, both hunted and anthropology. My goal in this brief paper is to peel gathered (Lee 2013, 215–227). away the layers of economic theory on the subject of During the early years of anthropological re- ‘resources’ and examine the topic with a fresh eye. search they were known as the !Kung Bushmen In thinking about resources, both material (e.g. Marshall 1957; 1960), later as the !Kung San (e.g. and symbolic, in their most elemental forms, I of- Lee 1979), but since 2000 ethnographic writing has fer some examples from research in the Kalahari adopted their term of self-appellation – Ju/’hoansi – 'HVHUWRI%RWVZDQDDQG1DPLELDGUDZLQJRQȴYH ‘real’ or ‘genuine people’ (e.g. Lee 2013). decades of research among the Ju/’hoansi, former- The late Irven DeVore and I started research ly known as the !Kung San or Bushmen. with the Ju/’hoansi in 1963 from a base at the As well-researched exemplars of the hunting University of California, Berkeley, then at Har- and gathering way of life, the Ju/’hoansi offer in- vard University. Later in the decade we expanded sights into how economic life was organised in the the scope, founding the Kalahari Research Group millennia of human development before the rise (KRG) involving a range of other specialists, now of states and empires, with their complex tech- senior scholars in their own right. nologies, division of labour and marked social The commitment was to make the work multi- inequalities. disciplinary, collaborative, and long term (Lee/ DeVore 1976). In addition to social and ecologi- cal anthropology, the team included archaeolo- Background on the Ju/’hoansi gists John Yellen and Alison Brooks (Yellen 1977; Brooks/Yellen 1979), demographer Nancy Howell Until the 1950s–60s the Ju/’hoansi were living as (2000; 2010, a geneticist, the late Henry Harpend- hunter-gatherers in remote northeastern Namibia ing (1971), child-rearing specialists Patricia Draper and northwestern Botswana, straddling the border (1975) and Melvin Konner (1976), a gifted writer 244 Richard Borshay Lee on life- histories, the late Marjorie Shostak (2000), culturally-embedded motivations, and other forces, and a specialist on folklore mythology and lan- seemingly distant from immediate survival? guage, Megan Biesele (1993), who later emerged This clash of views is in essence is the basis for DVDPDMRUȴJXUHLQDSSOLHGSROLWLFDODQWKURSRORJ\ the Formalist-Substantivist debate in Economic An- ( Biesele/Hitchcock 2011). thropology (Polanyi 1945; Wilk/Cliggett 2008). This One of the important sources of cohesion for has been a persistent debate but, I would argue, a this research group was the commitment of many false dichotomy. My own view is that while human to the Kalahari Peoples Fund (KPF), founded in behaviour can and does enjoy a wide range of vari- 1973 and now based in Austin Texas, which has ability, ultimately there has to be a reckoning with funnelled money and expertise to the San for forty survival; there are limits to how varied behaviour years to assist them in protecting their civil and hu- can be and still be compatible with reproducing man rights and meeting their development goals. 1 the social group and ultimately the species. This differs from the view that all behaviour is a product of economic calculation, but it does How to approach the Ju/’hoansi set some limits on the discussion of resources; all of which have both a material and a symbolic The Ju and other Kalahari San live in a world re- dimension. gion rich in paleo-anthropology, where some of One of the virtues of working with a hunter- the oldest human and proto-human fossils have gatherer group like the Ju/’hoansi is that the ma- been found (McCall 2014; Stringer/McKie 2015). terial logic of survival is closer to the surface, that Geneticists have determined that the San have is more visible; there is a narrower margin for er- VRPHRIWKHROGHVWJHQHWLFDɚQLWLHVRIDQ\KXPDQ ror. Yet even here, we still observe a wide range of group. And they practiced until recently a way behaviours. of life – hunting and gathering – that was, until So let us turn to the task at hand: What consti- 10,000 years ago, the universal mode of human tuted resources for the Ju/’hoansi? Like all human adaptation. groups, they extracted materials from the environ- Do these characteristics give them privileged ment and converted these to useful objects. The status as sources for understanding human be- analysis should also examine to what degree were havioural and cultural evolution? Or alternately, WKH\VHOIVXɚFLHQWLQUHVRXUFHVDQGWRZKDWGHJUHH do they have nothing of greater value to offer stu- did their survival depend on externally-sourced dents of evolution than any other human group? materials? Regardless of how you view this matter, the Material resources must be further subsumed Ju/’hoansi do offer some fascinating material to il- under two headings: subsistence resources and luminate the central issues of our conference. material culture resources, or in other words, con- sumables and non-consumables. Food is a vast topic I have written about else- Resources and ‘The Great Debate’ where (Lee 1979, 158–280) and here I would in- FOXGHRWKHUFRQVXPDEOHVOLNHZDWHUDQGȴUHZRRG A major discussion in Anthropology has been The same is true of material culture inventory; whether human behaviour is driven by eco- tools, utensils, clothing, ornamentation, also writ- nomic calculation or by a broader field of moti- ten about in my 1979 monograph (116–157). vations. Must a behaviour confer a selective ad- The key point I would like to emphasise here is vantage on the individual who practices it? Or WKH-XȇKRDQVLȇVVWURQJWUDGLWLRQRIVHOIVXɚFLHQF\ can human behaviour vary over a wide range of They produced almost everything they consumed and almost all the tools needed for survival. This 1 See Kalahari Peoples Fund, – They carried out a sustained long-distance Mbukushu, and along the west side of the Okavan- trade with their Black neighbours and go delta, the BaYei or BaKubu (Taylor 2009; McK- – they carried on an elaborate internal exchange ittrick 2008). system among and between Ju groups. The Ju/’hoansi collected and processed two Let us look at each of these in turn. desert products in great demand among the river- ine Bantu. The first was dried meat – biltong – produced from the abundant plains game hunted Inter-Ethnic Long-Distance Trade in the interior, mainly kudu, gemsbok and wilde- beest. The second desert product was beadwork There is abundant evidence that hunter-gatherer made from the shells of the abundant ostrich eggs. groups carried out extensive long-distance trade This was a true manufactured good, produced even in the absence of Neolithic trading partners. through an elaborate process by Ju/’hoan women A classic example from the ethnographic literature in the interior and strung on strings made from the is the work of Donald Thomson documenting the leg sinews of the plains game. Strings of ostrich- Australian Aboriginal long distance trade in which egg-shell beads several meters in length were bun- sting-ray spears from the coast of Arnhem Land in dled with sticks of the dried meat and carried by northern Australia were traded deep into the inte- the Ju men to the river villages on trading trips that rior in exchange for hand-axes quarried from an could last for weeks. inland source of mineable chert (Peterson 2005). In exchange for these products, the Ju/’hoan Other well-documented examples include work traders sought four items, two relatively utilitar- by archaeologists on the provenance of stone tools ian and two that can only be described as ‘luxury from locations far distant from the sites where JRRGVȇ2IWKHȴUVWNLQGWKH-XZHUHHDJHUFRQVXP- they were excavated, for example such studies as ers of locally smelted and produced iron ingots the Lindenmeier Palaeo-Indian site in Colorado in order to produce tools and hunting weapons – and the Olorgesailie MSA site in southern Kenya knives, axes, spear tips, and arrow-heads. (e.g. Andrefsky 2006). The Ju also sought to acquire ceramic vessels, The Kalahari researchers were interested in the use of which markedly improved food stor- this question both archaeologically and ethno- age and cooking, and hence digestibility. Prior to graphically. For example, in 1994–96, Andrew acquiring both of these, the Ju had lived success- Smith carried out excavations at Cho/ana, in north- fully for many millennia by manufacturing their ern Namibia, in collaboration with the present au- own tools of stone, wood, and bone, and by cook- thor who collected oral histories from a dozen Ju ing their meat and ‘veld’ foods in the ashes of their elders about this and other sites (Smith/Lee 1997; fires. The use of wooden mortars and pestles to Lee 1998; 2002). pound cooked food also made food more digestible The Dobe-Nyae-Nyae area, straddling the Bots- even before the introduction of ceramic vessels. wana-Namibia border, was a region of some 30,000 We know that the trade in iron and ceramics square kilometres fed by natural springs and pans, had considerable antiquity because archaeological and surrounded by a waterless and uninhabited excavations of prehistoric Ju sites in the interior belt some 60–100km deep. On their distant periph- have turned up evidence in deep undisturbed de- eries, to the north and east lay the Okavango River posits of iron fragments and potsherds (Wilmsen and its delta, occupied by Bantu-speaking peoples 1989; Smith/Lee 1997). who arrived in the area about 2000 years ago. Doc- Luxury goods were a more recent addition umented by archaeology, oral histories, and his- to the trade. These were of two kinds: European torical sources, there was good evidence that the glass beads and tobacco. Both could only have ap- Ju/’hoansi maintained a lively long-distance trade peared as articles of trade after 1500 CE. Tobacco over centuries, with these Bantu-speaking groups as a crop originated in the New World and became on their periphery. These included – from west to a valued crop and trade good in Africa as a result east along the river – the Kavango, the /Geriku, the primarily but not exclusively of the Atlantic Slave 246 Richard Borshay Lee Trade. The European glass beads, manufactured in (e.g. Solway/Lee 1989; Lee/Guenther 1991), pre- the glass-works of Bohemia and elsewhere, were sented three lines of evidence: introduced into coastal Africa trade only in the 17th The amount of archaeological evidence of the cent. By the 19th cent. the beads eventually found Iron Age on interior sites was minute, perhaps a their way into the riverine-desert trade routes few dozen shards and iron fragments compared to some 600–1000km inland from the west coast trad- thousands of stone tools in the lithic assemblage. ing ports of Lobito and Walvis Bay (Robertshaw There was no evidence of any Iron Age settle- et al. 2010). There was also a considerable east ment in the interior despite its distinctive archaeo- coast trade in glass beads of Asian origin, but no logical footprint on the rivers. This raised the legit- evidence that these ever reached as far inland as imate question of how could one group dominate the Dobe-Nyae Nyae area. another if they were not physically present? Evi- dentially they lacked the means or the will to pro- ject their power into the interior. Bantu-speaking The Culture and Symbolic Content of the outsiders did begin to colonise the interior in the Trade 1920s and 30s, but the trade extended back hun- dreds of years earlier. The trade in meat and ostrich-egg-shell beads in The Ju/’hoan view of themselves as independ- exchange for iron and ceramics followed complex ent foragers was corroborated by several early inter-ethnic rules of etiquette. In detailed oral his- European observers. Thomas Baines (1864), James tories (Lee 1998; 2002; 2013, 253–268). Ju described Chapman (1868), and Hauptmann Müller (1912) how their ancestors would make up trading par- were three observers over a half century who ties that would last weeks or months. They would noted the independence and autonomy of the in- go to the Okavango River to their north or to the terior Ju/’hoansi, and noted the marked contrast Okavango Delta on their east, where the Kavango, with the evident subordinate status of San peoples Mbukushu, /Geriku, and Yei had their villages. elsewhere in the Kalahari. They would meet with their trading partners, There remained the evidence of long-distance usually a headman or village chief, and would be trade. How was it to be explained? What was the accorded courtesies, though not always treated as nature of the relationship between the two par- direct equals. Negotiations were carried out with ties? The revisionists maintained that it was trib- the aid of local Ju interpreters who were attached ute that the Ju from the interior were providing to the chief’s household and who were bilingual. to their Bantu overlords. We saw it as simply mu- The goods were exchanged and the Ju trading par- WXDOO\DGYDQWDJHRXVWUDGH$WȴUVWQHLWKHUVLGHRI ty took their leave and returned home with their the debate had asked the Ju themselves for their precious cargoes, camping and foraging on the view of this trade, which had continued into the way. No pack animals were used. living memory of Ju elders alive in the 1980s and The nature of this trade formed a key element 90s. As noted above I interviewed over a dozen Ju in the famous Kalahari Debate of the 1980s and elders about their experiences and traditions in 90s. Protagonists of the ‘revisionist position’ as it this trade. They all insisted that it was a trade of became known, argued that the archaeological equals. evidence of iron and ceramic fragments in deep In attempting to test the validity of the deposits in interior Ju/’hoan sites, was proof that trade-as-evidence-of-Ju-subordination hypothesis, I the Ju of the past were subjugated to their Bantu explored the symbolic content of the trade. I asked speaking neighbours, and therefore not independ- probing questions: What did you call your trad- ent hunter-and-gatherers at all (Wilmsen 1989). ing partners? Did you address them as Lord or as Those seeing the pre-20th cent. Nyae-Nyae- Master, indicating a hierarchical relation? They re- Dobe Ju as autonomous foragers and not serfs sponded saying they addressed them by their given Resources, Material and Symbolic and Exchange Relations 247 names, but I pressed on. If they wanted you to ad- – The settings, especially for distant partners for dress them as ‘Master’ would you do it? exchange is during visits. The partners stay One articulate elder who had participated in a week or a month; at some point during the these trips as a young man gave me this answer: visit, goods are brought out and, with modest ceremony, are exchanged. ‘I really didn’t care what he wanted me to call – Jewelry, made by women, and arrows made him as long as I got a fair return in iron and by men are the most common objects in the ex- tobacco for the things I was bringing.’ change, as well as other primary items of daily use, such as clothing, cooking utensils, and tools. That answer, when added to the archaeological An initially puzzling aspect was that these items and historical evidence, I think, sums up nicely the are locally made and that everyone makes them, argument that trade not tribute was the primary from raw materials that are distributed more or rationale of these exchange relations. less evenly in space. Thus, there is little if any, evi- dence of regional specialities. Another puzzling key detail also took me a Ju/’hoansi Internal Exchange Relations: long time to understand: namely, every exchange On Hxaro is a delayed exchange. At hxaro ceremonies the ob- VHUYHUZLWQHVVHVJRRGVȵRZLQJLQERWKGLUHFWLRQV The well-developed internal system of exchange, but the Ju emphasise that these are each halves called hxaro operated on very different principles. of separate transactions. The giver is completing The most extensive research on hxaro was carried a previous transaction and in return the receiver out by Polly Wiessner (1977; 1982). Here I draw on is initiating a new sequence. We will return to this Wiessner’s work as well as my own research car- point in a moment. ried in the 1960s when hunting and gathering was How to account for these unusual features of still the dominant mode of subsistence (e.g. Lee Ju internal exchange? Here I have been strongly in- 2013, 130–135). ȵXHQFHGE\'DYLG*UDHEHUȇVUHFHQWERRN Ȇ'HEW WKH As will become clear, hxaro is deeply invested First 5,000 Years’ (2014). There he critiques the idea with symbolic meaning. But to return for a mo- that persists in virtually all economic textbooks ment to a point of theory: for an institution to have that barter was a universal form of exchange prior VLJQLȴFDQWDGDSWLYHYDOXHLWPXVWKDYHPRUHWKDQ to the invention of money. symbolic meaning; underlying it there must be a As noted, the Ju did have this long-distance re- material basis that fosters survival. Hxaro is a case lationship with the Bantu based on barter, but their in point. A delayed form of non-equivalent gift ex- internal exchange operated on a very different ba- FKDQJHDWȴUVWJODQFHLWVHHPVDQHQWLUHO\V\PEROLF sis. It was not a question of a group which has a re- epiphenomenon with little obvious adaptive value. source A but is lacking resource B, exchanging with Only as we delve deeper is the underlying adaptive a group that has abundant B but lacks resource A. value revealed. Much of contemporary world trade is premised on First, here is a primer on hxaro, actively prac- this basic principle, whether raw materials or man- ticed by Ju/’hoan groups in Botswana and Namibia ufactured goods and even extends to labour power. as observed in the 1950s, 60s, and 70s. Not so the Ju/’hoansi and hxaro exchange. The – Ju men and women form exchange relation- goods exchanged are manufactured equally by all ships with a variety of partners; including kin groups; the raw materials from which they are and non-kin, and geographically-close and geo- made are ubiquitous. Does this contradict my basic graphically-distant others. premise: that underlying even the most symbolic – Exchanges take place infrequently, once or exchange there must be a material adaptive prin- twice a year or even every second or third year. ciple at work? 248 Richard Borshay Lee In fact hxaroHPSKDWLFDOO\FRQȴUPVWKHSULQ- exchange networks. For them to remain strictly ciple; the goods are secondary: the relationships the possessions of the original traders violates the between the traders are primary. As Ju/’hoan men deeply embedded logic of the hxaro system. and women articulate the principle the object of So it is a very reasonable assumption that some the exchange is to maintain good relations with kin iron and ceramics goods found their way to at least and non-kin, close and distant. some interior village sites via the hxaro exchange Even though raw materials (‘resources’) are network. This view is corroborated by oral histo- more or less evenly distributed across the land- ry accounts. When I asked informants whether scape, changing weather patterns are not. Rainfall all interior villages mounted trading trips to the patterns in semi-arid zones, like the Kalahari, are river villages, I was told, even if not all villages especially capricious, from place to place and from made such trips, the goods would have eventually year-to-year. Hxaro opens and sustains the possi- reached them through normal hxaro networks (e.g. bility that a given group will be able to respond to Lee 1979, 77). HQYLURQPHQWDOFULVHVZLWKDEURDGDQGȵH[LEOHVR- cial safety net. Ju/’hoansi occupy home territories called Summing Up n!ores, but these are non-exclusive. Reciprocal ac- cess to resources is a cardinal principle of land-ten- Hopefully the preceding discussion will help clari- ure. Group A visits group B one year with the I\DQDVSHFWRIKRZUHVRXUFHVDUHGHȴQHGHYHQLQ understanding that in another year, A will recipro- societies like those of hunter-gatherers where the cate and host B. view of resources differs markedly from textbook If group territories were fixed and mutually definitions of the term. Here is a system of ex- exclusive, survival would be much more problem- change that puts the social before the economic, in atic. Maintaining a wide network of friends and which social relations are primary and actual ma- relatives across the landscape provides, in Polly terial resources are secondary. Wiessner’s apt phrasing, the Ju/’hoansi with a col- As the Ju/’hoansi themselves frame it ‘we don’t lective ‘mechanism for reducing risk’ (Wiessner trade with things, we trade with people’ (Lee 2013, 1982). 