TORONTO IN THE 1890'S: A DECADE OF CHALLENGE AND RESPONSE by Dennis Russell Carter-Edwards B. A., Trent University, 1971 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard The University of British Columbia July, 1973 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada ABSTRACT 111 Toronto in the 1890*s: A Decade of Challenge and Response This thesis examines the response of the city of Toronto at the close of the nineteenth century, to problems associated with its status as a major metropolitan centre. As the largest and most populous city of Ontario, these problems posed a more serious challenge in Toronto than in any other city of the province. The years 1890-1900 were chosen because it was during this period that these problems first began to attract widespread public attention. Three specific problems were selected for intensive examination; aid for the poor, municipal reform, and public ownership. Each of these issues present a different aspect of Toronto's 'coming of age' and the response of citizens to chal• lenges which accompanied this growth. This response of concerned citizens provides an opportunity of observing how a Canadian community tried to deal with these problems and the underlying attitudes which motivated the various sections of the community which took part. The question of providing assistance for the city's poor which followed the revelation of widespread poverty in Toronto, prompted a discussion on the best means of discriminating be• tween worthy and unworthy applicants. With the persistence of this hardship and its extension into the ranks of the middle class, public attention shifted from the charity problem to the employment problem. Through a variety of schemes, citizens iv attempted to ease the employment crisis in the city and the demoralization of industrious, respectable men. It was the revival in business that accompanied the Laurier boom,rather than any specific action on the part of those interested in the problem, which helped ease the situation. However their efforts did contribute towards the development of expertise in the field of relief and helped lay the basis for a professional approach to social welfare. At the beginning of the decade, Toronto was saddled with a cumbersome and outdated system of civic government. The impor• tance of City Council in directing the affairs of the city prompted concerned citizens and aldermen to try and adapt the municipal system to the needs of a modern city. This reform movement was hindered by a lack of co-operation among interested groups and the lethargy of City Council. When a set of common objectives was finally agreed upon, the provincial government emasculated the scheme. This dependent position of the city was clearly demonstrated when the provincial government, on its own initiative, later introduced a new system of municipal government. This system incorporated the general reform demands for a division of executive and legislative functions. No detailed discussion ( is presented on the influence of party politics in civic affairs. The absence of private papers ,"~for the mayors of this period limits the possibility of such a discussion. Also, the campaign for municipal reform was based on the premise that city government was business rather than politics. The debate on municipal ownership presents another area V where citizens attempted to deal with the problems of a large city. The provision of inexpensive services was a basic need for businessmen and citizens alike. Discussion of municipal owner• ship centred on whether private companies or. City Council could best fulfil this need. Support for civic operation of civic fran• chises was first confined to a small group of reformers who held progressive views on such issues. However, growing dissatisfaction among the business community with the private corporations operating in the city, broadened the support for municipal owner• ship. Although an unfavourable combination of factors prevented the successful implementation of several plans for civic operation of municipal services, growing support among all sections of the community was clearly in evidence by the end of the decade. This established a basis for future advances in this area. Thus, during the 1890's, Toronto attempted to respond to the problems associated with its status as an important urban community. Not all of these attempts were successful, but the discussion which these issues provoked, drew public attention to these questions and laid a firm basis for future action on them. TORONTO IN THE 1890'Ss A DECADE OF CHALLENGE AND RESPONSE vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. INTRODUCTION 1 II. CHARITY AND THE CHALLENGE OF THE UNEMPLOYED 8 III. THE CAMPAIGN FOR REFORMED MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT %k IV. MUNICIPAL MONOPOLIES AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT Ilk V. CONCLUSION 170 BIBLIOGRAPHY 173 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Approaching the last decade of the Nineteenth Century, Toronto no longer felt itself a compact little city, but a straggling big one, outgrowing its civic services as.,rapidly as a small boy out• grows his pantaloons. In introducing his chapter on Toronto in the 1890's, Jesse Edgar Middleton dwelt on the transformation which took place in the 'Queen City' at the end of the century. Electric lights replaced gas lamps, electric street cars crowded out the horse drawn trolleys, and the telephone revolutionized communications. Residential districts in the city were provided with gas mains, paved roads, sewers, water and other services. The establishment of the Massey Manufacturing Company in Toronto introduced into the city the 'factory economy' with its large 2 scale employment of men and production of goods. Torontonians took great pride in their accomplishments. Chronicles of the "phenomenal growth and the marvellous development of the trade and industry of Toronto"-^ carefully documented the visible signs of the city's advance. This evidence varied from the number of business establishments in the city, to the total value of assessable property. It was even suggested that "Toronto will be in the van of Montreal from a manufacturing and trading point in L a few brief years". Yet, there was another picture of Toronto which was less attractive. The squalor and misery which characterized the lives of the poor, living in shabby dwellings and struggling to keep 2 their families clothed and fed, revealed an underside to the comfort and prosperity of the city. For those unemployed who had no prospect of regular work, life in the city was a trying ex• perience, particularly in the winter months. During this season, many families had to subsist on the food, fuel and clothing provided by charitable institutions. Both of these conditions, poverty and prosperity, provided a challenge to Toronto in the 1890's. The presence of economic hardship amidst this material progress stirred the conscience of the community. A Christian sense of duty and a fear that a dispossessed class would threaten the balance of society, prompted citizens to provide assistance for the city's poor. To ensure the continued expansion and growth of the city it was deemed necessary that civic institutions operate at maximum efficiency. Similarly, the provision of high quality and inexpensive services was another requirement for the city's prosperous development. In order to discover how Toronto responded to the challenge posed by these questions, three specific issues were selected for consideration} relief for the poor, municipal reform, and public ownership. Each of these topics was of great importance to Toronto and, as such, merit: independent consideration. The diverse nature of these issues precludes a detailed comparative study of municipal reform, public ownership and aid for the poor. How• ever, it is possible to detect a general underlying theme which motivated those who took part in the discussion of these questions. This will be set out in the conclusion. 3 From the information compiled hy the charitable societies, and listed in the city's newspapers, it is possible to present a general impression of the degree of hardship in the city. The presence of this hardship brought a response from various sections of the community; women, labour, businessmen, lawyers, professors, and social reformers. The attitudes of these groups will be examined along with their efforts to promote discrimination be• tween the worthy and unworthy poor in the distribution of relief, and efforts to provide employment for those out of work. The undercurrent of violence which accompanied the persistence of hardship in the city, as demonstrated by the meetings, marches, and rhetoric of the unemployed will also be examined as it added a sense of urgency to the consideration of possible solutions. Though the Laurier boom finally eased the situation in Toronto, the efforts of concerned citizens provide an insight into early attempts to respond to problems associated with a modern city. The most important institution in directing the affairs of Toronto was City Council. In 1890, Council consisted of 39 alder• men representing 13 wards. The waste, jobbery, and expense which was a feature of this cumbersome system, prompted citizens, especially the ratepayers, to demand a reformed system of municipal government. With a division of executive and legislative functions, the former to a small civic cabinet and the latter to a reduced Council, it was felt the conduct of civic affairs could be im• proved and a better class of men encouraged to run for aldermanic office.