131). Reciprocal access and delayed gift-exchange are thus ideal means of ‘lubricating’ the important EXWXQGHUVWDWHG UROHWKDWWKLVȵH[LELOLW\SOD\VLQ Hxaro in the Past survival overall. What will the inroads of the Capitalist system We have focused on hxaro in the ethnographic do to hxaro? Some forms of monetary exchange present. But hxaro in the past can also be discussed, were already present in the 60s and 70s. The Ju lan- offering possible insights for archaeological analy- guage makes clear distinctions between hxaro and sis. The archaeological research conducted by An- barter, as well as between hxaro, barter, and buy- drew Smith (Smith/Lee 1997) and others suggests ing and selling. An interesting footnote: the word possible evidence of deeper antiquity for hxaro. for ‘money’ in Ju/’hoansi is variously given as The existence of iron and ceramic fragments ‘shilingi’ an obvious adaptation of English ‘shilling’, in undisturbed deposits on interior sites can be ac- and the Ju word ‘/n’ which translates as ‘blood’. counted for by trading trips of Ju hunters to Bantu Further research on these etymologies would pro- riverine villages. But then would these iron tools vide useful insights. and pottery vessels have remained only in the vil- In conclusion, this discussion of ‘resources’ lages of the original procurers? from a Ju/’hoan perspective offers an opportunity The expressed logic of hxaro would dictate to comment on and critique some aspects of classic that these goods would be re-circulated among economic theory. Ju emphasis on the importance Ju/’hoan villages, as part of the normal hxaro of ‘people’ before ‘goods’ echoes nicely the Marxist Resources, Material and Symbolic and Exchange Relations 249 distinction between ‘Use Value’ and ‘Exchange Ultimately the Ju/’hoansi materials emphatical- Value’ and the primacy of the former before the ly support the substantivist position in economic historical rise of markets and states. DQWKURSRORJ\DVGHULYHGIURPWKHLQȵXHQWLDOWKH- Hopefully this discussion will also facilitate a ories of Karl Polanyi (1945), in which reciprocity more nuanced understanding of the multi-faceted was a dominant principle of economic life in ear- nature of ‘resources’. Ju external trade and internal ly societies before the rise of markets. It also sup- exchange each in their way can be viewed as ex- ports the ongoing critiques of the formalist posi- amples of ‘balanced reciprocity’, to employ Sahlins tion (e.g. Hann/Hart 2011), which is now in eclipse typology of exchanges in his classic paper ‘The soci- in economic anthropology; but a position that ology of primitive exchange’ (Sahlins 1965). Yet the nevertheless still dominates the orthodoxy in Eco- modalities of these exchanges are very different. nomics departments. Though even here there are The case-study of the interior Ju/’hoansi and encouraging signs: the innovative ideas contained WKHLUPXWXDOO\EHQHȴFLDOH[FKDQJHVZLWKWKHLUULY- in widely-read and positively-received works by erine Bantu neighbours illustrates a classical in- David Graeber (2014) and in Thomas Picketty’s stance of the materiality of resources: scarce in one Ȇ&DSLWDOLQWKH7ZHQW\ȴUVW&HQWXU\ȇ DUHLQ- place, plentiful in another. Ostrich-egg-shell beads dications that even in conventional economics, the DQGPHDWIURPWKHLQWHULRUIXOȴOOHGDQHHGRQWKH monolith based on Homo economicus is starting to ULYHUPDWFKHGE\DUHWXUQȵRZRILURQFHUDPLFV break up. glass-beads and tobacco from the river villages. By contrast, hxaro, the internal exchanges of the Ju/’hoansi among themselves, illustrate other Richard Borshay Lee dimensions of resources, the symbolic and social. University Professor Emeritus First, symbolic, because in hxaro the ‘goods’ are Department of Anthropology secondary, the relations, primary. The exchanges University of Toronto DFWDVVLJQDOOLQJGHYLFHVWRPDUNDQGDɚUPWKDW 28 Crang Ave social relationships are in good standing. They can Toronto, Ont. also be glossed as ‘social’ because an individual’s Canada, M6E2Z9 network of hxaro partners represents the accumu- [email protected] lated ‘social capital’ she or he is able to draw on. Bibliography $QGUHIVN\: W. Andrefsky, Lithics. Macroscopic Approaches to Analysis (Cambridge 2006). %DLQHV: T. Baines, Explorations in South-West Africa (London 1864). %LHVHOH : M. Biesele, Women Like Meat. The Folklore and Foraging Ideology of the Kalahari Ju/’hoan (Bloomington 1993). %LHVHOH+LWFKFRFN: M. Biesele/R. K. Hitchcock, The Ju/’hoan San of Nyae Nyae and Namibian Inde- pendence. Development, Democracy and Indigenous Voices in Southern Africa (New York 2011). %URRNV +DUSHQGLQJ : H. Harpending, !Kung Hunter-Gatherer Population Structure (PhD-Thesis Harvard Uni- versity 1971). +RZHOO: N. Howell, Demography of the Dobe !Kung. Second Edition (Hawthorne 2000). +RZHOO: N. Howell, Life Histories of the Dobe !Kung. Food, Fatness and Well-being over the Life Span (Berkeley 2010). .RQQHU : M. Konner, Maternal Care, Infant Behavior and Development among the !Kung. In: R. B. Lee/I. DeVore (eds.), Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers. Studies of the !Kung San and their Neighbors (Cam- bridge 1976) 218–245. /HH : R. B. Lee, The !Kung San. 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The Political and Economic Origins of our Time (Bos- ton 1945 [2001]). 5REHUWVKDZHWDO: P. Robertshaw, Southern African Glass Beads. Chemistry, Glass Sources, and Pat- terns of Trade. Journal of Archaeological Science 37.8, 2010, 1898–1912. 6DKOLQV : M. D. Sahlins, The Sociology of Primitive Exchange. In: M. Banton (ed.), The Relevance of Models in Social Anthropology (London 1965) 139–236. 6KRVWDN: M. Shostak, Nisa The Life and Words of a !Kung Woman (Cambridge 2000). 6PLWK/HH : A. Smith/R. B. Lee, Cho/ana. Archaeological and Ethnohistorical Evidence for Recent Hunter-Gatherer/Agro-Pastoralist Contact in Northern Bushmanland. South African Archaeological Bulletin 52, 1997, 52–58. 6ROZD\/HH : J. Solway/R. B. Lee 1989. Foragers, Genuine or Spurious. Situating the Kalahari San in history, Current Anthropology 31, 1989, 109–46. 6WULQJHU0F.LH: C. Stringer/R. McKie 2015. African Exodus. The Origins of Modern Humanity (New York 2015). 7D\ORU : J. J. Taylor, Differentiating ‘Bushmen’ from ‘Bantus’. Identity Building in West Caprivi, Namibia, 1930-89. Journal of African History 50.3, 2009, 417–36. Resources, Material and Symbolic and Exchange Relations 251 :LHVVQHU : P. Wiessner, Hxaro. A Regional System of Reciprocity for the !Kung San (PhD-Thesis Univer- sity of Michigan 1977). :LHVVQHU 3:LHVVQHU5LVN5HFLSURFLW\DQG6RFLDO,QȵXHQFHVLQ.XQJ6DQ(FRQRPLFV,Q (/HDFRFN5 B. Lee (eds.), Politics and History in Band Societies. Cambridge and Paris (Cambridge 1982) 61–84. :LON&OLJJHWW:R. Wilk/L. Cliggett, Economic and Cultural Foundations of Economic Anthropology (Boulder 2008). :LOPVHQ (:LOPVHQ/DQGȴOOHGZLWK)OLHV$3ROLWLFDO(FRQRP\RIWKH.DODKDUL &KLFDJR 253 SABINE KLOCKE-DAFFA ResourceComplexes, Networks, and Frames The Sambatra७LQ७0DGDJDVFDU1 Abstract safeguarding the continuity of the sambatra for centuries as the grant festival of blessing. Rituals are multifunctional and multimedia events. They may imply a multitude of actors and per- formative actions and be attached to diverging in- 1. Introduction dividual, social, economic and politic intentions. As opposed to what has long been taken for granted, This paper deals with a classic topic of social an- rituals are not always stereotypic procedures but thropology: the analysis of rituals. It attempts to leave room for manoeuvreing to individual actors. cast a light on the hitherto neglected connected- They decide if and to what extent rituals are to be ness of actors, resources and networks within com- altered, abandoned or revitalised. This is true even plex sets of ritual events. I will use a theoretical when actors are not acting by themselves but are approach generated within the SFB 1070 Special merely attributed agency such as gods, ancestors, Research Unit on Networks and ResourceComplex- ghosts or other nonhuman entities. However, what es 2 and will combine it with recent results on the has hitherto been neglected in ritual analysis is the dynamics of rituals (Brosius/Huesken 2010; Krüger coherence of actor networks, material and non-ma- et al. 2005; Michaels 2010/11; Sax 2006), in particu- terial resources and prevailing conditions. In this lar on the action potential of individual and col- SDSHULWLVDUJXHGWKDWWKHVSHFLȴFFRQVWHOODWLRQRI lective actors. 3 It is an attempt to come to a deeper ResourceComplexes, networks and frames in time understanding of the attraction, cohesion and per- and space has a decisive impact on the continuity sistence of allegedly outdated events in a world in of cultural institutions such as rituals. It focuses on which ‘culture’ does not have much status because the Malagasy sambatra, a traditional circumcision anything and everything seems to be governed by rite for young boys of 0 to fourteen years of age, individual negotiation, multiple solution options, celebrated every seven years as a collective event and divergent power relations. The apparent para- attended by large family associations and thou- dox is that in rituals nothing is supposed to be in- sands of participants. Although the children have dividually negotiated and yet everything is – lest generally been circumcised before and might not their continuity be contested. even live in Madagascar, their participation in the I argue that the interplay of social relations, sambatra is deemed indispensable for admission ResourceComplexes and frames is decisive for the to their fathers patrilines, finding suitable mar- dynamics of rituals as social acts and their per- riage partners as adults and – most of all – being sistence under changing economic, social and po- admitted to their respective family tombs. The case OLWLFDOFRQGLWLRQV,WZLOOEHH[DPLQHGLIDVSHFLȴF study investigates into the particular components FRQȴJXUDWLRQ of resources is a prerequisite for the 2 The Special Research Unit ‘ResourceComplexes and 1 I am deeply grateful to Felix Knauf, who generously Networks’ is sponsored by the University of Tübingen and SURYLGHGKLVUHVHDUFKȴQGLQJVRQWKHsambatra as a circum- associated to the collaborative research centre SFB 1070 RES- cision ritual, and for many fruitful discussions as well as to SOURCENKULTUREN funded by the German Research Foundation. Ingo Wallner for contributing valuable informations and 3 The research was part of the multidisciplinary collabo- photographs. Sincere gratitude is also expressed to Shahnaz rative research centre SFB 619 Ritual Dynamics of the Uni- Nadjambadi for her invaluable advice and commitment. versity of Heidelberg running from 2002–2013. 254 Sabine Klocke-Daffa continuity of rituals and their meaningfulness for focus on the many actors needed to organise and individuals as well as social units. Without elab- put into effect this social event and ask what scope orating on the lengthy discussion on figuration is left for individual agency. theory in sociology (for an overview see Albert -DNRE ,ZLOOXVHWKHWHUPFRQȴJXUD- tion in the anthropological practice of formation 2.1. ResourceComplexes, Networks and RUFRQVWHOODWLRQGHQRWLQJWKHVSHFLȴFDUUDQJHPHQW Frames and interaction of actors (material/non-material, human/non-human) necessary to hold something /HWXVVWDUWZLWKDGHȴQLWLRQRIUHVRXUFHVDVGHYHO- in place or get it going. This might give us a clue to oped and used within the Collaborative Research understand why other such events are given up or Centre 1070. Deriving from a broader cross-cul- reactivated, since we know from many recent stud- WXUDOSHUVSHFWLYHUHVRXUFHVKDYHEHHQGHȴQHGDV LHVWKDWULWXDOVDUHDOZD\VDȆFXOWXUDOG\QDPLFȵRZȇ ‘the basis for or a means to create, sustain and al- (Brosius/Hüsken 2010, 1) playing a crucial role in ter social relations, units and identities within the changing societies. As Brosius demonstrated, and framework of culturally affected beliefs and prac- in opposition to what has been taken for granted tices’ (Bartelheim et al. 2015, 39). For the purpose for a long time, rituals are not static, repetitive and of our research, resources become a category for formalistic entities (Brosius et al. 2013). In fact, analysis. they may not even be genuinely religious, although A number of particularities stand out: Within this needs to be proven in any particular case. Re- the context of this research resources are concep- OLJLRXVFRQVWLWXHQWVPLJKWQRWEHREYLRXVDWȴUVW tualised not only as the means for the physical glance or consciously enacted but still are decisive subsistence of human beings but as fundamental for the setting in general. to their social survival. As such, they are subject to In this article the Malagasy sambatra serves FXOWXUHVSHFLȴFDVFULSWLRQVRIPHDQLQJ5HVRXUFHV as a testing ground for the superordinated theo- thus do not have an intrinsic worthiness but are UHWLFDOTXHVWLRQDQGLVLQGHHGDȴQHH[DPSOHRID made into resources by a cultural act of value persisting ritual – in this case of male circumcision construction. – which is frequented by young boys who have By extending the narrow view of resources as in general been circumcised long before, many of economic assets, additional aspects are taken into whom do not even live in Madagascar today and account such as their importance for the continu- with little intention they will ever do so. By ap- ity and transformation of social units as well as plying the theoretical concept on an ethnographic their varying symbolic connotations. sample outside the current scope of the SFB 1070 Different correlated dimensions have to be it also serves to prove whether it is applicable to distinguished: ethno graphic data in a broader scope. – a material dimension – a social dimension – a symbolic dimension 2. Research Question and Theoretical Drawing on Bruno Latour’s Actor-Network- Theory Approaches (ANT), the concept of the ‘actant’ (Latour 2005) comes into view. Actants may be human as well This leads to the guiding question of this study: as non-human, material as well as non-material how important is the interplay of social relations, such as objects, knowledge, ideas, technology, spac- ResourceComplexes and frames for the persistence es, humans, gods, ancestors or ghosts, animals or of rituals? With reference to the sambatra, I will go buildings. Actants in any particular network inter- deeper into detail and ask what makes this event act but they do not necessarily communicate, they so meaningful that it subsisted despite all political affect each other but might not be dependent upon and economic conditions for hundreds of years. one another. What Latour points out is that the How is it framed within the wider context of the course of action in any given scenario is not always Malagasy socio-economic environment? I will also DQGRQO\LQȵXHQFHGE\LQGLYLGXDOVLQWKHVHQVHRI ResourceComplexes, Networks, and Frames 255 Fig. 1. Model of ResourceComplex (inner circle), net- work (middle circle) and frame. human actors but is determined by the prevailing networks are intertwined and can merge into one set of relations. Objects e.g. do not determine what large network. Being embedded in such a web of goes on but may authorise, influence, enable or relations can be most important for participating block the course of action. The objects entail ‘act- actors (persons) in regard to their social reputa- ing potential’ without acting and may still become tion and actions. On the other hand, the quality of a decisive part of the structuring templates for connectedness can be decisive for having access to human interaction. Human as well as non-human ResourceComplexes. Becoming a member of a net- DFWRUVWRJHWKHUDUHPRXOGLQJLQWRDVSHFLȴFFRQȴJ- work and being placed in a certain position (be it uration and only in this assemblage do they com- as a broker or being linked to other actors) relies mand agency. RQGLYHUVHIDFWRUVDQGLVLQȵXHQFHGE\SHUVRQDODV Nevertheless, I argue that for easier access well as professional links such as being a member it is helpful to distinguish three analytical levels of certain families, neighbourhoods, businesses, (see ILJ ) – ResourceComplexes (inner circle), congregations or peer groups. Network links can activating networks (middle circle) and frames – be of very different quality and might implicate re- which can subsequently be reunited to a combined ciprocal or unilateral transfers, exchanges, cooper- actor-network. ation, and identity negotiations, as e.g. a voluntary ResourceComplexes: resources generally do DVVRFLDWLRQRILQȵXHQWLDODQGLQWHUFRQQHFWHGSHU- not exist as single units but are clustered in com- sons who seek to provide scholarships for the pay- plexes which are needed for a particular purpose. ment of university tuition fees for children from Taken separately, clusters of resources are a sort of poor families who might otherwise not have access ‘energy potential’ which by itself is of little use as a to the ResourceComplex university. socially valuable resource to individuals or social Frames: ResourceComplexes and networks units, e.g. educational institutions such as schools need a frame (in the sense of an encompassing or universities which do contain many purpose- setting) to become and remain effective. A frame ly installed resources, but would not operate by is more than a communicative cue but is concep- themselves if not put to use. tualised as a structural feature of an organisa- Networks: ResourceComplexes must hence be tional principle. In this sense it refers to Goff- activated by networks, that is by interrelated ac- man (1980, 16) and to the more recent research tors (human or non-human, material or non-mate- by Ambos/Weinhold (2013, 94) who differentiate rial) to make use of them. ResourceComplexes and EHWZHHQIUDPHVGHȴQLQJFRQVFLRXVRUXQFRQVFLRXV 256 Sabine Klocke-Daffa structures of knowledge and organisational prin- 2.2. Theorising Agency in Rituals ciples, and framing as the communicative process of perception and interpretation of a certain situa- Theorising ‘ritual agency’ (Sax 2006) is conceptu- tion (also Weinhold et al. 2006, 25). To remain with alised by the authors not as a critique to Latour’s the example of education, it is the frame that is actor-network-theory but rather as a kind of con- decisive for general school attendance, social and tinuation. It appears most appropriate for the ana- gender segregation or integration, and assessing lysis of individual and collective agency in the con- ‘knowledge’ in general. text of life transitions. To sum up, social units and phenomena in The term agency is defined as an action po- any such configuration do not represent single tential within networks constituted of human and independent entities but are pulled together by non-human actors (actants) allocated to persons, connecting links in a net of relations. They mould institutions, relations and objects. Rituals accord- into a kind of interrelated meshwork, as Tim In- ingly are the space where agency is articulated, gold called it (Ingold 2008, 212), 4 or assemblage revealed and approved (Sax 2006, 477). The term (DeLanda 2016) of persons and things, practices ‘ritual agency’ reverts to a theory designed by Bar- and knowledge. It becomes clear that substantial ney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1971) conceptual- changes in one or the other part of it – be it with- ising life status passages (such as celebrated in in- in the ResourceComplex or the web of social rela- itiation rites) and what they termed ‘structure in WLRQVRUWKHIUDPHȂPD\KDYHVLJQLȴFDQWHIIHFWVRQ process’ where the social order is not only repro- the whole. However, this does not mean that every duced but renegotiated every time the event is ce - change is a potential threat as we observe when so- lebrated. Overcoming the dichotomy of unalterable phisticated complexes manage to persist against all social structure and individual acting as separate odds. categories of understanding, the concept of ‘negoti- Using an actor-network model, two questions ated order’ allows for taking additional dimensions cannot easily be answered: into account. It leaves the door open to the dynam- 1. What agency does the individual actor have? ic in-between, to interaction and processes of act- Is the actor subordinate to the total or is there ing within networks. Agency is no longer reduced room for manoeuvring, replacements, inven- to a capacity of individual actors but becomes a tions, or even subversion? virtue of the collective of persons and non-per- 2. What happens if parts of the network are sons being connected to each other (objects or in- changing, breaking away, given up or are sub- stitutions) as well as of their relations among each stituted? Does it collapse altogether or will it be other. UHFRQȴJXUHGZLWKRWKHUSDUWVWRIRUPDQRWKHU Within rituals and in particular in initiation whole? What is crucial for its stability or weak- rituals, the interplay of individual and collective QHVV ȂLVLWWKHVSHFLȴFFRQVWHOODWLRQLVLWWKH agency becomes visible. The creation and negoti- quality of relations between particular actors ation of social order is again and again celebrated serving as nodes and bridges or is it the frame and demonstrated. Eberhard Raithelhuber (2012) that determines the whole? terms it the ‘relational understanding of agency’. 7KHVHTXHVWLRQVRSHQWKHȴHOGIRUWKHVHFRQGWKHR- The social is thus the product as well as the frame retical approach I will use in this analysis and will of actions, but there are limits to negotiating order. then try to combine both in order to answer the These two theoretical approaches will now above formulated research question. be applied to the Malagasy sambatra, the famous circumcision rituals for boys. It draws on recent 4 Tim Ingold defines the term meshworks in his book ethnographic research on the 2014 sambatra festi- ‘Lines’ and understands a meshwork as a reticular pattern of val and a thorough analysis of actors and agency interwoven and interconnected lines left by the movements of beings and material, that is ‘[…] interwoven traits […] from within a complex of resources and networks rather than routes’ (Ingold 2007, 75). (Knauf 2015). ResourceComplexes, Networks, and Frames 257 3. Madagascar and the Sambatra Festi- more so to cultural parallels. To date, many of val of Blessing their cultural traits such as the lineage system, pre- ferential cousin marriage, advice-seeking with as- 3.1. Madagascar WURORJHUVVDFULȴFHVRIR[HQDQGVHFRQGDU\PRUWX- ary rituals resemble Southeast Asian traditions. Madagascar is situated some 400 km off the south- Following official statistics, about half of the eastern coast of Africa and is part of the South- Malagasy population is said to be Christian. 7 Con- ern African Development Community (SADC). 5 In version to Christianity dates back to the early 19th many ways, the island is unique and very different cent. (Ralibera 1993) after missionaries of the Lon- from nearby African countries. What makes Mada- don Missionary Society arrived in Madagascar in gascar so special is not only the biodiversity with 1818. When the then Merina king Radama convert- more than 90% of its wildlife found nowhere else, ed to Protestantism many Madagascans followed but also the Malagasy population being so different his example but it was not before the 1860s that from neighbouring countries. The majority of the Christianity became widespread. French mission- early settlers came from Southeast Asia (suppos- aries of the Catholic Church came to Madagascar edly Borneo) arriving between 300 BC and 500 AD at the end of the 19th cent. following the French in several subsequent immigration waves. Mixing colonisers. By then the Merina court and a large with later incoming groups from Eastern Africa part of the Merina upper class had become Protes- and the Near East 6 the inhabitants of the island tants, so the Catholic Church focused more on low- evolved into a culturally relatively homogeneous er social strata resulting in the fact that even today population of Asian, African and Arabian mixture many of the lower income classes and the côtiers despite the many differences in regard to language – the non-Merina coastal population – are Catholic. as well as social and economic aspects (Mack 1986; Islam plays a minor role covering only about 7% Radimilahy 1993; Ogot 1992; You 1905). The pro- of the population. It has been established since at claimed national identity of the Malagasy people least the 11th cent. brought to Madagascar by immi- designed in the constitution seems to be more grants as well as Arabian and Somali traders. Many wishful thinking rather than reality (see Wallner of the 52% said to adhere to ‘traditional religions’ 2012, 299–310), but the 18 subgroups (foco) do would consider themselves nevertheless to be have much in common as far as language, religion Christian due to the prevailing syncretic practices. and social organisation are concerned (Domenichi- The Madagascans integrate their Christian beliefs ni 1989; 2010). This is not only due to the internal with traditional ones which sometimes makes it colonisation of the island under the Merina kings GLɚFXOWWRGLVWLQJXLVKEHWZHHQWKHGHQRPLQDWLRQV between the 18th and 19th cent. (Callet 1972; Kent In some cases, as will be seen in the following 1970; Piolet 1895; Raison-Jourde 1983) but even chapter, Islam, Christianity and traditional be- OLHIV\VWHPVPHUJHGLQWRDVSHFLȴFIRUPRIK\EULG 5 The SADC, established in 1992, emerged from the South- Malagasy religion. ern African Development Coordinating Conference (SADCC) There is one attribute that most Madagascans of 1980. The SADC today comprises 15 Southern African would identify with and that is also said to be one member states; see Southeast Asia (see Bloch 1995 [1986]; Crossland 3.2. The Antambahoaka 2014 and Ottino 1998 for the Merina of Mada- gascar; McCall 1990 with examples from Africa; The dominant group in Madagascar is that of the Barrault/Platenkamp 1999 for Southeast Indone- Merina of the Central Plateau, representing about sia). Respecting the ancestors is much more than 26% of the 25 million inhabitants of Madagascar, 10 remembrance – it signifies identity and history, next to the Betsimisaraka and Betsileo on the east- belonging and solidarity (ȴKDYDQDQD see below). ern coast amounting to 15% and 12% respectively. The ancestors are said to be mediators between the One of the least numerous people are the Antam- living and the inaccessible creator God (zanahary) bahoaka (about 60.000) near the city of Manan- DQGVKRXOGWKHUHIRUHEHFRQVXOWHGȴUVWZKHQHYHU jary in southeastern Madagascar, just south of a person is in need of divine support (Rakotoma- Betsimisaraka settlements. 11 The Antambahoaka lala et al. 2001, 47). The ancestors are virtually the are a breakaway faction of the larger Antomoro source of life: the living are connected to them group who claim to be of Arab origin migrating through the stream of life (aina) and rely upon from Mecca some time after the 11th cent. Most of them for their blessing (hasina). 8 the 30.000 Mananjarys live off rice cultivation and In a kind of reciprocal interaction, the ances- ȴVKLQJ'XHWRHFRQRPLFDQGHFRORJLFDOFRQVWUDLQWV tors as benevolent forebears of the living are re- a part of the Antambahoaka population migrated sponsible for the wellbeing of their descendants, to Madagascar’s capital Antananarivo during the just as the living are expected to maintain good last decades of the 20th cent. Some of them later relations with them. However, the ancestors are took residence in France, the former colonial pow- also said to be dangerous and malevolent causing er of Madagascar. misfortune and illness as a means of punishment The Antambahoaka of Mananjary are organ- for misbehaviour. To keep them well disposed they ised in 16 patrilineal lineages ranked according to should be taken care of and honoured by the liv- seniority. Much as the highland groups such as the ing through obedience to the social norms as well Merina, their social hierarchy was traditionally di- as pleased by sacrifices accompanying reburial vided into three ‘classes’ – the royal families, the IHVWLYDOV1RWOHDVWWKH\ZHUHWKHȆȴUVWUHVLGHQWVȇ commoners and the descendants of former slaves. (tompon-tany) of the land (tanindrazana), where Nevertheless, ‘class’ seems to be a rather Eurocen- their descendants still dwell today. Tanindrazana WULFGHVFULSWLRQRIVRFLDOVWUDWLȴFDWLRQDQGGRHVQRW should thus be regarded as the base of life and to- seem to describe Malagasy social differences ade- ken of social belonging passed from generation to quately. Neither is the class of ‘royals’ of outstand- generation (Middleton 1999; Rakotomalala et al. ing wealth or power nor are the former ‘slaves’ 2001 for the Merina). The family land is also the predominantly disenfranchised and exploited. place of the tombs where the funerals and famous 6LQFH ZKHQVODYHU\ZDVRɚFLDOO\SURKLELWHG second burials with the turn and rewrapping of Merina as well as Antambahoaka were proclaimed bones of the deceased (famadihana) 9 take place. to be free citizens – which does not mean that Madagascans regard the land of their ancestors to equal rights have since been realised nor has inter- be holy as is alluded to in the national anthem: Ry marriage with members of the lower social strata 7DQLQGUD]DQD\0DODOD¶Ȃ Oh beloved land of our ever been much appreciated. Antambahoaka kings ancestors. never come from slave families. However, rituals such as the famous sambatra are celebrated by all and are some of the few events bringing together 10 Projected figures for 2016 by United Nations World 8 For the concept of hasina see Crossland 2014, 102–106. Statistics, see SHRSOHRIGLIIHUHQWGHVFHQWDQGVRFLDODɚOLDWLRQ lunar calendar in the ‘year of Friday’ (tanon-joma) Those who are explicitly excluded are families with when the full moon appears at the end of Septem- twins 12 and all persons who are publically known ber/beginning of October (volambita, month 11 to have arbitrarily infringed on social norms. of the Malagasy calendar, called to be the month Nowadays, Antambahoaka kings do not en- of stars/destiny; see Knauf 2015, 41) which dates joy much political power other than by indirect- back to the day and month when their founding O\LQȵXHQFLQJWKHLUVXEMHFWVEXWGRKDYHWRH[HUW father is said to have left Mecca (see below) on a several legal and ritual obligations such as acting Friday. It starts with an initial ceremony (IDȴUDQR), in judicial matters as arbitrators or judges as well a prayer directed to God and the ancestors of the as on ritual occasions. Most of all, the as yet pri- royal houses asking for a blessing of the city and all vileged position of a king is due to the ascribed po- Antambahoaka. Even though celebrated as a huge sition and functions within the socio-cosmological open air festival resembling a giant party, there is a order of Antambahoaka world view. Kings are con- distinctly marked cosmological connotation to the ceptualised as mediators between the living and ritual to be observed as well as a symbolic iteration the dead just as the ancestors mediate between the of a historical event which became part of Antam- living descendants – including those at the social bahoaka cultural heritage. WRS ȂDQG*RG$FFHVVWRRɚFHLVQRWSUHGHȴQHG The initiates participating in the ritual are gen- by birth. The king (ampanjaka) as representative erally between 0 to 7 years old. In 2014, about 200 of his lineage is advised by his vice kings (OHȴWUD). boys simultaneously took part (Gyre 2014). Since They are all elected by the women of the lineages. the sambatra is organised for them to be the most important persons, they should be the centre of at- tention – but as in so many initiation rites world- 3.3. The Sambatra – Festival of Blessing wide the initiates have little to do and nothing to say. Many if not all of these boys have been cir- The circumcision ritual as celebrated by the An- cumcised as babies by a hospital doctor in or out- tambahoaka is in parts similar to other rituals side Madagascar. 14 To become circumcised within among neighbouring groups (Bloch 1995b; Midd- the sambatra is thus merely a symbolic act. But if leton 1997). One of the first detailed accounts the circumcision itself has been enacted before the GDWHVEDFNWRWKH V 5D]DȴWVDURDQD ,Q ritual why is it so important to organise this type Mananjary, the Antambahoaka celebrate the sam- RIFROOHFWLYHHYHQWLQWKHȴUVWSODFH"2UDVNHGGLI- batra every seven years for a period of four con- ferently, why would a single act of circumcision for secutive weeks in the months of September/Octo- the individual child not be considered enough to ber. The last one took place in 2014. It was presided achieve the intended goal? over by the local kings gathering at 10 royal houses Rituals are always multifunctional and multi- (tranobe) and attended by several ministers of state media events. One of the manifold functions of the as well as thousands of Antambahoakans, visitors, sambatra is the collectively celebrated transforma- and tourists. 13 The date is chosen after the Muslim tion of male children and youngsters – gathered in a peer group – into socially accepted members of 12 According to Antambahoaka mythology, the birth of the patrilines. 15 To be an Antambahoaka man two twins is the sign of a curse causing misfortune to the family and the community. Therefore, there is a fady (taboo) con- conditions need to be accomplished: being born nected to twins. Until recently, the children used to be killed after birth, today they are usually given up for adoption. However, some parents decide to keep their children but 14 In order to prevent unhealthy conditions, circumcision will have to face social stigmatisation. during the sambatra is prohibited since 1972. Boys are usu- 13 The exact number of visitors is unknown. There are DOO\FLUFXPFLVHGZLWKLQWKHȴUVWPRQWKVDIWHUELUWKHLWKHU doubtless thousands regularly attending the sambatra since by a doctor or other specialist (Knauf 2015, 41, footnote 107). it takes place only every seven years and is promoted by the 15 It would be worthwhile to examine whether Antamba- Malagasy gouvernment as well as the international tourism hoaka females do not need to go through an initiation ritual industry. However, it is doubtful that 80.000 visitors came to because they are considered to be descendants by birth. In the 2014 sambatra as was promulgated in some of the social any case, Antambahoaka women do play a crucial role with- media. in the sambatra ritual. 260 Sabine Klocke-Daffa into an Antambahoaka family by an Antambahoa- re-enacted in each sambatra and will be outlined ka mother or in-married woman respectively, and here in short (see Knauf 2015, 33–35; Ottino 1998). having participated in the sambatra aiming at the Interestingly, Antambahoaka oral history does not incorporation of the child into his Antambahoaka begin in what is today Indonesia even though this father’s family. Only circumcised men who have would be expectable due to the many cultural par- gone through the ritual are said to be ‘real men’, allels. Their point of departure is said to be Mecca RQO\RQWKDWFRQGLWLRQZLOOWKH\ȴQGDQ$QWDPED- leaving no doubts about when recordable histo- hoaka wife and – most importantly – be allowed to ry began in collective memory: according to this be exhumed from the family tomb and commem- myth, at some time during the 12th cent. Raminia, orated. Only ‘real men’ are said to be strong and who was later to become the founding father of the brave and will be recognised as representatives Antambahoaka, left Mecca sailing in the direction of the patrilineal families, potential kings (even RI0DGDJDVFDUGXHWRFRQȵLFWVZLWKWKHORFDOFRP- though this is more than unlikely), distinguished munities. 16 Raminia was sailing with 15 ships all elders and honoured ancestors. XQGHUDUHGȵDJ 17 The departure of the ships was Since all family members are expected to par- on an Islamic holiday which happened to be a Fri- ticipate, share in the costs and perform in one way day in October. or the other – even though not all might have the Aboard the ships were many of Raminia’s rela- chance to be present nor are all willing to share – tives as well as many of his vassals equipped with the sambatra also has to do with the highly valued spears and knives to defend his people. The ships concept of solidarity (ȴKDYDQDQD), which Wallner were loaded with barrels of water, large quan- designates to be one of the key concepts of Mala- tities of groceries and live animals such as Zebu gasy society (Wallner 2012, 162; for more on the cattle but also some birds. After their arrival at the ȴKDYDQDQD see the contributions to the edited vol- Malagasy island they debarked at the mouth of a ume by Kneitz 2014; Njara 1992). Furthermore, it river and decided to stay there. One of Raminia’s comprises cultural heritage and individual identi- GHVFHQGDQWVZDV5DYDODULYRZKREHFDPHWKHȴUVW ty, the conveying of ‘Antambahoaka-ness’ and con- NLQJRIWKH$QWDPEDKRDNDDQGIRXQGHURIWKHȴUVW tinuous social reconstruction. All these divergent royal house (tranobe) which at the time was erect- and heterogeneous concepts – widely known from ed from bamboo wood covered with reed grass other important initiation rituals – can be depicted collected at the river where Raminia’s people went and become lucid when carefully analysed. ashore. Ravalario is also said to be the initiator of However, the participation of specific indi- the sambatra+LVȴYHVRQVEHFDPHWKHIRXQGHUVRI vidual actors is not mandatory – some might be ȴYHPRUHUR\DOKRXVHVODWHUVSOLWXSLQWRDQRWKHU abroad, refuse to be present altogether or be pre- ȴYHVRWKDWWRGD\WKHUHDUHtranobe in Manan- vented otherwise – but the sambatra would still jary and some more in the surrounding villages. take place. So what is it that really counts? What Ravalarivo and his sons thus became the forebears ought to be there in any case and cannot be relin- of today’s 16 Antambahoaka lineages or subclans. quished? What is needed to serve the purpose, or They continued celebrating the sambatra in mem- in other worlds: what transforms a person into a RU\RIWKHLUIDWKHUDQGWRFRPPHPRUDWHWKHȴUVW ‘real Antambahoaka’? I argue that it is precisely settlers led by Raminia. the specific constellation of culturally validated The story of Raminia is hence part of the cul- resources, social relations and supporting frames tural heritage of the Antambahoaka written down that keeps the sambatra alive and guarantees its in the sorabe (lit. ‘large writings’), a ‘holy’ text com- purpose despite all outside changes. posed in Arabian characters in the secret Mala- gasy-Arabian language (Munthe 1977; Beaujard 3.4. A Myth of Origin 16 There are many versions of Raminia’s story but all re- call the joint exodus of a group of Muslim and non-Muslim persons (for an overview see Knauf 2015, 35). It all originated with the legend of immigra- 17 It would be interesting to do more research on the tion serving as a kind of myth of origin which is meaning of the red colour in Southeast Asia. ResourceComplexes, Networks, and Frames 261 1998).18 Only one person is able to read the text. He fetching of holy water to be distributed to all par- is the scibe (katibo), a member of one of the royal ticipants, drumming, singing, ‘war dances’ of men, houses who serves the position of secretary (for the women circumventing the royal house (tranobe) of role of the scribe for the ‘grand houses’ see Gueu- their own lineage and in adjacent quarters and a nier et al. 1992). The knowledge is normally passed ȴQDOSDUDGHDURXQGWKHFLW\RI0DQDQMDU\ZKLFKLV from father to son within the katibo’s family. In ear- then said to be void of all evil. The second and third lier times, the katibo used to be the royal astrolo- week provide ample time for cross-visiting, eat- ger who would be asked to read the sorabe. It was ing, rum drinking, dancing and singing. Towards he, who then decided which days were suited best the end of the third week, the ‘commander of the to celebrate the sambatra. During the exodus of army’ and ‘leader of the fathers’ is to be elected. It Raminia the text with the Antambahoaka myth of LVDSUHVWLJLRXVWKRXJKFRVWO\KRQRUDU\RɚFHIRU origin is said to have been stored in the vatomasina , the elected man as it is he who is expected to buy a a zoomorphic sculpture of chlorite schist resem- zebu oxen (later to be slaughtered for the feasting). bling an elephant. A replica of the original vato- The most eventful part is the fourth week with a masina is kept in the village of Ambohitsara near course of almost 20 different performances re-en- Mananjary. The text was preserved as a transcript acting the advent of the founding father, symboli- and is today kept in the katibo’s house. It is said that cal reed thatching of the tranobe, posting wooden WKHȴUVWvatomasina was made from chlorite schist birds on top of them, praying and invoking the and placed aboard Raminia’s ship. Today’s sculp- ancestors, slaughtering the zebus, eating and danc- WXUHLVGHȴQLWHO\RIODWHURULJLQDQGVHHPVWRUHVHP- ing. Only at the very end will the boys symbolically ble a pig more than an elephant. Since it came from and in secrecy be circumcised. They thus become Saudi- Arabia, it cannot ever have been intended to ‘real Antambahoaka’, successors of the founding be a pig but more research on the symbolic mean- fathers and (potential) guarantors that life will con- LQJRIWKLVVFXOSWXUHZRXOGEHQHFHVVDU\WRȴQGRXW tinue. This is considered to be a blessing for all, the about its historical symbolism.19 Up to this day, the ancestors will be pleased and all rejoice in a night vatomasina of Ambohitsara is the centre of ritual full of singing and feasting. performances intended to bring rain and fertility. All of these details just mentioned are helpful when analysing the sambatra as all of them (plus 4. Analysis many more of later origin) reappear in one form or the other in the ritual (for details see Knauf 2015, 4.1. Networks and Agency 39–70): over a period of four weeks, almost 30 in- dividual rites are to be performed in a prescribed Looking at the sambatra in detail it becomes clear way. After the opening ceremony IDȴUDQR, a series that the ritual is indeed a complex network of hu- RIȴYHVXFFHVVLYHSDUWVDUHHIIHFWHGLQFOXGLQJWKH man and non-human actants. I will analytically dif- ferentiate their varying functions, obligations and 18 Several hundred sorabe were preserved in Madagas- positions in order to show the interplay of com- car, the oldest possibly dating back to the 11th cent. (Munthe 1977, 96). SOH[HVQHWZRUNVDQGIUDPHVDOOVHWXSLQDVSHFLȴF 19 Three aspects should be examined: one is the shape of FRQȴJXUDWLRQ the object. Even though there is reference to the importance The central ResourceComplex (see ȴJ) con- of elephants in Islam there is a seemingly strong similarity to an archaeological terracotta object from Towulan, Suraba- sists of a mixture of persons, material objects and ja, Indonesia dating back to the kingdom of Mojopahit (12th immaterial goods conceived to be indispensable FHQW 7KHREMHFWLVVDLGWREHRQHRIWKHȴUVWȆSLJJ\EDQNVȇ ever found but it is more than likely that it originally served DFWRUVZLWKRXWDFWLQJ)LUVWRIDOOZHȴQGWKHLQL- other purposes. What also needs to be examined is the ma- tiates as the most important though most inactive terial: chlorite schist has been found to be of ritual impor- persons. The central location is the royal house tance throughout the Near East long before Mecca came into existence. Also, vessels made of chlorite schist have been (tranobe) where the initiation will take part later in use over centuries on the southeast coast of Madagascar in the process. Then there is the holy text (sorabe) as the Matitanana Archaeological Project in the vicinity of Mananjary could verify starting from the vatomasina in Am- which must be consulted. Zebu oxen are slaugh- ERKLWVDUD *ULɚQ tered, the tail of one of the animals will be hung up 262 Sabine Klocke-Daffa in the royal house where the initiation takes place actively involved who are either distant relatives and the head is used as a seat for the boys to be or non-relatives chosen by the participating fam- placed upon during circumcision. Holy water from ilies. Among the many actors appearing on the the mouth of the river is brought in barrels and scene are the slaughter-men who will kill and cut calabashes, bamboo cane and reed grass from the the zebus, the drummers and musicians, wood river banks are woven into mats and straw-hats. carvers, reapers, water carriers, mat weavers and, Birds carved from wood are among the indispen- last but not least, the circumcisers (see ȴJ) . sable equipment such as boats, red garments and This very dense network of actors, material large amounts of groceries. Men wearing spears objects and performers is complemented by mu- DQGNQLYHVSHUIRUPH[KLELWLRQȴJKWV sic and dance, a simulated sea voyage and inshore In this comprehensive cluster of elements de- ODQGLQJPHQȴJKWLQJDJDLQVWȴFWLYHHQHPLHVVLQJ- termined by tradition new elements can be found ing women circumambulating the tranobe, proces- and as time goes on they might eventually be sub- sions to the mouth of the river and street parades stituted again by others. One such element is the – all accompanied by thousands of visitors. No national flag, which for several decades during doubt the sambatra has become a tourist attraction the 20th cent. was the French Tricolore later to be which is promoted nationally and even worldwide UHSODFHGE\WKH0DODJDV\QDWLRQDOȵDJ7RGD\WKH through the media but this fact should not distract Malagasy national anthem is played instead of the from its social purpose. 0DUVHLOODLVHQHZPXVLFDOLQVWUXPHQWVȴQGWKHLU Even though not enacted in dogmatic array way into the sambatra and new locations may be DOOULWHVDUHZHOOGHȴQHGLQFRQWHQWDQGLQWHQWLRQ integrated into the feasting. Among the drinks to be VWDUWLQJZLWKWKHȴ[LQJRIWKHGDWHDQGWKHLQLWLDO served one is an absolute must: rum is conceived quest of blessing (IDȴUDQR) to the dance of the king as the drink of the ancestors. It remains unknown (mitavana ampanjaka) and call of the ancestors to why the Malagasy ancestors have chosen this al- WKHVDFULȴFHRIWKH]HEX (mamono ny ombin) to the coholic beverage to be their favourite drink but QHDUȴQDODFWRIWKHFLUFXPFLVLRQ (rangozaza) ef- it might be one of the newer elements since rum fected by the circumciser or a religious specialist was probably not part of the catering on Raminia’s inside of the royal house. Even though the cutting ships (of course, we never know for sure, as in ear- is reduced to a little incision or merely a symbol- ly Islam alcohol was not totally forbidden, see su- ic act, the boys are still expected to be placed on rah 4:43, 16: 67, 47:15). WKHEORRG\KHDGRIRQHRIWKH]HEXVVDFULȴFHGWR Beyond this cluster serving as the basis of the the ancestors clearly indicating the intimate con- sambatra – let us call it a ResourceComplex – there nection between circumcision, sacrifice and the are a large number of persons initiating, organis- ancestors as transcendental actors. The child is ing and executing the sambatra. Many of them are carried into the tranobe on his mother’s broth- connected by family ties but not necessarily so, as er’s shoulders and after completion handed over also many non-kin are participating. To begin with, to his father who is awaiting the child outside the the traditional authorities must become active royal house. This has to be accomplished through even months before the festival: the scribe (katibo) the east door. In the Antambahoakan worldview RIWKHROGHVWFODQZLOOUHDGLQWKHKRO\WH[WWRȴQG the East is the cardinal direction connected to life out about the appropriate date which will be de- and the Northeast considered to be the seat of the livered to the Antambahoaka kings and vice kings, ancestors. 20 The symbolic meaning of the handing the sambatra organising committee and the muni- over of the child thus becomes very obvious: life is cipality (to make sure the City of Mananjary is pre- more than the biological existence of the human pared for the festival). Among the most important being but is conceptualised (and deemed possible actors are the initiates’ families, constituting se- only in this way) as life in social relations guided veral peculiar subgroups of mothers and mothers’ by the ancestors. sisters, fathers and fathers’ brothers and mothers’ 20 Up to this day, most houses in Madagascar whether brothers. Besides these groups of relatives per- urban or rural allocate some space for the ancestors in the forming different roles, many more persons are northeastern corner of one of the central rooms. ResourceComplexes, Networks, and Frames 263 Fig. 2. Sambatra ResourceComplex. Fig. 3. Sambatra ResourceComplex and network. Not before the entire series is completed ex- standing in the line of the founding father which FHSWIRUWKHYHU\ODVWFORVLQJULWHGRHVWKHER\Rɚ- UHTXLUHVFRXUDJHDQGDV\PEROLFVDFULȴFH cially belong to his father’s family and becomes a This explains why the rather unspectacular worthy successor of his patrilineal ancestors. It is rangozaza rite effected weeks after feasting began here where his identity as an individual and as a is central and is followed by a night full of music, VRFLDOSHUVRQLVGHȴQHG7KLVFDQRQO\EHDFKLHYHG dancing and drinking rum (see ILJ). Bloch ex- by a collective representation and re-enactment of pressed the importance of the circumcision in the myth of origin. As a kind of ‘eternal now’, pre- these words: ‘The blessing of the child is the cele- senting Raminia’s story serves to bring back the bration of all and so all who participate will bene- past into the present in order to safeguard the fu- ȴW WKHEOHVVLQJRIFLUFXPFLVLRQSURGXFHVQHZJHQ- ture. Being a (male) Antambahoaka hence means erations in general for the entire descent group’ being a descendent of Raminia (=DȴUDPLQLD), thus (Bloch 1995b, 89). 264 Sabine Klocke-Daffa Fig. 4. The Merina cir- cumcision party (unknown painter). As among the An- tambahoaka, the circum- cision of boys is a widely known custom in Madagas- car (I. Wallner). Whether collectively celebrated as a public open happily consuming rum during most of the feast- air event or in private family groups, the intention ing days). It deserves closer attention that for the is the same deriving from the validation of the weeks the sambatra is celebrated there must be no sambatra as a cultural resource deemed necessary disharmony and no funerals should take place to for the individual as well as for social units. The make sure the harmony is undisturbed and the an- value of this ritual lies in the ascribed meaning as cestors are unmolested. This is very much opposed a source of cohesion, the celebration of life (aina) to many African rituals as I have shown for some and the recreation of solidarity (ȴKDYDQDQD) in a 1DPLELDQJURXSVZKHUHGHDWKDOZD\VFRPHVȴUVW VSHFLȴFVRFLDOFRQWH[W,QWKLVUHJDUGWKHsambatra and in case of coincidence any other ritual is post- – as other rituals – is ‘rational’ in the sense that the poned (Klocke-Daffa 2001; 2016). participants contribute to a shared good, ‘seeing the ritual taking a momentum of its own’ as Thom- as Widlok has demonstrated (Widlok 2010, 31). It 4.2. Actors and Actants is the blessing of the ancestors that is needed and considered essential for the continuity of the indi- Without delving too deep into the details of clas- vidual in his process of growing into the status of sical social network theory we can easily depict an adult, as it is deemed necessary for social cohe- some of the central actants in this network clas- sion. The anticipated blessing for all might in fact sified as nodes or bridges (for definitions see be one of the decisive factors: etymologically sam- Gamper et al. 2012) connecting other actors or pro- batra means blessing synonymously used for luck viding interactions. and joy. 21 Being joyful is indeed an essential part of – Ancestors: in each of the 29 singular rites the the festival and a quasi-obligation of all the partici- DQFHVWRUVDUHLQYRNHGGRQDWHGZLWKVDFULȴFHV pants of the sambatra to show their emotions over or asked for their blessing. Defined in theo- the newly achieved luck (not least facilitated by retical terms, they are nodes of highest central- ity linking all other actors. 21 In the Malagasy language, sambatra is also used as an adjective meaning ‘lucky’, see the Malagasy-German diction- – Kings and scribes: in their bridging func- ary edited by Bergenholtz et al. 1991, 564. tion as mediators between the living and the ResourceComplexes, Networks, and Frames 265 dead kings are among the important actors causal network’ (Knauf 2015, 71; translation by for all participants. It must also be stressed Klocke-Daffa). that the knowledge of the proper execution of Construing the sambatra as a totality of mate- the sambatra rests mainly with them. Closely rial and immaterial resources, personal ties and connected to them are the scribes to give their interlinked actors in a particular setting guaran- judgment on the best suitable cosmological tees continuity without reducing the agency of in- constellation for celebrating the festival. dividual actors in their efforts to adjust over time. – Mothers and mothers’ sisters: individuals as Individuals are welcome to change things and pro- well as groups (and as such acting within the cedures as long as the setting is not endangered. ritual) women are the persons who give birth It may happen that initiatives for change may be to the new generation. collectively disapproved and will not be accepted. – Mothers’ brothers: as a group the brothers :LWKRXWDVLQJOHLQVWLWXWLRQRUSHUVRQLQRɚFHWR of the initiates’ mothers represent the female set the agenda, alterations to the overall forma- lines. tion must be implemented by the majority of par- – Fathers and fathers’ brothers: representing ticipants and cannot be overthrown by individual WKHSDWULOLQHVLWLVWKH\ZKRHYHQWXDOO\GHȴQH actors but depend on their relations to others. This the social status of the boys. is where the limits of negotiations and individual – Initiates: even though not actants in the sense agency are to be found. The sambatra thus proves of active persons, they are essential nodes to be an ever transforming dynamic formation and within the sambatra. a ‘structure in process’ as Glaser and Strauss called – Royal houses: since it is conceptualised as LW *ODVHU6WUDXVV I %HFDXVHRILWVȵH[L- absolutely essential that some of the most im- bility it could be preserved over time despite all po- portant rites of the sambatra must take place litical, religious and social alterations. inside the royal house of each clan, the tranobe PXVWDOVREHGHȴQHGDVRQHRIWKHQRGHVOLQN- ing people, groups and objects. 4.3. ResourceComplexes and Networks – Material goods: since many of the objects and goods are seen to be essential for a successful- Analysing agency in ritual and its dynamics allows ly conducted sambatra, material objects must us to define thoroughly who is acting in which also be considered as central even though their kind of relation but does still not explain why that amount, quality and availability might change is so. It also leaves open the question why some over time. ritual constellations must stay unchanged while In his recently published thesis on the sambatra, others are changing substantially or end up being Felix Knauf demonstrated that all participating totally relinquished. This brings me back to my actants deemed to be important for a successful theoretical approach delineated at the outset of sambatra do command agency in some way or this paper. another. It does not matter whether they are in- The sambatra must certainly be called a ‘re- volved in most or all rites or have little to do such source’ in the sense of our Collaborative Research as the boys for whose sake the ritual is organ- Centre: for the Antambahoaka it constitutes an LVHGLQWKHȴUVWSODFH$OVRDFWRUVPLJKWEHMXVW important basis for their social cohesion as it does HQGRZHGZLWKPHDQLQJDQGHɚFDF\VXFKDVWKH for other southeastern Malagasy groups. The sam- ancestors. This led him to conclude that it is the batra creates unity, identity, and belonging far be- collective agency that counts rather than the indi- yond the male circumcision (which can be and is vidual acting. ‘Agency should be analysed neither accomplished by other means). To answer the as as a mere human or as a stable quality but as a yet unanswered question about the resilience of social phenomenon, the product of actions and the sambatra despite all time-conditioned econom- impacts of agents connected to one another in a ic, political and even religious changes it seems 266 Sabine Klocke-Daffa Fig. 5. ResourceCom- plex, network, and frame in the Sambatra. helpful to take a fresh look at the framing particu- was it meant to be just for this purpose, but it per- larities (see ȴJ). They too, are actants in the net- sisted. Not even the advent of Islam and Christi- work but should be analysed separately in order to anity had an impact on the sambatra to the point GHȴQHWKHLUUHOHYDQFHIRUWKHZKROH that it ever ran the risk of being abandoned since Among them are: the Antambahoaka managed to creatively incor- – the current political situation influencing or porate every religion they came into contact with even determining if a sambatra takes place, into their traditional beliefs. What remained was – the judicial system regulating judicial the belief in the power of their ancestors closely guidelines, connected with the deep values of Antambahoaka – the religious beliefs having an impact on the society. incorporation of transcendent actors, Many more framing conditions could certain- – prevailing values as the common base of be- ly be named, such as the overall economic and longing and identity. ecological conditionsZKLFKLQȵXHQFHWKHPDJ- They can be interconnected such as religion and nitude of the sambatra and the quantity of mate- values or laws and politics. Laws might have a rial resources people would be able to allocate. But VWURQJLQȵXHQFHRQUHOLJLRXVSUDFWLFHVDQGWKHSHU- neither the degenerating soil nor the nearly missed formative enactment of values. However, we must national economic collapse kept people from ce- note that the political system and the prevailing lebrating. Another factor worth mentioning is the ODZV\VWHPGHVSLWHKDYLQJDQLPSDFWRQWKHRɚ- educational system, which has a bearing not only cial authorisation or prohibition of the ritual (only on the time available but even more on the vali- during World War II the festival was temporari- dation of the initiation as an important part of so- ly suspended) the sambatra proved to be stable. FLDOLVDWLRQ+HUHWRRZHȴQGWKDWWKHHGXFDWLRQDO Throughout all political changes over the past cen- level of parents does not seem to be decisive for tury, whether internal or external colonisation, the general notion of the social capital provided by socialist experiments or capitalism, nothing could having one’s child participate in the sambatra. On severely threaten the ritual. The current law pre- the contrary, the educational level does not have a scribes that male children must not be circumcised QHJDWLYHLQȵXHQFHVLQFHPRVWRIWKHNLQJVXVHGWR in private and under unhealthy conditions, so boys be teachers, politicians or state employees them- are nowadays to be brought to a doctor or a hospi- selves. The same accounts for the katibo and other tal. This alone could have been the end of the ritual religious specialists. Much more important is the ResourceComplexes, Networks, and Frames 267 Fig. 6. The Sambatra fes- tival at Mananjary, 2014 (I. Wallner) access to and the incorporation into the network of of the whole. Along with the resources deemed actors. 22 It is questionable whether we can set up indispensable and the set of social relations ac- a ranking of actants and depict central resources tivating them, it is worth looking into the frame or central actors in this scenario. Even though the which is part of the entire network. Framing ele- ancestors are important actors around whom the ments might not be connected to any participant entire ResourceComplex and all social relations in particular and yet be decisive for all. More de- revolve, we could not be sure what would happen tailed information and cross-cultural comparisons were people no longer convinced of their power. ZRXOGEHUHTXLUHGWRȴQGRXWZKHWKHUFXOWXUHVSH- FLȴFvalidations are to be considered as central resources in any such constellation – and equally 5. Concluding Remarks VRZKDWLWWDNHVWRUHFRQȴJXUHRUHYHQDEDQGRQD complex. In the case of sambatra, this would help In summing up the results of this brief overview us to comprehend why some Malagasy groups of we conclude that if we want to know how impor- the southeast coast who celebrate the sambatra tant the interplay of social relations, ResourceCom- reduce it to a one-week or even a one-day private plexes and frames is for the persistence of rituals family event. thorough analysis is needed of what it needs to It would be interesting to test whether the FRQȴJXUDWHD5HVRXUFH&RPSOH[DVDQDVVHPEODJH theo retical reflections this analysis relies upon of material and non-material items, knowledge are workable in the interpretation of other rituals and practices. – which could also be helpful in applied anthro- The sambatra complex changed over time due pology. It might give insights into similar initiation to the participating actors in a continuous and dy- rituals which persist in other parts of Africa, often namic process of transformation. However, it is not against all odds and even international pressures individual agencyWKDWOHDGVWRVXEVWDQWLDOPRGLȴ- such as female circumcision rites in Eastern Africa cations (up to the point where the sambatra would on the one hand and re-discovered rituals such as be abandoned) but the temporal constellation the Xhosa ulwaluko circumcision for male adults in South Africa on the other. 22 Research on the importance of social capital and At a more abstract meta level, intensive re- educational options has been conducted by Marc Schwenzer search is required to prove whether this theoreti- (2016) who is also a member of the Special Research Unit of the SFB 1070. FDODSSURDFKWRFRQȴJXULQJ5HVRXUFH&RPSOH[HV 268 Sabine Klocke-Daffa networks and frames is valuable beyond ritual analysis and applicable to other constellations Sabine Klocke-Daffa such as economic and social complexes, or social Asien-Orient-Institut groups and their access to educational institutions, Abteilung für Ethnologie or production and trading networks. Also, consid- Burgsteige 11 ering certain constellations in hindsight the delin- 72070 Tübingen eated model might be helpful to understand more [email protected] about historical developments such as archaeolog- ically reconstructable complexes which evolved or suddenly ‘disappeared’. In this regard the SFB 1070 RESOURCECULTURES has a lot to offer. Bibliography $OEHUW: G. Albert, Figuration und Emergenz. Zur Ontologie und Methodologie des Ansatzes von Nor- bert Elias. Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 65.2, 2013, 193–222. $PERV:HLQKROG: C. Ambos/J. Weinhold, Rahmen und Rahmungsprozesse. In: C. Brosius/A. 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ULRICH MÜLLER Contested Identities 'LH७1HYDGD७7HVW७6LWH௵७1HYDGD௵७XQG७GDV७ :HOWHUEH७/H७0RUQH௵७0DXULWLXV Stichworte: Kalter Krieg, Protest, Welterbe, Kreo- The case of Le Morne Brabant seems somewhat lisierung, Identität, materielle und immaterielle GLIIHUHQW PHDQLQJȴUVWZDVDVVLJQHGWRWKHPRXQ- Ressourcen tain and the surrounding landscape and by this they were made part of discourses. NTS and the Peace Camp with their historic Abstract dimensionality show the dialectics of social move- ments during the 20th cent. and are almost para- This paper presents two case studies for the for- digmatic examples of contested spaces. Boundary mation of social identities in contested landscapes: drawing is immediately visible by the physical iso- The Nevada-Test-Site (NTS) in the USA and the lation of the NTS. The boundaries between Peace World Heritage Site Le Morne Brabant on the is- &DPSDQG176DUHH\HFDWFKLQJDWȴUVWVLJKWEH- land of Mauritius. Between 1951 and 1992 the NTS cause the fence around the NTS separates pub- was one of the largest sites for atmospheric and lic from closed space. The differences are most underground testing of nuclear weapons. From the striking: a camp of 20 square kilometres, tents 1950s until the 1990s the Peace Camp near the NTS and improvised infrastructure, spontaneous ac- was one of the hot spots for the movements pro- tion and protest happenings on one hand, on the testing against nuclear energy and war. other a 4000 square kilometre testing site, elab- Le Morne Brabant is a mountain situated in the orate high-technology and meticulously planned southwest of the island of Mauritius. In 2008 the VFLHQWLȴFUHVHDUFK5HJDUGLQJVSDFHWKHFDPSZDV whole region, as a symbol of identity building and a mark for ‘the other’ and the ‘elsewhere’. The WKHȴJKWDJDLQVWVODYHU\ZDVGHFODUHGD&XOWXUDO people within the Peace Camp, at least temporarily, Landscape. VWRRGRXWVLGHRIWKHGHȴQHGOHJLWLPDWHRUGHUDQG Sites and spaces of Le Morne Brabant and the therefore bonded even closer. In sharp contrast, NTS, together with the peace camp witnessed mul- the NTS constituted a ‘closed space’ – access was tiple social identities and the practices, and tangi- almost impossible for un-authorised persons. Even ble as well as intangible resources associated with now, tourists need a special permit. Still, it did not them. While tangible cultural heritage often seems accommodate a ‘gated community’ like compa- homogenous and passive, intangible heritage in- rable testing sites in the Soviet Union or in China. stead is dynamic and based in community. The The space surrounding the NTS, originally settled landscape of both sites and spaces also stands for by Native Americans, was free but not easy to ac- multiple discourses. The remote part of the Nevada cess for anybody, being a desert area. With the es- desert is a scene of socio-political discourses, but tablishment of the NTS its surroundings became the landscape is only charged with meaning be- a kind of buffer zone. A stay was possible but not cause of the construction of the NTS and the Peace easily practicable and certainly not welcome. With Camp. Its tangible objects being of fundamental the starting of protests a part of this space was oc- VLJQLȴFDQFHDOUHDG\EHFDXVHRIWKHQXFOHDUWHVWLQJ cupied and turned into a space of public interest 272 Ulrich Müller and meaning. The heterogeneous group of activists Creoles is called for, while the creole identity on again created a space only open to access for those Mauritius seems to be dynamic, creating multiple being part of the protest movement. and heterogeneous identities. Thus, a contested The ‘contestation’ seems obvious but the so- landscape and boundary drawing become evident FLDOLGHQWLWLHVDUHPRUHFRPSOH[$WȴUVWVLJKWD by visible, including and excluding, limitations. clear distinction is recognisable in the dichotomy Touristic resorts and private beaches on the one between nuclear testing programme and anti-nu- hand, landscapes and villages of the local predom- clear movement. Interviews with NTS employees inantly creole population on the other. Still, the UHYHDOWKDWWKH\GHȴQHWKHPVHOYHVDVDKRPRJH- boundaries are fluctuant: tourism expands into nous group. The same is true for the protesters, the villages and also integrates locals for example but a closer inspection reveals, how identities are as employees. The ‘contestation’ is less comprehen- formed by tangible and intangible resources and sible through physical places than through intan- how the practices of those identities create new re- gible ones. It affects participation or exclusion of sources in turn. The nuclear programme with the the local population and becomes manifest in the NTS as a physical reality, as well as the Peace Camp question, if and how much whether Le Morne is re- are likewise tangible and intangible. With its con- lated to creole identity creation. cepts of peace, disarmament and faith it is some- how mirroring the NTS. Both the spaces of the NTS and the Peace Camp today have turned into spaces 1. Einleitung and sites of commemoration, where present meets the past. For visitors the Peace Camp is hardly un- Im Jahre 2008 wurde Le Morne Brabant, ein Ta- derstandable without background information. felberg im Südwesten der Insel Mauritius und The NTS and its materialities on the other hand are sein Umfeld zum Weltkulturerbe erklärt. Mit der immediately apparent. For the protest movement, Ausweisung von Le Morne als Cultural Landscape heterogeneous as it may be, the NTS is a symbol wird nicht zuletzt den vielfältigen Interaktionen for the resistance against war and nuclear menace: zwischen Mensch und Natur Rechnung getragen.1 The ‘Sacred Peace Walk’ is still conducted even if Le Morne Brabant ist nicht nur eine Weltkulturer- nuclear testing has stopped. For tourists the NTS bestätte, sondern eine Halbinsel, die durch exklu- LVDPRQXPHQWRIWKHVRPHWLPHVJORULȴHGSHUL- siven Tourismus dominiert wird. Im Jahre 2008 od from the 50s to the 80s and it continues to be a formierte sich – wie auch in den Jahren zuvor – place of work. der alljährliche Protest der Nevada Desert Expe- Declaring Le Morne Brabant a Cultural Land- rience am Nevada Test Site (NTS). Er fand seinen scape demonstrates the importance of the spatial Ausdruck unter anderem im Sacred Peace Walk element, here seen as a reciprocal structuring of zu den Toren von Mercury, der Stadt am Eingang activity and physical space, for discourses of social zum NTS-Gelände.2 Das NTS war zwischen 1951 LGHQWLW\7KHSHQLQVXODLVȴOOHGDQGFKDUJHGZLWK und 1992 eines der größten Testgelände für unter- meaning. Tangible and intangible resources are und oberirdische Atomwaffentests. Das mit den mutually dependent on each other and especial- Protesten verbundene Peace Camp bildete von den ly the latter seem to be extremely dynamic. In the 1950er bis in die 1990er Jahre hinein einen „hot- course of time, the peninsula Le Morne changed spot“ des Widerstandes gegen Atomenergie und from a barren place of refuge for runaway slaves Krieg und für Abrüstung und Frieden. to a creole settlement site, then to a touristic en- Im Folgenden wird es darum gehen, anhand clave and now to a world-wide recognised symbol dieser beiden Orte, den mit ihnen verbundenen RIVODYHU\7KHSODFHDWȴUVWVLJKWRQO\RIUHOHYDQFH Räumen, die Teil von Landschaften sind, Identitäts- for local history, became a component of ‘nation bildungen und Identitäten aus der Perspektive von building’ emphasising multi- and transcultural- ity as a constructive element of the Republic of 1 Le Morne Brabant Contested Landscapes bzw. Contested Spaces nach- reproduzieren diese Ungleichheitsverhältnisse. Im zuzeichnen. Die Raumdiskussion hat in Anlehnung Falle einer Contestation sind diese Zuschreibungen an zahlreiche Arbeiten (z. B. von H. Lefevre) in den inklusiver und exklusiver Natur, die unter ande- letzten Jahren deutlich herausgestellt, dass Räume rem Hierarchien im Raum entstehen lassen und kulturell und sozial konstruiert sind und die kon- HQWVSUHFKHQGH.RQȵLNWSRWHQWLDOHELHWHQ(VG¾UIWH kreten Orte soziale Räume im doppelten Sinne auf der Hand liegen, dass das Konzept der Contes- sind. Raum bedeutet, um auch hier das berühm- tation und der Contested Spaces gerade für die his- te Zitat zu bringen, die „relationale(n) (An)Ord- torischen Kulturwissenschaften großes Potential nungen von Menschen (Lebewesen) und sozialen bietet und in Hinblick auf die Diskussion um Welt- Gütern“ (Löw 2001, 166). Entsprechend dem topo- kulturerbe von Bedeutung ist (z. B. Jenkins 2008; JUDȴFWXUQ ist Landschaft als Raum nicht nur eine Silvermann 2011; Tauschek 2013; Tilley 2006). materielle, sondern auch eine soziale und kultu- Vor diesem Hintergrund ist auch das Konzept relle Realität und Repräsentation. Ein relationaler der Contested Landscapes zu sehen, das insbeson- Landschaftsbegriff (z. B. Gailing/Leibenath 2015) dere Barbara Bender formulierte (Bender 2002; ist analog zum Raum zu verstehen und wird dem- Bender/Winer 2001). Nach Bender ist Landschaft entsprechend in einem Prozess der Strukturierung ein Medium, durch das dominante Ideologien durch das Handeln der Akteure und Akteursgrup- und politische Macht auch physisch ausgedrückt pen konstruiert wie umgekehrt diese individuel- werden. Landschaft ist multivokal, denn in ihr ar- len und kollektiven Akteure bzw. Akteursgruppen tikulieren sich viele Stimmen. Sie erzählen unter- durch Landschaft strukturiert werden. Darüber schiedliche Geschichten in einer sich beständig hinaus sollte aber Landschaft auch als Hybrid ver- verändernden Umwelt. In ihnen manifestieren standen werden. Dies betrifft nicht nur die durch sich aber auch Ansprüche von Macht und Kontrol- Bruno Latour angestoßene Sichtweise, die Tren- le vergangener wie gegenwärtiger Gemeinschaften nung von Natur und Kultur aufzuheben, sondern und Gesellschaften, die aus vielfältigen politischen, vor allem die wenig hilfreiche Dichotomie von ma- sozialen, kulturellen, ideologischen und wirtschaft- terieller und immaterieller Welt. lichen Faktoren resultieren. Sie wird damit zu ei- Das Konzept einer relationalen „Raumpro- nem Speicher von unterschiedlichem Wissen und duktion“ bzw. ein relationaler Landschaftsbegriff Erfahrungen, einem Attraktor, der Menschen an- bedeutet auch, Grenzen zu schaffen (boundary ziehen oder fernhalten kann. drawing), also Zugänglichkeit oder Nicht-Zugäng- Ein Contested Environment bzw. Landscape lichkeit von erwünschten und unerwünschten ist in unterschiedlicher Form fassbar. So kann Menschen(-gruppen) zu definieren. S. Low ent- der Raum zwischen den verschiedenen Akteuren wickelte 2003 in „The Anthropology of Space and mehr oder minder deutlich abgegrenzt sein, zum Place“ an den Begriffen Body, Gender, Inscription, anderen kann der Raum und die Orte aber auch Contestation und Transnationality ein Modell zu als Schnittmenge oder sogar als eine Teilmen- Raum und Ort. „Spaces are contested precisely ge verstanden werden, in dem unterschiedliche because they concretize the fundamental and re- Gruppen ein und dieselben Orte durch verschie- curring, but otherwise unexamined ideological and denen Zuschreibungen beanspruchen. Ein Con- social frameworks that structure practice“. (Low tested Environment bedeutet, dass verschiedene 2003, 18). Es sind also Orte, an welchen Macht- Gruppen die Landschaften und ihr materielles verhältnisse zum Ausdruck kommen, und diese wie immaterielles Erscheinungsbild für sich rekla- entstehen auch dadurch, dass ein und demselben mieren. In einem Contested Environment kommen Raum unterschiedliche Bedeutungen von verschie- herausragenden Ikonen und Symbolen für die In- denen Personen zugeschrieben wird. Dies sind anspruchnahme durch die jeweils andere Gruppe physische Aspekte, aber auch soziale und kulturel- eine herausragende Bedeutung zu. Landschaften le Konstruktionen von Raum. Soziale Differenzen können für einzelne Gruppen und Gemeinschaften wie Geschlecht, Ethnizität, Nationalität, Religion zu Ikonen mit bestimmten Werten und Botschaften RGHU.ODVVHȴQGHQLQU¦XPOLFKHQ2UGQXQJVVWUXN- werden. Sie spiegeln dann nicht mehr gesamtge- turen einen Niederschlag, sie produzieren und sellschaftliche Vorstellungen wieder, sondern ihre 274 Ulrich Müller materiellen und immateriellen Manifestationen durchgeführt. Davon erfolgten 119 bis in das Jahr werden von bestimmten Gruppen beansprucht. 1958 oberirdisch (Fehner/Gosling 2000; Beck 2002; Eine solchermaßen aufgeladene Landschaft wird NNSA 2005). Das Gelände wurde seit den 1950er zu einer symbolischen Landschaft, die unterschied- Jahren systematisch ausgebaut und beherbergte in liche Felder berührt: „Geschichte und Erinnerung“, seinen Hochzeiten rund 1100 Gebäude, vier Lan- „Gedenken“, „Darstellung“ und „Funktionen“. deplätze für Flugzeuge und Helikopter sowie ein Ihnen kommt eine herausragende Rolle für die umfangreiches Straßensystem. Den Eingang zum Identitätsbildung zu, wenn Lived Space und Per- NTS bildet Mercury. Die Stadt war Stützpunkt für ceived Space zu einer Transformed oder Transmuted Militärs und Wissenschaftler und zählte zeitweilig Space werden (vgl. z. B. Dodge 2007). Sie wecken bis zu 10000 Einwohner. Das eigentliche Areal ist öffentliches Interesse, sie sind Schauplätze unter- in 30 sogenannte AerasI¾UVSH]LȴVFKH$XIJDEHQ schiedlicher Vorstellungen, Werte oder Ideologien eingeteilt, die spezielle Gebäude, Versuchsanlagen und in ihrer historischen Dimension spiegeln sich usw. beherbergten. Neben dem 1945 durchgeführ- .RQȵLNWHXQG%HȴQGOLFKNHLWHQXQGGLHSROLWLVFKHQ ten Trinity-Test wurde auf dem NTS die erste Kern- Interessen der verschiedenen sozialen Gruppen. waffentestserie auf dem Gebiet der Vereinigten Im ersten Abschnitt wird der Blick auf das NTS Staaten durchgeführt. Für Las Vegas entwickelten und das Peace Camp gelenkt. Hier manifestieren sich die Versuche im Übrigen zu einem lukrativen sich Dauerhaftigkeit und Temporalität und schaf- Unterhaltsprogramm, waren die Atompilze doch fen konkurrierende Räume, die mit vielschichtigen, aus rund 100 km Entfernung noch gut sichtbar. aber grundsätzlich entgegengesetzten Identitäten Weniger attraktiv war dagegen der Fallout, der zu verbinden sind. Im zweiten Abschnitt steht Le sich bis in das südliche Utah hinzog und der für Morne im Blickpunkt. Das Beispiel wurde gewählt, einen deutlichen Anstieg an Krebserkrankungen um die Entstehung einer Contested Landscape mit verantwortlich war (Committee 1999, Chap. 2). Das Blick auf die historischen Rahmenbedingungen NTS wurde als Waffentestgelände bis zum Memo- darzustellen und zugleich deren heutige Multidi- randum im Jahre 1992 genutzt. Bereits seit den mensionalität zu thematisieren. späten 1980er Jahren bestand der Plan, die nahege- In beiden Fällen spielen die vielfältigen mate- legenen Yucca-Mountains als Endlager für hochra- riellen Quellen eine wichtige Rolle, doch werden dioaktiven Abfall zu nutzen und einen Teil des Ge- neben den materiellen Hinterlassenschaften auch ländes mit einzubeziehen. Die Planungen wurden die oralen, bildlichen und schriftlichen Quellen 2009 gestoppt. Heute wird das NTS noch zur Lage- hinzugezogen, denn erst die Berücksichtigung der rung schwachradioaktiver Abfälle sowie für unter- dichten, korrespondierenden, aber auch konkur- schiedliche Versuchszwecke genutzt. Der Nevada rierenden Überlieferungen ermöglicht es, die viel- Test Site Guide (NNSA 2005), der sich gleicherma- schichtigen Identitätsbildungen zu unterscheiden. ßen an die Beschäftigten wie die Öffentlichkeit wendet, gibt einen detaillierten Überblick über den Bestand dieser Nuklearbrache und eines Denkmals 2. Das Nevada Test Site und das Peace des Kalten Krieges.3 Neben Bunkern, Hallen, Ge- Camp bäuden und weiteren stationären Einrichtungen, an denen die Auswirkungen und Nachwirkungen 2.1. Das Nevada Test Site der atomaren Explosionen akribisch dokumen- tiert wurden, umfasst der Bestand auch Fahrzeuge, Die Nevada National Security Site, bis 2010 auch Flugzeuge und ein Schiff. Die Auswirkungen der Nevada Test Site genannt, besitzt eine Ausdehnung atomaren Tests sind im Gelände bis heute sichtbar von rund 3500 km2 und liegt in einer abgeschie- denen Wüstenlandschaft etwa 100 km nordwest- 3 Siehe auch Nevada National Security Site Abb. 1. Nevada Test Site und Umgebung. Finlay McWalter Abb. 2. Nevada Test Site, Nevada/USA. Krater unterir- discher Kernwaffentest in Be- reich der Yucca-Flat Abb. 3. Nevada Test Site, Ne- vada/USA. Lage und Ausdeh- QXQJGHV3HDFH&DPSV *UDȴN J. Cordts nach Beck et al. 2007). ȂGDVHKHPDOVZHLWJHKHQGȵDFKH:¾VWHQJHO¦QGH ist von Kratern übersät, die sich deutlich in Luftbil- dern abzeichnen ($EE).4 Die Geschichte der Atombombentests ist im Na- tional Atomic Testing Museum (NATM) dargestellt.5 Das in Las Vegas ansässige Museum thematisiert in festen und wechselnden Ausstellungen verschiede- ne Aspekte der atomaren Technologien, wobei der Protest am NTS allerdings kaum eine Rolle spielt. Das „Außengelände“ in der Wüste kann besucht werden, wobei nur ausgewählte Bereiche öffent- lich zugänglich sind.6 Nicht nur mit seiner rund 50jährigen Nutzungsgeschichte ist das NTS eine Besonderheit. Aufgrund der Bedeutung über die Entrance Mercury Hwy amerikanische Geschichte hinaus ist es nicht ver- wunderlich, wenn dem Platz inzwischen große Fence Bedeutung beigemessen wird. Ein Versuch, diese Highway 95 Wissensbestände dem Vergessen zu entreißen, Tunnels ist das „Nevada Test Site Oral History Project“ der Old 7 Peace New Universität von Nevada. Die Sammlung beinhal- Camp Peace Camp 4 Siehe z. B. unter tet nicht nur Transkripte der Interviews, sondern insbesondere für die Zeit der späten 1980er Jahre auch Dokumente und Fotografien sowie Audio- manifestiert.8 und Videoclips. R. Futrell und B. Brents (2003) unterschei- Das NTS ist als Landschaft und mit seinem den drei Phasen, die von den 1957 bis Anfang der baulichen Bestand ein herausragendes Zeugnis 1980er, von den 1980er Jahren bis 1992 und der des Atomzeitalters und des Kalten Krieges. Es ge- Zeit ab 1992 reichen. Über die frühen Proteste ist hört in die gleiche Kategorie von Plätzen wie das wenig bekannt. Sie wurden überwiegend von Ein- Bikini-Atoll (seit 2010 Weltkulturerbe) oder das zelpersonen und kleineren, meist religiös moti- Friedensdenkmal in Hiroshima, die ehemalige vierten Gruppen getragen (Futrell/Brents 2003, “Halle zur Förderung der Industrie der Präfektur 747). Im Jahr 1957 protestierte am zwölften Jahres- Hiroshima“ (seit 1996 Weltkulturerbe). Zeugnis- tag der Atombombenabwürfe auf Hiroshima eine VHGHV.DOWHQ.ULHJHVLP$OOJHPHLQHQ 6FKRȴHOG Gruppe von Quäkern, Mennoniten und andere Pa- 2006; Schofield/Cocroft 2007; Olsen/Pétursdóttir ]LȴVWHQDXIHLQHP3ODW]GHULQGHU)ROJH]HLWLPPHU 2014) und die Denkmäler atomaren Wettrüstens wieder aufgesucht wurde und sich als „Protesters im Speziellen sind auch in der archäologischen Camp“ etablierte (Futrell/Brents 2003, 750 f.). Seit Forschung der letzten 20 Jahre wiederholt thema- den 1970er Jahren kam es zu einem Anwachsen tisiert worden (Delgado et al. 1991; Burström et al. der Proteste, was unter anderem mit dem Erstar- 2009; Beck 2002). ken der pazifistischen Bewegungen zusammen- hing. Sie kumulierten in den 1980er Jahren. In den Jahren 1986 bis 1994 erfolgten mehr als 536 De- 2.2. Das Peace Camp monstrationen mit rund 38000 Teilnehmern. Nach amtlichen Angaben wurden rund 15700 Personen Parallel zum Ausbau des NTS formierte sich der festgenommen. An den Protesten waren zahlreiche Protest, der sich nicht nur allgemein in den USA Gruppen beteiligt, unter denen die Gruppen „Ame- artikulierte, sondern seinen Ausdruck in direkten rican Peace Test“ und „Nevada Desert Experience“ Aktionen vor den Toren des NTS fand. Das Protest- die meisten Aktivisten versammelten. Mitglieder camp lag südlich des zentralen Zuganges zum NTS des Franziskaner-Ordens engagierten sich ebenso und war von diesem durch den annähernd in Ost- ZLH3D]LȴVWHQ9HWHUDQHQGHV$WRPSURJUDPPV%H- West-Richtung verlaufenden Highway 95 getrennt troffene des Fall-Outs (sogenannte Downwinders) ($EE). Da das Protest bzw. Peace Camp im eigent- und die Shoshone. Die „Nevada-Semipalatinsk- lichen Sinne keine Abgrenzungen aufwies, sind Bewegung“ brachte Aktivisten aus den USA und Angaben zu seiner Größe schwierig. Während die Kasachstan zusammen und spirituell oder ökolo- unmittelbaren Zeugnisse des Atomzeitalters be- gisch motivierte Gruppen, wie „Mother Earth“, wa- reits aufgrund ihrer materiellen Präsenz dominie- ren ebenso anzutreffen. ren, rücken die Stimmen des Protestes vielfach in Ebenso vielfältig wie die Akteure waren auch den Hintergrund. Das genannte „Nevada Test Site die Widerstandsformen. Sie umfassten Gottes- Oral History Project“ gibt diesen Stimmen ebenso dienste, spirituelle Zeremonien und Gebete der Raum, wie sich in einer Vielzahl von Websites, die christlichen und indigenen Glaubensgemeinschaf- Aktivistinnen und Aktivisten angelegt haben, bis ten ebenso wie Demonstrationen, teach-ins oder heute das kollektive wie individuelle Gedächtnis „Spaziergänge“ zum Haupteingang. Auch direkte Aktionen sind überliefert, die zumindest in einem Falle zur Verzögerung eines Atom-Tests führten. In den späten 1980er Jahren kam es innerhalb der verschiedenen Gruppen zu Diskussion über For- men und Strategien des Widerstandes, die auch den Wissenschaftler ebenso wie Ingenieure, Arbeiter oder Militärs und Bundesbeamte, Aktivisten und Demonstranten der verschiedenen Protestgruppen wurden gleichermaßen 8 Webseiten von Aktivisten z. B. Fragen des gewaltsamen Widerstand betrafen kultivierte Wüstenland befand sich in öffentli- (Futrell/Brents 2003, 754) und nicht zuletzt vor chen Besitz, „[…] and so, that was where they had dem Hintergrund zunehmender staatlicher Re- WKHFDPSZKHQWKH\ZDVRXWWKHUHIRUIRXURUȴYH pressalien zu sehen waren. Insgesamt aber blieben days. They would camp right in the sagebrush. die Proteste gewaltfrei und folgten in gewissen Sin- There was no water. There were sand huts but that ne einem performativen Ablauf. Dass es am NTS was all. It was tough living“.9 nie zu gewaltsamen Protesten oder Sabotageaktio- Das Camp wurde von den Akteuren wie den nen kam, hat nach R. Futrell und B. Brents (2003, Medien bis in die 1980er Jahre hinein Protesters 759 f.) verschiedene Gründe. So spielt die lange Camp genannt, und ab den 1980er Jahren setzte Dauer der Proteste und eine gewissen Ritualisie- sich dann zunehmend Peace Camp durch (Beck UXQJGHU.RQȵLNWHDXIEHLGHQ6HLWHQHEHQVRHLQH et al. 2007, 299). Aus den Quellen ist bekannt, dass Rolle, wie die Tatsache, dass Sabotageaktionen an die Proteste bis in die späten 1970er Jahre hinein Atomanlagen für alle Beteiligten mit einem kaum saisonal und temporär erfolgten (Futrell/Brents einschätzbaren Risiko verbunden waren. Das Me- 2003). Erst ab den 1980er Jahren wurden zwei morandum von 1992 bedeutete zwar das Ende der Wohnwagen eingerichtet, in denen mindestens Atomtests, doch kein Aus für den Protest. Dieser eine Person über einen längeren Zeitraum wohnte. verlagerte sich auf die Projekte zur Lagerung ra- Vor dem Hintergrund von Massenprotesten wur- dioaktiven Abfalls. Weiterhin wurden die Proteste den 1989 diese geräumt und das bis dato bestehen- als ein allgemeines Zeichen gegen Krieg und für de Camp aufgelöst. An das Camp erinnert sich Paul Frieden aufrechterhalten. Colbert, der Program-Director der Nevada Desert Experience „The line is down halfway to Mercury, which is where the old camp was, and that used to 2.3. Identitäten von Protest und Protes- be where the protests were held. And so when they tierenden in der materiellen und talk among themselves about crossing the line, oralen Kultur they think somebody’s down in there a ways“.10 Während aufgrund des Surveys die Ausdeh- Während Strukturen und Mechanismen von Wie- nung des Platzes recht gut umgrenzt werden konn- derstand in den Kulturwissenschaften recht gut te, zeigen sich in Bezug auf die Lage und die Größe aufgearbeitet sind, bildet die Frage nach den mate- in den Erinnerungen der Interviewten recht unter- riellen Ressourcen ein Desiderat. Untersuchungen schiedliche Einschätzungen. Das Interview von Su- zur Materialität von (Protest-)Camps sind nach wie zanne Becker (SB) mit Dorothy (Day) Ciarlo (DC) ist vor selten (Badcock/Johnston 2013; Dixon 2013). hier aufschlussreich: Diese Camps sind darüber hinaus auch in methodi- SB: „Now this camp, was this set up outside of Mer- scher Hinsicht wichtig, da sich in ihnen sogenannte cury on the highway, do you remember?“ Short-Term-Events widerspiegeln. Dabei stehen sie DC: „My recollection is it was inside, but they zwischen singulär aufgesuchten Orten und Plätzen couldn’t have been.“ saisonaler Nutzung. Die archäologischen Forma- SB: „Well, behind the line. I mean it’s still on the tionsprozesse sind sehr gut vergleichbar mit jegli- other side of the property?“ chen Arten von Lagern, Schlachtfeldern, aber auch DC: „It had to be behind the line, yes.“ Festivals (Fiære-Risbuna 2012; White 2013) oder SB: „I’m just wondering if it’s the same - there is a Lebensräumen Nicht-Sesshafter (Zimmermann little area that is now known as Peace Camp up 2013). there, where throughout the eighties and the Das Camp wurde in den 2000er Jahren um- nineties when the protests were really picked fassend prospektiert. Die Surveys durch die Uni- versitäten York und Nevada auf rund 240 ha 9 Interview with James Donald Merlino, November 7, erschließen eine Ausdehnung von rund 2000 m zu 2004, Abb. 4. Nevada Test Site, Nevada/USA. Karte des Abb. 5. Nevada Test Site, Nevada/USA. Karte des Peace Camps. Desert Waves AG, ca. 1988, up again, is where everybody camped and the little bit more remote“.12 Neben den Ergebnissen hub of activity was. I’m just wondering if this is des Surveys, den Interviews und Fotos geben die possibly the same location.“ Anfahrtsskizzen weitere Informationen.13 Auf ei- DC: „It might be. I know that this camp was not far ner Karte der Desert Waves AG, die um 1988 da- from this guard station and where the people tiert, ist das Camp nur grob angegeben, dafür aber that were committing civil disobedience actual- detailliert die Eingangssituation zum NTS ($EE). ly walked into the site, and then of course they Eine Karte aus dem Jahr 1987 ($EE) weist dage- were arrested immediately.“11 gen die verschiedenen Bereiche des Peace Camps Andere wie David Buer (Nevada Desert Experience aus. So nennt sie das Tranquility Base mit grüner Staff) sind von der Größe und Lage des Camps Flagge, das Art‘s Camp sowie Dept. Of Peace als überrascht. „I was surprised at how close to the zentrale Institution. Als Sugar Mountain (Red Flag major highway it was. I was surprised at how close pole) wird eine Erhöhung im Westen bezeichnet. the gates were and the town of Mercury being Weiterhin werden noch ein Camping-Areal sowie there [...] So you had the Peace Camp area, it was der Parkplatz genannt. a smaller area where the people were actually Die Surveys lieferten einen detaillierten Ein- staying, but then there was this extended area and blick in die Struktur des Platzes und die sozialen you might have people who would set up tents a Identitäten der Beteiligten (Beck et al. 2007; 2008; 12 Interview with David Buer, August 9, 2006. Schofield 2006; 2009, 75–86). In den dokumen- tierten 771 Strukturen und Oberflächenfunden spiegeln sich deutlich die Vielfältigkeit der Grup- pen und Protestformen, aber auch die Erhaltungs- bedingungen wieder. Es liegt auf der Hand, dass stationäre Konstruktionen am langlebigsten sind und Steinkonstruktionen einen Großteil der Be- funde ausmachen. Meist werden diese als Funda- mente, Einhegungen von Arealen wie Zeltplätzen oder Umgrenzungen von Wegen angesprochen. Es gibt aber auch einzeln stehende Herde und Konstruktionen. Derartige Strukturen sind teil- weise auf zeitgenössischen Fotos dokumentiert.14 Daneben sind noch negative Befunde bemerkens- wert. Hierzu gehören Bereiche, die systematisch von Steinen und Geröll gesäubert waren und als Schlaf- oder Rastplätze dienten. Dies ist auch auf zeitgenössischen Fotos nachvollziehbar.15 Eher selten waren Befunde und Funde aus Holz, Plas- tik oder Metall anzutreffen. Die wenigen Beispie- le- umfassen Alltagsgegenstände wie Spielzeuge, Feuerzeuge oder Nägel. Wie wird man das Fehlen eines entsprechenden Fundniederschlages bewer- ten? Das seltene Holz diente als Brennmaterial, bei Abb. 6. Nevada Test Site, Nevada/USA. Foto einer anderen Materialgruppen wird eine konsequen- Zeremonie durch ein Mitglied der Nevada Desert Ex- te Müllvermeidung oder -entsorgung seitens der perience am Nevada Test Site, 1984, dokumentiert wie die Aktion der Nevada Desert Ex- perience aus dem Jahre 1984 ($EE) oder die Nie- derlegung eines Palmenzweiges am 8. April 1990.18 Díe „Blessed Yucca of the Four Spirits“ ($EE) zeigt die sogenannten Dreamcatchers, auch als Traum- Abb. 8. Nevada Test fänger bekannt. Sie dienen dem Einfangen von „gu- Site, Nevada/USA. Stein- ȴJXU DP 1HYDGD 7HVW ten Träumen“ und wurden im Zuge der Pan-India- Site Gelände, Nevada/ ner-Bewegung seit den 1960er von verschiedenen USA, ca. April 1989 Gruppen übernommen. Am Camp sind diese nicht 18 Digital Collection der Universität von Nevada, den Shadow Children. Hierbei handelt es sich um pho011019, zwei Figuren, die bei dem Survey gefunden wur- GHQ 6FKRȴHOG&RFURIW 'LHLQ]XVDPPHQJH- kauerter Lage dargestellten Kinder wurden liegend in einem ovalen Steinkreis angetroffen ($EE ). Ro- semary Lynch, Schwester des Franziskaner Ordens und eine der Gründerinnen der Nevada Desert Ex- SHULHQFHHULQQHUWVLFK Ȍ$QDUWLVWPDGHWZRȴJXUHV a black child and a white child, out of some kind of plastic material. Beautiful. And we went far up into the mountain area out there, and we had this ce- remony. We called them the Shadow Children. And with time and rain and wind they disintegrated, but somewhere I have the photo of that, just that unknown monument to the children who had been Abb. 10. 1HYDGD 7HVW 6LWH 1HYDGD86$ *UDɚWLV hurt through nuclear testing“.20 An anderer Stelle in einem Drainagetunnel unter dem Highway 95, 23 Fotos der Princesses Against Plutonium von Richard Misrach, DXV'LH]DKOUHLFKHQ*UDɚWLVLQGPLW%LOGHUQ sondern auch die Objekte und Subjekte des Pro- Texten und abstrakten Motiven variantenreich, tests – die Nevada Test Site – betraf. Beide zu- stammen von zahlreichen Aktivisten und können sammen, aber auch jedes für sich, sind Contested stellenweise sehr genau datiert werden, wenn man Spaces. Das Protestcamp ist heute als solches in Angaben wie „Hiroshima Day, 93“ oder „Mother‘s seiner Materialität kaum mehr erkennbar. Das Day 2003“ (Beck et al. 2015, 183 f.) als eindeutig an- Testgelände dominiert nach wie vor physisch. Das sieht. Sie zeigen zudem, wie sich die materiellen Camp, zum Zweck von Widerstand und gewaltfrei- und medialen Formate seit den 1980er Jahren ver- en Aktionen errichtet, war nach den Aussagen der ändert haben. Aktivisten auch ein Ort für „Sozialexperimente“. Doch auch in den Materialitäten werden sowohl generelle gesellschaftliche Tendenzen als auch 2.4. Contested Spaces I JUXSSHQVSH]LȴVFKH0XVWHUIDVVEDU(VVLQG3HDFH =HLFKHQDEHUDXFKVSH]LȴVFKH$XVGUXFNVIRUPHQ Mit dem Peace Camp des NTS bekam die Anti- wie die Shadow Children oder die Chi-Ro Zeichen. Atom-Bewegung und Friedenspolitik eine alltäg- Es ist nicht nur der lange Zeitraum von Nutzung liche, eine körperlich-gegenständliche und vor und Protest, während dessen sich eine ganz eigene allem eine räumliche Seite. In seiner historischen Performativität entwickelte. In den beiden geogra- Dimensionalität steht das NTS und das Peace fischen Orten manifestieren sich grundsätzliche Camp für die Dialektik sozialer Bewegungen des und gegensätzliche Vorstellungen von politischer 20. Jh.s, Das NTS und das Peace Camp können fast Verantwortung in globaler Perspektive. So erschie- paradigmatisch als Contested Spaces verstanden nen die Atomtests aus Sicht der Regierenden als werden. Hier ein rund 20 km2 großes Camp, dort ein Garant für Weltsicherheit und Demokratie, ein fast 4000 km2 großes Testgelände, hier Zelte während die Aktivisten ihre Verantwortung gegen- und provisorische Infrastruktur, dort geplante über der Gesellschaft und ihren Nachkommenden Hochtechnologie, hier oftmals spontane Aktionen geltend machten und auf indigene Ursprünge hin- und Protestformen, dort über Jahre geplante For- wiesen. Es wäre allerdings vereinfachend gedacht, schungsprogramme. Das Camp markierte bereits NTS und Peace Camp auf eine einfache Dichotomie in räumlicher Hinsicht das Andere und das An- zu reduzieren, wie jüngst Chr. Scholl (2012) am Bei- derswo. Die Menschen innerhalb des Peace Camps spiel der Proteste zu den Weltwirtschaftsgipfeln befanden sich zumindest auf Zeit außerhalb der aufgezeigt hat. Die Materialität des NTS bzw. Peace definierten legitimen Ordnung und banden sich Camps scheint insbesondere durch Gegensätze ge- dadurch (zumindest für einige Zeit) nur umso en- prägt zu sein, doch in den Interviews und weiteren ger aneinander. Im Gegensatz hierzu war das NTS Erinnerungen kommt auch das hybride Narrativ eine Closed Space – ein Eindringen in das Gelände deutlich zum Ausdruck. war für nichtautorisierte Personen kaum möglich und auch jetzt ist für den Touristen eine Ausnah- megenehmigung notwendig. Doch es beherbergte 3. Die Welterbestätte Le Morne keine Gated Community wie vergleichbare Testge- lände in der Sowjetunion oder China. Der Raum 3.1. Mauritius und die Archäologie der um das NTS – ursprünglich Siedelland der indi- Maroons genen Bevölkerung – ist dagegen für Jedermann begehbar. Im Zuge der Proteste wurde ein Teil Mauritius ist ein Inselstaat im Indischen Ozean, dieses Raumes okkupiert und zu einem durch die der rund 1700 km von der ostafrikanischen Küste Proteste in einen öffentlichkeitswirksamen Raum und etwa 4000 km von der indischen Küste liegt umgewandelt. Mit dem Peace Camp schufen die ($EE). Die Republik Mauritius erlangte im Jahre heterogenen Aktivisten ihrerseits einen Raum, 1969 ihre Unabhängigkeit und besteht aus meh- der nur jenen zugänglich war, die Teil der Protest- reren Inseln, von denen Mauritius die Hauptinsel kultur waren oder werden wollten. Sie erzeugten ist. Die Republik Mauritius besaß 2014 rund 1,2 ein Wir-Gefühl, das nicht nur die Protestierenden, Millionen Einwohner, von denen nahezu alle auf Contested Identities 283 der Hauptinsel wohnten.26 In Mauritius sind alle Bewohner Nachfahren von freiwilligen Einwan- derern, Sklaven oder Zwangsarbeitern, die in den letzten vier Jahrhunderten vor allem aus Europa, China, Ostafrika, Madagaskar und Indien auf die Insel kamen (Eriksen 2007, 156–159). Über die Hälf- te der heutigen Bevölkerung gelten als Hindus, die aber eine politisch und kulturell heterogene Grup- pen darstellen. Etwa 17 % sind Muslime indischer Abstammung, rund 28 % Prozent sind Kreolen. Versuche, das Kreol Morisien, auch Moris genannt, als Amtssprache in den 1980er zu etablieren, schlu- gen fehl. Kreolisierung als Prozess und als Konzept ist in der Linguistik, Anthropologie und Ethnologie, vor allem aber auch in den Kultur- und Sozialwis- senschaften in den letzten zehn Jahren umfassend behandelt worden (Knörr 2009). Dabei haben die Abb. 11. Mauritius, Republik Mauritius. Lage der im 7H[WJHQDQQWHQ2UWH *UDȴN ,5HHVH post-kolonialen Diskurse die Funktionslogiken der Selbst- und Fremdzuschreibungen aufgezeigt. Im Zuge der Diskurse um Hybridität, Transnationali- auf 63000, was rund 80 % der Bevölkerung ent- tät und Globalisierung beschreibt der Begriff „ei- spricht. Mit der Sklaverei kam auch die Flucht aus nen Prozess der Fusion verschiedener Kulturen der Sklaverei, und die sogenannte Maroonage ist und Sprachen zu einer neuen autonomen Kultur“ bereits zur Zeit der holländischen Oberherrschaft (Müller/Ueckmann 2013, 9). Mauri tius gilt hierbei bekannt (Allan 1999; Teeloc 2005). oftmals als ein Modellfall (Pherson 2009), welcher Bei den Maroons handelt es sich um afrikani- den Spagat zwischen Globalisierung und regiona- sche Sklaven und ihre Nachfahren, die von Plan- len Identitäten geschafft hat. Die Geschichte der WDJHQȵRKHQ'LH%H]HLFKQXQJMaroon leitet sich Insel ist durch den Kolonialismus geprägt (Teeloc vom spanischen Cimarrón und indigenen Vorfor- 2009; Vaughan 2006; Palmyre-Florigny 2009) und men ab. Da Cimarrón im lateinamerikanischen der Code Noir prägte bis in die 1980er Jahre hinein Spanisch ein „wildes Tier“ oder ein „entlaufenes die Gesellschaft (Boswell 2008). Nach der „Entde- Haustier“ meint, bildet der Begriff eine politische ckung“ durch Pedro Mascarenhas in den 1510er Disqualifizierungsvokabel. Bezeichnungen wie Jahren begann 1598 die Phase der holländischen „self-liberated African Communities“ erscheinen Oberherrschaft. Die Insel wurde erst Anfang des angebrachter. Die Rückzugsgebiete sollen sich im 17. Jhs. von Niederländern besiedelt und dann Süden der Insel und den bewaldeten Höhenregio- 1710 aufgegeben. Bereits in dieser Zeit wurden nen befunden haben (Chowdhury 2014, 256). Nach Sklaven, vornehmlich aus Java, in der Landwirt- der französischen Herrschaftsübernahme wird mit schaft eingesetzt. Die französische Oberherrschaft einigen Hundert selbstbefreiten Sklaven gerech- begann 1715, wobei zunächst die Französische net (Chowdhury 2014, 256). Maroonage ist in zahl- Ostindienkompanie und dann, ab 1767, der Staat reichen Formen auch in Mauritius überliefert (de Eigentümer war. In diese Zeit fällt auch der massi- Salle Essoo/Panyandee 2007, 39–52). Der zuneh- ve Anbau von Zuckerrohr unter Einsatz von Skla- mende Druck und die hoheitliche Überwachung ven aus Ostafrika und Madagaskar. Zwischen der führten dazu, abgelegene und geschützte Bereiche Mitte des 18. Jhs. und der Zeit um 1800 wuchs der im Inselinneren und an der Küsten aufzusuchen. Anteil der versklavten Bewohner von rund 15000 Eine Karte der agrarisch nicht genutzten Flächen aus dem Jahr 1775 vermittelt einen recht deutli- 26 Statistics Mauritius (under the aegis of the Ministry of chen Eindruck von den unzugänglichen Regionen Finance & Economic Development) Archaeology“ begründet (Croucher/Weiss 2011). Ein Wandel in Mauritius ist ab den späten 1990er zu erkennen, wobei die Planungen im Zusammen- hang mit dem Welterbeantrag und die neuerliche Aufarbeitung der kolonialen Vergangenheit un- ter post-kolonialen Aspekten Hand in Hand gehen (Boswell 2006; 2008; Eichmann 2012b; Eriksen 2007). So kennen die frühen Verordnungen und Gesetze aus den Jahren 1938 (Ordinance No. 19) und 1944 (Ordinance No. 8) zwar „objects, the pre- servation of which is a matter of public interest by reason of the historic, architectural, traditional, ar- tistic, or archaeological interest“ (Forest 2013, 209; 209–213), doch beschränkte sich die Ausweisung entsprechender Denkmäler eher auf die Zeugnisse des Ruhmes der kolonialen Geschichte. Ein Pers- pektivenwechsel zeichnete sich nach der Unabhän- gigkeit ab, wenngleich der National Heritage Act erst 1985 verabschiedet wurde. Mit der Auswei- Abb. 12. Mauritius, Republik Mauritius. Landver- teilung und Ödland in einer Karte aus dem Jahre sung nationaler Denkmäler war im Übrigen nicht *UDȴN ,5HHVHQDFK&KRZGKXU\ automatisch deren Erhaltung und vor allem deren Management verbunden. Hierzu kam es erst 1997 möglichen Verstecke reduziert haben, und zugleich und endgültig 2003 (Seetah 2015c, 289). Le Morne ist mit einem wachsenden Anteil an geflohenen wurde 2006 zu einem Nationalen Denkmal erklärt. Sklaven zu rechnen. Schätzungen gehen davon Im Zuge dieser Aktivitäten wurden in den Jahren aus, dass der Anteil der Maroons von 5 % (1770) 2002 – 2004 im Rahmen des „Maroon Slave Archa- auf rund 15 % (1820) wuchs (Teeloc 2005). Mit dem eological Investigation Projects“ einige Fundstellen Übergang in die britische Verwaltung 1810 wurde prospektiert und teilweise ergraben (MAC 2007). Mauritius Teil des britischen Empire. Die Mehr- Zwischen 2008 und 2011 wurde dann das „Mauri- zahl der Sklaven kam aus Ostafrika, insbesondere tian Archaeology and Cultural Heritage“ (MACH) Mosambik, und der Insel Madagaskar (Allan 2010). Projekt durchgeführt, in dem anhand von ausge- :HQLJHUK¦XȴJZXUGHDXI6NODYHQDXV,QGLHQXQG wählten Fundstätten die koloniale Geschichte der Westafrika zurückgegriffen. Bis 1835 war die Skla- Insel diachron untersucht wurde (Seetah 2010; verei erlaubt und wurde in diesem Jahr verboten. 2015a). Die Aufgabe der Sklaverei bewirkte jedoch den Die Überlieferung dieser Maroon-Sites ist wie Übergang zur sogenannten Vertrags- oder Leih- andernorts schwierig. In Mauritius handelte es arbeit. In den folgenden Jahren wurden tausende sich überwiegend um Tunnelsysteme, Höhlen oder von Arbeitern vor allem aus Indien auf die Insel Felsspalten (MAC 2007, 127 Fig. IV/1). Zu diesen ge- gebracht (Allan 1999). hörte neben Le Morne Brabant auch Trois Caver- Während die Sklaverei, aber auch die Leihar- nes, das Baie du Cap und einige weitere (MAC 2007; beit, anhand der schriftlichen Quellen recht gut Chowdhury 2014). Bei Le Trois Cavernes ($EE) aufgearbeitet ist, sind die materiellen Zeugnis- handelt es sich um ein unterirdisches Tunnelsys- se dieser dunklen Seite der Kolonialgeschichte tem, zu dem bildliche und schriftliche Quellen erst spät Gegenstand von Forschungen geworden existierten (MAC 2007, 177–211; Chowdhury 2014, (Teeloc 2012; Seetah 2015a). Als Gründe macht K. 259–263). Zusammen mit Prospektionen und klei- Seetah (2015a, 923) unter anderem die fehlenden neren Sondagen zeichnen sie ein beeindruckendes gesetzlichen und strukturellen Rahmenbedingun- Bild einer kurzzeitigen Nutzung durch rund 50 gen aus. Er ist aber auch in der Fachgeschichte der Maroons in den 1780er Jahren (Chowdhury 2014, „Historical Archaeology“ und der „Post-Colonial 262). Baie du Cap ist ein System von Felsspalten im Contested Identities 285 […] [or] with defensibility in mind“. Dies bedeutet, „Maroons would have made a concerted effort to reduce their signatures on the landscape“ (Norton/ Espenshade 2007, 6 f.). Dies betrifft in erster Linie die Befunde und „due to lack of building materials and risk of loss to slave hunters, the Maroons likely utilized indestructible, ready-made rock shelters or caves for many of their sites. […] Maroon refu- ge sites would not have been located on the land- forms targeted by normal archaeological survey” (Norton/Espenshade 2007, 6 f.). Auch der Fundnie- Abb. 13. Mauritius, Republik Mauritius. Ausschnitt derschlag spiegelt die besondere Situation wider. DXVGHP7XQQHOV\VWHPYRQ7URLV&DYHUQHV *UDȴN , „Depending on the amount of interaction between Reese nach Chowdhury 2014, 260 Fig. 12.2). the refuge Maroons, enslaved African Caribbeans, freedmen, and others (e.g., pirates), the Maroons Süden der Insel (MAC 2007, 231–255; Chowdhury may have had limited material possessions.” 2014, 267–269). Der Komplex liegt rund 6 km (Norton/Espenshade 2007, 6 f.). südöstlich des Tafelberges von Le Morne und war bis dato in den schriftlichen Quellen nicht be- kannt. Auch hier wurden Sondagen an verschie- 3.2. Le Morne Brabant denen Stellen durchgeführt, die stellenweise eine Okkupation bereits im frühen 17. Jh. vermuteten Le Morne, die Halbinsel im Südwesten von Mauri- lassen (Chowdhury 2014, 269). Aufgrund der Lage tius und ihr rund 600 m hoher Tafelberg sind für und der zahlreichen Nachweise einer längeren die Geschichte der Insel von herausragender Be- Nutzung geht A. Chowdhury (2014, 271) von einer deutung ($EE). Der Berg und die mit ihm ver- Way-station entlang eines Maroon-trails aus, der bundenen materiellen wie immateriellen Über- in die entlegene Region von Le Morne führte. Bei- lieferungen wurden 2008 zum Weltkulturerbe de Fundplätze zeigen nicht zuletzt das Problem erklärt. „Le Morne represents maroonage and its der Nachweisbarkeit von Maroonage. Als Indika- impact [...] which was demonstrated so effectively toren gelten unter anderem eine geringe Fund- on Le Morne mountain. It is a symbol of slaves’ dichte mit Ausnahme von Holzkohle, bearbeitete ȴJKWIRUIUHHGRPWKHLUVXIIHULQJDQGWKHLUVDFUL- Tierknochen und die Nutzungsspuren z. B. an den ȴFHDOORIZKLFKKDYHUHOHYDQFHEH\RQGLWVJHR- Felswänden. Die Archäologie der Maroons be- graphical location, to the countries from which rührt zahlreiche methodische Aspekte (Weik 2013, the slaves came“27 heißt es in der Begründung der Chap. 4; Sayers 2014). Die Verstecke bzw. Siedlun- UNESCO. Die Abgeschiedenheit der Halbinsel, die gen liegen an meist unzugänglichen Plätzen. Dies zunächst nicht von den Kolonisten erschlossen erschwert bereits ihr Auffinden, aber auch pro- worden war, der dichte Bewuchs und der kaum spektive Maßnahmen oder Ausgrabungen. Als zugängliche Berg boten den selbstbefreiten Skla- versteckte, auf Unauffälligkeit bedachte Aufent- YHQLGHDOH%HGLQJXQJHQ'LHVȴQGHWVHLQHQ1LHGHU- haltsorte erscheinen die Befunde oftmals wenig schlag nicht nur in der materiellen, schriftlichen differenziert. Somit ist die Spannweite zwischen und oralen Überlieferung, sondern auch in nach temporärem Versteck und (semi)-permanenter wie vor gelebten Traditionen. Siedlung recht groß. Generell stellt sich die Frage, Erstmalig erwähnt wird Le Morne im Jah- wie und durch welche materiellen Äußerungen re 1601 auf einer Karte als „den fyningen bergh“ sich Individuen oder Kollektive auf der Flucht bzw. (de Salle Essoo/Panyandee 2007, 156). Die Benen- während einer Migration auszeichnen. H. Norton nung „Brabant“ geht ebenfalls auf die Holländer und K. Espenshade diskutieren mögliche Szenarien für die Wahl der Verstecke und Unterkünfte. „Site 27 Le Morne Cultural Landscape, Abb. 14. Mauritius, Republik Mauritius. Halbinsel Le Abb. 15. Mauritius, Republik Mauritius. Felsspalte Morne. Tafelberg . Saïda, zurück. Die Karte zeigt den Anlandeplatz, der bis gilt der Berg nach wie vor als ein spiritueller Ort, heute als „Pointe Hollandais“ bekannt ist. Als Rück- der auf das engste mit der Geschichte der Sklave- zugsorte der Maroons ist die Halbinsel seit den rei und des Wiederstandes verbunden ist und dem 1730er Jahren belegt, wenn Karten Landmarken Kraft zugesprochen wird (Bakker/Odendaal 2008, wie „Pointe des Marrons“ oder „Passe des Mar- 228–230). ron“ ausweisen (de Salle Essoo/Panyandee 2007, Der Gipfel ist sehr schwer zugänglich und es 159). Nach der Aufhebung der Sklaverei wurde die ist bis heute nicht völlig geklärt, wie die Maroons Halbinsel vor allem durch die Maroons und de- den Gipfel erreichten. Der südliche Teil des Berges ren Nachkommen besiedelt, wenngleich das Land weist im Gegensatz zu den Klippen an allen ande- überwiegend im Besitz kolonialer Farmer war. Der ren Seiten einen steilen Hang auf, der sich zum Berg und die Fluchtorte in seinem Umfeld sind in Aufstieg anbot. Eine weitere Variante geht von ei- der mündlichen Tradition nach wie vor lebendig ner brückenartigen Konstruktion aus, um den so- und zahlreiche Landmarken oder markante Bäu- genannten V-Gap zu überqueren (MAC 2007, 9–11). me werden mit den Maroons verbunden (de Salle Insgesamt sind sechs Felsspalten und Höhlen auf Essoo/Panyandee 2007, 160–168). Als Ansiedlun- dem Gipfel und den Hängen bekannt, von denen gen der Maroons und ihrer Nachkommen gelten in fünf Nachweise menschlicher Nutzung zeigten der Überlieferung die teilweise aufgelassenen Wei- (Chowdhury 2007; 2014, 265).28 Die Untersuchun- ler Trou Chenilles, Embracure, La Gaulette und Le gen an drei Anlagen belegen Tierknochen und &KDPDUHO'LH$QVLHGOXQJ&RWHDX5DɚQ/D*DX- Holzkohle (MNR 1–3). Mindestens drei Anlagen lette besteht vermutlich seit den späten 1870er Jah- (MRN 4–6) befanden sich auf dem Gipfel ($EE). ren (de Salle Essoo/Panyandee 2007, 127). Das Dorf Weiterhin wurde geochemische Analysen durch- Le Morne ist 1960 gegründet worden; die Bewoh- geführt, wobei hohe Phosphat-Konzentrationen ner siedelten seit 1945 überwiegend im La Boisière auf menschlichen Eingriffe hindeuten (MAC 2007, (de Salle Essoo/Panyandee 2007, 116–118). 27; Chowdhury 2014, 266). Radiocarbon-Analysen Das zentrale Monument der Halbinsel ist der von Tierknochen ergaben Daten, die zumindest Tafelberg. Aus zeitgenössischen Quellen des 18. in der Interpretation als ein Hinweis auf eine und 19. Jh.s ist bekannt, dass der Felsen als Ver- steck der selbstbefreiten Sklaven gedient hat (MAC 2007, 22–24), wobei der Todessturz von Sklaven 28 Die genaue Lage der Plätze lässt sich trotz der GPS Daten nicht erschließen, da die angegebenen GPS Positio- im Jahre 1835 besonders in das gemeinsame Ge- nen für MRN 2 und 3 sich nicht mit den Fotos dieser Plätze dächtnis eingegangen ist. In der oralen Tradition d ecken. Contested Identities 287 maroonzeitliche Okkupationsphase gedeutet wer- und der Ökonomie, aber auch dem Prozess der den (MAC 2007, 28; Chowdhury 2014, 267). Kreolisierung. Insgesamt bleibt unklar, ab wann und in wel- Auch wenn der Tafelberg als physische wie chem Umfang der Berg benutzt worden ist. Die immaterielle Landmarke die Halbinsel dominiert, dichte Bewaldung des Plateaus, der Hänge und am so ist die Landschaft durch weitere Orte geprägt, Fuße des Berges boten aber hervorragende Verste- die mit der Geschichte der Sklaven in Verbindung cke. Zumindest wird man von einer weitgehend stehen ($EE). Der Berg war weithin sichtbar, ganzjährigen Wasserversorgung ausgehen können doch hatten eine Reihe von Untiefen, Felsen und (MAC 2007, 8). Für eine dauerhafte Ansiedlung von Landmarken im Küsten- und Uferbereich eben- Maroons fehlen bislang schlüssige archäologische so wichtige Bedeutungen. Die Mehrzahl der Zu- Hinweise, doch sind vergleichbare Felsspalten schreibungen speist sich aus der oralen Tradition, und Höhlen beispielsweise aus Kenia bekannt. Am was es nicht immer einfach macht, einen zeitli- Mount Kasigau dienten diese eher als Ausguck, um chen Zusammenhang herzustellen (de Salle Essoo/ vor Sklavenjägern zu warnen und somit die An- Panyandee 2007). Mit dem Pointe de Hollandais siedlungen zu schützen (Marshall 2014b). ($EE ) an der Südwestspitze wird der poten- Weitere Untersuchungen auf der Halbinsel Le tielle Anlandeplatz umschrieben, während der Morne erfolgten im Rahmen des MACH Projek- Pointe Maroon ($EE ) im Nordwesten in Be- tes. Besondere Bedeutung hatten die Grabungen zug zu den Sklaven gesetzt wird. Er wird wie auch auf dem Old Cemetery (Seetah 2015b), aber auch die Passe de Maroon nahe L‘Embrazure ($EE ) Arbeiten in den aufgelassenen Dörfern von Trou auf einer Karte aus dem Jahre 1818 genannt (de Chenille und Macaque (Colwell-Chanthaphonh Salle Essoo/Panyandee 2007, 160) Weiterhin durch- et al. 2014). Bei Le Morne Old Cemetery handelt brechen zwei tiefe und breite Kanäle das Korallen- es sich um einen mehr als 3600 m2 großen Bestat- riff an zwei Stellen: die Passe de la Prairie und die tungsplatz. Vermutlich wurden mehr als 70 Perso- Passe de l‘Ambulante. Sie sind auch historisch be- nen bestattet. Ausgegraben wurden 28 Individuen, deutsam, da sie im Saumriff „Türen“ für die Boote von denen angenommen wird, dass es sich nicht bilden und damit auch die Flucht von der Insel nur um Sklaven, sondern auch selbstbefreite und ermöglichten. Die Lagune südlich des Berges bot freigelassene handelt (Appleby et al. 2012). Die darüber hinaus Möglichkeiten zum Fischfang. Die Funde offenbaren ein facettenreiches Bild der ma- Ilôt de Fourneau, wie das in der Lagune liegende teriellen Kultur des frühen bis mittleren 19. Jh.s Inselchen auf einer Karte von 1883 genannt wur- auch wenn die Radiocarbondaten eine weitaus de, galt in der oralen Tradition als Bestrafungsort frühere Nutzung belegen könnten (Seetah 2015a, für entlaufene Sklaven. Ob dies wirklich so war, 929 Tab. 1). Die Beigaben, die aus Afrika, Europa bleibt aufgrund der Nähe zu den Unterschlupfen oder madagassischen Kontexten stammen, bele- auf der Halbinsel fraglich. Ein Brunnen versorgte gen eindringlich Prozesse der Kreolisierung und die Bewohner der Küste jedoch bereits früh mit Hybridisierung. Dies zeigt sich nicht zuletzt in Frischwasser (de Salle Essoo/Panyandee 2007, 25). den synkretistischen Bestattungspraktiken. Aus Auf der Halbinsel selbst lassen sich vor allem das den schriftlichen Quellen ist das sogenannte Lon- Valley of Bones ($EE ) und die Felsspalte One ganis bekannt, in dem animistische Praktiken mit Eye ($EE ) im Westen und der Rastafarian christlicher Ikonografie und Ritualen aus Süd- Rock oder auch Roche St. Marie ($EE ) im Sü- ostasien verschmolzen sind (De Salle-Essoo 2011; den des Berges mit zahlreichen Legenden verbin- Seetah 2015b) und das neben der Sprache und den den. Beim Valley of Bones handelt es sich um den performativen Sega-Tänzen (MAC 2013, 100–145) historisch überlieferten Platz, an dem die Sklaven Ausdruck der Hybridität der Bewohner war und bei ihrem Sprung vom Felsen zu Tode kamen. ist. Die aDNA (ancient DNA) an 11 Individuen deu- Zwischen Spiritualität und Pragmatik angesiedelt ten eine Herkunft aus Ost-Afrika, möglicherwei- ist der One Eye. Diese Felsspalte diente zur Orien- se Mosambik an (Seetah 2015a, 929 Tab. 2) und tierung für die Fischer, während der Rastafarian beleuchten aus einer völlig neuen Perspektive Rock nahe der Siedlung Trou Chenilles als spirituel- die zentrale Stellung der Insel im Sklavenhandel ler Ort gilt. Die Genese der zahlreichen Siedlungen 288 Ulrich Müller Abb. 16. Mauritius, Republik Mauritius. Orte, die mit Ma- roons und Maronage in Verbin- GXQJJHEUDFKWZHUGHQ *UDȴN I. Reese nach de Salle Essoo/ Panyandee 2007, 91, Karten- grundlage: Open Street Map). und Weiler ist nicht einfach darzustellen. Zum ei- (Bakker/Odendaal 2008, 229). Zu Macaque liegt nen sind kaum ethnologische oder archäologische inzwischen eine umfangreiche Studie vor (Col- Untersuchungen erfolgt, zum anderen handelte well-Chanthaphonh et al. 2014). L‘Embrazure am es sich um Ansammlungen von Hütten, die in der Übergang der Halbinsel ins Inselinnere dürfte mündlichen Tradition mit bestimmten Personen, HEHQIDOOVLQGDVVS¦WH -KGGDWLHUHQXQGEHȴQ- Gruppen und Narrativen verbunden werden und det sich in der Nähe eines passartigen Übergangs. nicht unbedingt einer heutigen Definition von Auch der weiter westlich liegende Weiler Dan Zak „Dorf“ entsprechen. scheint auf Nachkommen der Marrons zurückzu- Das heutige Dorf Le Morne ($EE ) ist gehen. Umzüge oder Umsiedlungen ließen dann eine Gründung des Jahres 1960, als Zyklone die im Verlauf des späten 19. und frühen 20. Jh.s die alten Siedlungen zum Teil verwüsteten (de Salle 6LHGOXQJHQ&RWHDX5DɚQVRZLH/D*DXOHWWHQRUG- Essoo/Panyandee 2007, 20–22). Zumindest ein westlich von der Plaine Macaque ($EE ) ent- Teil der Bewohner stammte aus der nahe gele- stehen. Die Halbinsel Le Morne Brabant zeigt sehr genen Siedlung La Boisière, die ihrerseits in den deutlich, wie mündliche, schriftliche und materi- 1940er Jahren angelegt wurde ($EE ). Tradi- elle Überlieferung zu einer Einheit verschmelzen, tionell als Siedlung der freigelassenen Sklaven ohne das mitunter sicher gesagt werden kann, gilt Trou Chenilles an der Südküste, die als Wüs- wann und wie es zu diesen Zuschreibungen kam. tung bekannt ist ($EE ). Wann es zu einer Dies ist aber typisch für die Dynamiken der Kreoli- zweiten „Gründung“ eines gleichnamigen Dorfes sierung und Hybridisierung. weiter östlich kam ($EE ist unklar. Da sich nahe dieser Siedlung der Friedhof aus den 1880er Jahren befindet ($EE ), könnte die Anlage 3.3. Tourismus und Welterbe auch in dieser Zeit erfolgt sein. Die Karte von Des- cubes aus dem Jahre 1880 zeigt jenen Friedhof an, Mauritius besitzt gegenwärtig (2016) zwei Welt- der archäologisch untersucht werden konnte (de kulturerbestätten: Aapravasi Ghat und Le Morne Salle Essoo/Panyandee 2007, 27). Auf einer Karte Brabant. Der Black River Gorges National Park aus dem Jahre 1873 werden die Weiler Macaque steht seit 2006 auf der Tentativliste. Bei Aapra- ($EE ) und L‘Embrazure ($EE ) genannt vasi Ghat in der Hauptstadt Port Louis handelt es Contested Identities 289 sich um einen Gebäudekomplex, der stellvertre- tend für die Vertrags- und Zwangsarbeit seit dem 19. Jh.s steht und 2006 in die Liste aufgenommen wurde. Im Jahre 2008 folgte dann „Le Morne Cul- tural Landscape“ (MAC 2007). Le Morne umfasst eine Kernzone von 3,48 km2 sowie eine Pufferzone von 29,65 km2, die nicht nur den gesamten terres- trischen Bereich der Halbinsel, sondern auch gro- ße Teile der Flachwasserzone umfasst ($EE). Für die UNESCO Ausweisung sind Kriterien aus- schlagegebend, an denen sich der OUV, der „Out- VWDQGLQJ8QLYHUVDO9DOXHȊGHȴQLHUW)¾U/H0RUQH waren die Kategorien III und VI entscheidend.29 In der Bewerbung war noch das Kriterium IV ge- nannt worden, das aber keine Berücksichtigung fand.30 Die Nominierung betont zwar die immate- rielle Überlieferung, doch wird der physischen und damit materiellen Präsenz durchaus Bedeutung geschenkt.31 Dass dabei materielle und immateri- elle Attribute miteinander verwoben sind, stellt die Nominierung deutlich heraus. Nach K. Bakker und F. Odendaal (2008, 230–232) ist Le Morne „a Abb. 17. Mauritius, Republik Mauritius. Kernzone Creole symbol of resistance and liberty, a place of und Pufferzone der Welterbestätte sowie Besitzver- hältnisse auf der Halbinsel "Le Morne Brabant", Stand refuge from oppression, a source of healing po- *UDȴN ,5HHVHQDFK0$&[LL 5HSXEOLTXH wer, a connection to the traditions relating to the Mauritius 2014a, 14). sea and the origin of Creole music of resistance“. Auch wenn der Tafelberg im Zentrum steht, führt (Republique Mauritius 2014a, 16). Die Pufferzone der Integrated Management Plan inzwischen 12 gehört überwiegend (MAC 2007, xii; Republique general attributes und 29 VSHFLȴFDWWULEXWHV (Repub- Mauritius 2014a) Großgrundbesitzern und in klei- lique Mauritius 2014a, 22, 28–30) in der Kern- und nen Teilen weiteren Privatleuten und der Regie- Pufferzone auf. Große Teile der Kernzone gehö- rung ($EE). Zum Ablauf der Nominierung, den ren dem Staat. Das Anwesen in Le Morne Brabant beteiligten Parteien und die auftretenden Proble- ist im Besitz der Société Renaud Frères in 1865 me haben K. Bakker und F. Odendaal (2008) aus- führlich Stellung genommen. So haben einerseits 29 MAC 2007, 57–60. Criterion III: „[...] an exceptional te- die politischen Entscheidungsträger mitunter völ- stimony to maroonage or resistance to slavery in terms of it being used as a fortress for the shelter of escaped slaves, lig andere Ziele als beispielsweise ICOMOS (Inter- with evidence to support that use”; Criterion VI: “The dra- national Council on Monuments and Sites) verfolgt, matic form of the mountain, the heroic nature of the re- und lokale und regionale Interessensvertretungen sistance it sheltered, and the longevity of the oral traditions associated with the maroons, has made Le Morne a symbol KDWWHQNDXP(LQȵXVVDXIGLH3ODQXQJHQ+LHUVLQG RIVODYHVȇȴJKWIRUIUHHGRPWKHLUVXIIHULQJDQGWKHLUVDFUL- insbesondere die Kreolen zu nennen, obwohl ge- fice, all of which have relevance beyond its geographical location, to the countries from which the slaves came – in rade Le Morne als Monument gegen die Sklaverei particular the African mainland, Madagascar and India and und damit implizit für die Ausbildung kreolischer South-east Asia.” Identitäten steht. 30 MAC 2007, 58 „an outstanding example of a type of buil- ding, architectural or technological ensemble or landscape Das Welterbe Le Morne ist auf das engste mit ZKLFKLOOXVWUDWHV D VLJQLȴFDQWVWDJH V LQKXPDQKLVWRU\ȋ der Entwicklung des Tourismus verbunden. Tou- 31 Le Morne Cultural Landscape: „Le Morne Cultural Landscape is an exceptional testimony to maroonage or re- rismus spielt in Mauritius seit den 1950er Jahren sistance to slavery in terms of the mountain being used as eine Rolle, stand und steht die Insel doch für die a fortress to shelter escaped slaves, with physical and oral 3S „Sun, Sand and Sea“ (Prayag 2015). Von Ende evidence to support that use”, stetig. Sie liegt gegenwärtig bei 115.32 In den Jahren Mauritius ein nachhaltiger Tourismus angemahnt 2007 bis 2015 wuchs der Anteil der Urlauber um (Prayag 2015), was bei einer anvisierte Besucher- rund 2 % von 907000 auf rund 1,1 Millionen, wobei zahl von rund 2 Millionen im Jahre 2020 für Mauri- die meisten Touristen aus Europa (rund 70 %) kom- tius auch dringend notwendig erscheint. men. In Le Morne entstand das erste Hotel im Jahre Wie wird das Thema am Weltkulturerbeplatz 1954 (de Salle Essoo/Panyandee 2007, 134). Seit den vermittelt? Der „Le Morne Cultural Heritage Trust 1980er Jahren entwickelten sich verstärkt touristi- Fund“, der 2004 vom Ministry of Arts and Culture sche Enklaven in Form weitgehend abgeschlosse- eingerichtet wurde, hat neben Denkmalpflege ner Hotelanlagen und Resorts mit den inzwischen und Forschung die Aufgabe der Vermittlung und bekannten Folgen für die einheimische Wirtschaft, beschäftigt gegenwärtig 12 MitarbeiterInnen.33 die Kultur und die Umwelt (Prayag 2015, 252). Der Im Zuge der Ernennung ist es nicht nur zur Ein- Trend zu hochwertigen Anlagen wurde mit der richtung eines Informationszentrums im Dorf Le „Hotel Development Strategy“ seit 2008 bewusst Morne gekommen. Ein Jahr nach der Ernennung politisch gefördert (Prayag 2015, 242). Insbeson- wurde das Slave Route Monument eingerichtet. Es dere für Le Morne war der Tourismus durch das EHȴQGHWVLFKDQHLQHPGHUZHQLJHQQRFK¸IIHQWOLFK sogenannte „Integrated Resort Scheme“ und das zugänglichen Strände an der Westküste. Das Mo- „Real Estate Scheme“ geprägt (Prayag 2015, 246). nument wurde am 01.02.2009 am Fuße des Berges Die Planungen der 1980er und 1900er Jahre sahen eingeweiht. Es beinhaltet einen Garten und eine eine massive Erschließung der Halbinsel im Rah- Plakette zur Erinnerung. Der Platz ist bewusst ge- men des „Integrated Resort Management Plan“ wählt, denn er soll nicht nur den Zusammenhang vor, der auch stellenweise verwirklicht wurde. Die- von Tafelberg und Meer verdeutlichen, sondern se betraf zunächst in erster Linie die strandnahen liegt in einer Sichtachse zu dem legendären Valley Bereiche, aber auch die südlichen Hänge des Mas- of Bones und der Westfelswand. In der weiteren sivs (Boswell 2005, 292; Bakker/Odendaal 2008). Planung (Republique Mauritius 2014a) wird das Weitere Entwicklungsbereiche wurden im Norden Monument in ein Wegesystem eingebunden, das der Halbinsel ausgemacht und berührten in Teilen die Landschaft um den Berg erschließen soll. Zur massiv die Hangbereiche des Berges. Über die Ho- Erschließung der Landschaft und ihrer Geschich- telanlagen hinaus gab es Planungen, eine Seilbahn te dienen im Sinne eines Ecotourism (Republique zum Gipfel einzurichten (Bakker/Odendaal 2008). Mauritius 2014b, 41) nunmehr Trails mit Informa- Der Zugang zum Strand ist deutlich eingeschränkt tionsstellen. Hierzu gehören unter anderem die und an der Westküste auf drei größere Areale be- Pfade zwischen den aufgelassenen Siedlungen schränkt (Schnepel 2009). Hinzukommt jedoch ein Trou Chenilles und Macaque oder der Weg von Areal im Norden, welches unter dem französischen Trou Chenilles auf den Berg. Andere Routen wer- Recht der „Zone des cinquante pas géométriques“ den per Boot erschlossen wie z. B. durch eine Fahrt ($EE) einen freien Zugang zum Strand gewährt. entlang der Halbinsel mit Halt auf der Ilôt Four- Bei der Mehrzahl der gegenwärtig neun Ho- neau und der Ilôt Benitiers. Dass es dabei nicht al- tels auf der Halbinsel handelt es sich um Hotel- lein um Geschichtsvermittlung geht, liegt auf der komplexe, die neben den üblichen Hotelzimmern Hand, Tauch- und Schnorchelaktivitäten gehören auch Appartements und Bungalows anbieten. Die ebenso dazu wie spektakuläre Naturerfahrung. Westküste teilen sich drei Hotels, wobei das Dina- Von besonderer Bedeutung soll sich der 1st of Feb- robin mit zwei Komplexen den gesamten Bereich ruary Trail, entwickeln, der vom ehemaligen Skla- vom nördlichen Ausläufer am Pointe de Maroon venfriedhof über die Wüstung Trou Chenilles und bis zum Slave Route Monument einnimmt. Im Sü- den Rastafarian Rock zum Slave Route Monument GHQEHȴQGHQVLFKGUHLZHLWHUH+RWHOVLQ/H0RU- und dem öffentlich zugänglichen Strand führt. ne noch zwei Anlagen. Inzwischen wird auch für 32 Diese und folgende Zahlen wurden veröffentlicht von Statistics Mauritius (under the aegis of the Ministry of Finance & Economic Development), Dass eine Vermittlung an ihre Grenzen stoßen das insbesondere in dem Format der Cultural oder leicht zu einem Folklorismus verkommen Landscape eben Contested Spaces generiert. kann, liegt auf der Hand, insbesondere wenn es Als Welterbestätte steht Le Morne für Wider- um die Immaterialität geht. Fallen Aufführungen stand gegen die Sklaverei und fügt sich damit in der Sega-Tänze und das Kochen von kreolischem eine Reihe von Plätzen ein, die im Slave Route Essen am Strand der Resorts in diese Kategorie? Ist Project der UNESCO zusammengefasst worden es die Erzählung eines Kreolführers über die Ver- sind. Die Nominierung der „Forts and Castles, sklavung an einem privaten Strand in der Sichtach- Volta, Greater Accra, Central and Western Re- se zu dem Felsen? Sind es Wanderungen zu den gions“ in Ghana im Jahre 1979 war gleichsam die Felsspalten? Wie vielschichtig dies sein kann, zeigt Geburtsstunde dieses Langfristvorhabens, zu dem die Rekonstruktion von Trou Chenilles. Das Projekt 42 Landschaften, Städte und Einzelobjekte (Stand wurde als Teil des 178. Jahrestags zum Gedenken 2016), aber auch immaterielles Erbe gehören. an die Abschaffung der Sklaverei in Mauritius Insbesondere an dem Slave House auf der Insel initiiert.34 Gorée nahe Dakar, Senegal hat sich eine Diskus- sion um „Slave Tourism“ entzündet (Ebron 1999; Araujo 2010; 2014; Landry 2011). Auch die Nomi- 3.4. Contested Spaces II nierung von Le Morne als Weltkulturerbe hat in verschiedenen Bereichen zu Debatten geführt. Für Mauritius zeigt sich der Spagat zwischen dem Sie betreffen die Frage der Homogenität kreoli- touristischen Konsum des Natur- und Kulturerbes scher Kultur, die Macht der UNESCO und die Rolle einerseits und dem Konzept der Erhaltung und derartig geadelter Plätze für ein Nation Building Weitergabe andererseits. Die entsprechenden Staa- (Bakker/Odendaal 2008). Der auf den Welterbe- ten oder Länder verbinden mit dem Welterbeprä- platz lastende Druck betrifft die materiellen wie dikat meist handfeste ökonomische Interessen. Die die immateriellen Kulturgüter gleichermaßen dabei entstehenden Spannungen zwischen den wie die Naturlandschaft.35 So drängten ICUN (In- zahlreichen und miteinander verwobenen Akteu- ternational Union for Conservation of Nature) re sind auch der UNESCO bekannt und werden und ICOMOS auf die Ausweitung der Kernzone, zunehmend thematisiert (Tauschek 2013; Keough welche dann die gesamte Halbinsel und Teile des 2011; Anheier/Isar 2011). Das Beispiel Le Morne Flachwasserbereiches umfassen sollte. Dies ist zeigt weniger wie die Touristikmaschinerie vom kaum realisierbar, so dass der gegenwärtige Ma- Weltkulturerbe profitiert, denn diese war schon nagement Plan „an approach for the management lange vor jenem dar. Fassbar werden vielmehr zag- and conservation of the Outstanding Universal hafte Versuche, Identitäten über das Weltkultur- Value of the Le Morne Cultural Landscape whi- erbe neu zu schreiben und in die Diskurse um die le creating a platform for sustainable economic kreolischen Identitäten einzufügen. Allerdings zei- development“ (Repubilque Mauri tius 2014, 4) gen manche Untersuchungen zum Heritage-Touris- vorsieht. Der Druck berührt aber auch die Fra- mus, dass gerade lokale Gemeinschaften kaum von ge, welche Ressourcen zur Identitätsbildung die- dem erwarteten oder wirklichen Geldsegen oder nen und wer die Verfügungsgewalt über diese Infrastrukturmaßnahmen profitieren. Deutlich Ressourcen hat (Eriksen 2001). Lassen sich die wird aber auch, dass die implizite Verknüpfung Gefährdungspotentiale der materiellen Güter von materiellem und immateriellem Kulturerbe, durch Monitoringmaßnahmen recht gut evalu- ieren, ist die Bedrohung des immateriellen Erbes 34 Le Mauricien, Abolition de l’esclavage. Une réplique du village de Trou-Chenille au Morne, Artikel vom 19.01.2013, weitaus schwieriger zu erkennen.36 Hierbei geht für soziale und kulturelle Identitäten hervorheben es nicht allein um die Frage, wie die threats ge- (Ng Tseung-Wong/Verkuyten 2015). messen werden können, sondern für wen und in welchem Umfange Le Morne steht. Das betrifft die oben angesprochene Frage, ob sich alle Kreo- 4. Zusammenfassung len als Nachfahren von Versklavten verstehen, ob sie ihre Wurzeln in den Maroons sehen und Die Landschaften, Räume und Orte von Le Morne wie sie ihre jetzige Identität formen bzw. wie sie Brabant und des NTS-Komplexes mit dem Peace geformt wird. Spätestens seit den 1990er Jahren Camp sind Schauplätze multipler gesellschaftlicher wurden die kreolischen Identitäten in der Ge- Identitäten, den mit ihnen verwobenen Praxen sellschaft von Mauritius thematisiert. Die damals und verbundenen materiellen wie immateriellen drängenden sozialen Probleme, von R. Boswell Ressourcen. Eingangs war die Frage gestellt wor- (2008) ebenso plakativ wie zutreffend als Malaise den, ob das Peace Camp/NTS und Le Morne als Bei- Créole charakterisiert, hatten nicht nur historische spiele für Contested Environments gelten können. Gründe, sondern waren eine Folge des rapiden Dies ist auf jeden Fall zu bejahen. Wirtschaftswachstum und der sozialen Ungleich- Beiden Plätzen gemeinsam ist, dass Erinne- heiten. Auch wenn sich die Bedingungen bis in die rung und Gedenken zentrale Felder für den Pro- 2000er geändert haben, so stellte Eriksen (2007, zess der Contestation sind. Der Protest am NTS 160) heraus: „In the con temporary context of a de- war temporär angelegt. Gerade deshalb bildet das mocratic, competitive capitalist society, the Creo- Wissen um die historische Tiefe des Protests ein les are at a clear disadvantage because of their wichtiges Element bei der Identitätsbildung. Doch loose social organization and their relative lack der ehemals umkämpfte Raum hat an Bedeutung of symbolic capital in Mauritian identity politics“. verloren. Die Erinnerung ist weniger deutlich in Kreolische Identitäten werden immer wieder aus der Landschaft eingeschrieben und nur noch mit einer ethnischen Zuschreibungspraxis vor allem Vorwissen zu dechiffrieren. Gleichermaßen von durch Fremdperspektivierung gesehen. Eriksen Bedeutung war die „horizontale“ Vernetzung, also stellte heraus, das „in the eyes of many Mauriti- das Wissen um ähnliche Orte des Protestes. Diese an politicians as well as ordinary citizens, peace Beziehung ist reziprok. In weitaus stärkerem Maße is maintained on the crowded, culturally hetero- als dies bei dem Peace Camp der Fall war, ist Le geneous island only because there is a precarious Morne historisch und symbolisch aufgeladen. Er numerical equilibrium and functioning politics of berührt dabei zentral das Konzept der Kreolisie- compromise between the ethnic groups. Any up- rung und spätestens mit der Auszeichnung als UN- setting of this balance would ostensibly threaten ESCO Welterbe ist der Platz zudem ein Symbol und the peace. An alterna tive view is posited by Mau- Synonym für Sklaverei bzw. die Befreiung von ihr ULWLDQVZKRUHMHFWHWKQLFFODVVLȴFDWLRQDVDVHWRI geworden. Beide Plätze sind gleichsam Hubs in den primordial identities and who demand the right to Netzwerken des Protestes bzw. des Widerstandes EHPL[HGLQHYHU\VHQVHȊ (ULNVHQȴJ und der Erinnerung. Dabei verliert aber das Peace Dementsprechend groß ist auch die Spannweite Camp am NTS aufgrund der veränderten Rahmen- dessen, was und wer sich als Kreole versteht und bedingungen an Bedeutung, während Le Morne wie kreolische Identitäten mit der Maroonage zu mit der Ausweisung als World Heritage Site an Be- verbinden sind (Eichmann 2012b). Eine einheitli- deutung gewinnt. ches Kulturmodell „Kreol“ existiert nicht, so dass In dem entlegenen Teil der Wüste von Nevada manche die afrikanischen Wurzeln, andere die stehen gesellschaftspolitische Diskurse im Vorder- Sklaverei und manche den Rastafarismus wie im grund, doch wird die Landschaft hier erst durch Weiler Le Chamarel (Boswell 2005) als Ressource die Anlage des NTS und des Peace Camps mit Be- deutung aufgeladen, wobei den materiellen Objek- 36 „ICOMOS considers that the main threat to the property is development which might impact on the spiritual values ten bereits durch die Infrastruktureinrichtungen of the mountain and views to and from it.” (ICOMOS 2008, 5). für die Kernwaffentests grundsätzliche Bedeutung Contested Identities 293 zukommt. In Le Morne scheint der Fall etwas an- es Besuchern ermöglicht, Ausschnitte des Gelän- ders gelagert, da dem Tafelberg und der ihm des zu besuchen. So wie am NTS die ursprüngliche umgebenden Landschaft erst Bedeutungen zuge- Grenzziehung zunehmend durchlässiger wird, so schrieben und sie damit Bestandteil der Diskurse entwickeln sich auch auf der Halbinsel Le Morne werden. die Grenzen multidimensional. Die Halbinsel war Die Landschaften des NTS/Peace Camps in der HLQ5¾FN]XJVRUWI¾UJHȵRKHQH6NODYHQLQGHQQXU Wüste von Nevada einerseits, Le Morne anderer- bisweilen Strafexpeditionen einbrachen. Erst nach seits zeigen Unterschiede und Gemeinsamkeiten. der Abolition wurde der Raum zunehmend er- %HLGH2UWHVLQGEHUHLWVJHRJUDȴVFKSK\VLVFKEHVRQ- schlossen, blieb jedoch den Nachkommen der Ma- dere Orte und schaffen eine besondere Raumsitua- roons vorbehalten. Allerdings wurde er spätestens tion und Atmosphäre. Die Wüste ist zumindest für mit dem Erstarken der Tourismus neu definiert die westlichen Akteure ein potentiell lebensfeindli- und damit neue Grenzen gezogen. Ein Boundary cher Ort. Er wurde allerdings bewusst gewählt, um Drawing zeigt sich auch hier mit sichtbaren Gren- die atomaren Tests durchzuführen. Für die Ange- zen, die inkludieren und exkludieren. Es sind die stellten im NTS musste also gleichsam eine künst- Resorts und die privaten Strände auf der einen Sei- liche Welt geschaffen werden. Demgegenüber te, die Dörfer und Landschaften der überwiegend besaßen die Protestierenden keine grundlegende kreolischen Bevölkerung auf der anderen Seite. Versorgung (Wasser usw.) und waren in der „Na- 'LH*UHQ]HQJHVWDOWHQVLFKDEHUȵLH¡HQGHUGHQQ tur“ nur ansatzweise durch Zelte oder Wohnwagen der Tourismus greift in deren kulturellen Räume geschützt. Le Morne, klimatisch nicht mit dem Ex- über und integriert seinerseits bestimmte Gruppen trem einer Wüste zu vergleichen, war durch seine beispielsweise im Hotelgewerbe. 7RSRJUDȴHJOHLFKVDPHLQSHULSKHUHU2UW'HU%HUJ Auf den ersten Blick sind die Identitäten am an sich ist aber gleichermaßen siedlungsfeind- NTS und dem Peace Camp deutlich fassbar. Es ist lich und auch die Halbinsel ist bis zur Okkupation das Atomprogramm der Zeit des Kalten Krieges, GXUFKGLHHQWȵRKHQHQ6NODYHQQLFKWJHQXW]WZXU- das in Form des in jeder Hinsicht omnipräsenten den. Dies verwundert allerdings nicht, da Mauri- militärisch-industriellen Komplexes am NTS zu ei- tius über keine eigentliche indigene Bevölkerung ner Ikone für Befürworter wie Gegner wird. Das verfügte und die Halbinsel für die europäischen Peace Camp ist gewissermaßen ein Spiegelbild, in Siedler keinerlei ökonomische Bedeutung besaß. dem es den Paradigmen des Kalten Krieges viel- Demgegenüber war für die indigene Bevölkerung fältige Konzepte von Frieden, Abrüstung oder die Wüste von Nevada Teil ihrer Identität und da- Glauben entgegensetzt. Bei näherer Betrachtung mit keinesfalls ein peripherer Ort. wird das Bild jedoch unscharf. So bilden die Pro- Wie gestaltet sich das Boundary Drawing in testers bei weitem keine homogene Gruppe und diesen Räumen? Wo werden Gruppen eingeschlos- LQVEHVRQGHUHGLH.RQȵLNWHLQGHQ HU-DKUHQ sen, wo ausgeschlossen? Für das NTS ist dies leicht um die Protestformen zeigten auch erhebliche zu beantworten, denn bereits die Umzäunung Spannungen. Zwar sind die Protestierenden vor al- und Sicherheitssperren deuten auf eine Closed lem durch ihre Ablehnung der Atomtests und der Community hin. Die Räume der Protestierenden Atomwaffen sowie – weniger scharf – durch ihre insbesondere an den Camps und am NTS waren Ablehnung von Krieg geeint, doch manifestiert sich scharf voneinander getrennt und auch die heuti- diese zunächst sichtbar in ihrem Engagement am gen Protestaktionen machen vor den Toren halt. NTS bzw. Peace Camp. Neben „professionellen“ Infrastrukturelle Elemente wie der Highway oder Akteuren des Protestes wie der Nevada Desert Ex- der Wartungstunnel könnte man dagegen fast als perience sind es auch Akteure die nur temporär heterotroph bezeichnen, da sie von gegensätzli- in Erscheinung treten. Auch die Mitarbeiter des chen Akteuren benutzt werden oder die Bühne für NTS sind bereits aufgrund ihrer Aufgaben und Aktionen bilden. Weiterhin ist zu berücksichtigen, Befugnisse alles andere als homogen. Hier stellt dass die Strukturveränderung am NTS auch zu ei- sich die Frage, ob es nicht doch Brüche gibt. Die- QHUWHLOZHLVHQ$Xȵ¸VXQJGHU*UHQ]HQI¾KUWHGLH se werden wohl weniger darin liegen, dass die 294 Ulrich Müller NTS-Beschäftigten die Atomforschung ablehnen, eine Identität in Bewegung zu sein, die multiple wohl aber auf dem Feld des Friedens. Blickt man und heterogene Identitäten schafft. auf weitere Akteure und Akteursgruppen wie Far- In dem entlegenen Teil der Wüste von Neva- mer, so wird das Bild ebenfalls unscharf. da wird die Landschaft erst durch die Anlage des Die Auszeichnung von Le Morne als Cul- NTS und dem sich daran entzündenden Protest tural Landscape zeigt, wie wichtig das land- mit Bedeutung aufgeladen. In Le Morne scheint schaftliche Element – hier verstanden als der Fall etwas anders gelagert, da dem Tafelberg wechselseitige Strukturierung von Handeln und und die umgebende Landschaft erst Bedeutungen physischem Raum – für die Diskurse sozialer zugeschrieben werden und sie damit Bestandtei- Identitäten ist. Die Landschaft der Halbinsel wird len der Diskurse macht. Das NTS und das Peace durch Bedeutungen besetzt und aufgeladen. Mate- Camp sowie Le Morne sind Beispiele für Contested rielle und immaterielle Ressourcen bedingen sich Landscapes bzw. Spaces, an denen deutlich wird, gegenseitig, doch erscheinen letztere in histori- wie Landschaft mit ihren Räumen und Orte von scher, aber auch institutioneller wie kulturspezi- unterschiedlichen Gruppen und Gemeinschaften ȴVFKHU3HUVSHNWLYHKRFKG\QDPLVFK'LH+DOELQVHO genutzt wird und wie die Landschaft die Identitä- Le Morne ist zeitlich einem Wandel unterworfen, ten dieser Akteure formt. GHUYRQHLQHPXQZLUWOLFKHQ=XȵXFKWVRUWI¾UJH- ȵRKHQH6NODYHQ¾EHU6LHGOXQJHQYRQ.UHROHQ]X einer touristischen Enklave und dann zu einem Ulrich Müller weltweiten Symbol für die Sklaverei wird. 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This volume is a collection of contributions to the international and interdisciplinary Conferences ‘Developments – Movements – Valuations’ from November 6th to 9th 2014 and ‘ResourceCultures – Theories, Methods, Perspectives’ from November 16th to 19th 2015 at the Eberhard Karls University Tübingen organised by the collaborative research centre ‘SFB 1070 ResourceCultures – Sociocultural Dynamics in the Use of Resources’. It includes comprehensive papers about theories, approaches and concepts for the exploration of ResourceCultures, applying a diachronic and interdisciplinary perspective according to the vision of the SFB. International experts from a variety of different disciplines present case studies, examining ResourceCultures from the very beginning of human history until the present in a wide variety of cultural contexts. Thus, they demonstrate the manifold facets of ‘resources’ as a category for scientific analysis. rk SFB 1070 RessourcenKulturen ISBN 978-3-946552-08-6