Pakistan Elections 2007-2008: Key Players
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Islamist Politics in South Asia After the Arab Spring: Parties and Their Proxies Working With—And Against—The State
RETHINKING POLITICAL ISLAM SERIES August 2015 Islamist politics in South Asia after the Arab Spring: Parties and their proxies working with—and against—the state WORKING PAPER Matthew J. Nelson, SOAS, University of London SUMMARY: Mainstream Islamist parties in Pakistan such as the Jama’at-e Islami and the Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam have demonstrated a tendency to combine the gradualism of Brotherhood-style electoral politics with dawa (missionary) activities and, at times, support for proxy militancy. As a result, Pakistani Islamists wield significant ideological influence in Pakistan, even as their electoral success remains limited. About this Series: The Rethinking Political Islam series is an innovative effort to understand how the developments following the Arab uprisings have shaped—and in some cases altered—the strategies, agendas, and self-conceptions of Islamist movements throughout the Muslim world. The project engages scholars of political Islam through in-depth research and dialogue to provide a systematic, cross-country comparison of the trajectory of political Islam in 12 key countries: Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Syria, Jordan, Libya, Pakistan, as well as Malaysia and Indonesia. This is accomplished through three stages: A working paper for each country, produced by an author who has conducted on-the-ground research and engaged with the relevant Islamist actors. A reaction essay in which authors reflect on and respond to the other country cases. A final draft incorporating the insights gleaned from the months of dialogue and discussion. The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. -
Political Development, the People's Party of Pakistan and the Elections of 1970
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 1973 Political development, the People's Party of Pakistan and the elections of 1970. Meenakshi Gopinath University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Gopinath, Meenakshi, "Political development, the People's Party of Pakistan and the elections of 1970." (1973). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2461. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2461 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FIVE COLLEGE DEPOSITORY POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT, THE PEOPLE'S PARTY OF PAKISTAN AND THE ELECTIONS OF 1970 A Thesis Presented By Meenakshi Gopinath Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS June 1973 Political Science POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT, THE PEOPLE'S PARTY OF PAKISTAN AND THE ELECTIONS OF 1970 A Thesis Presented By Meenakshi Gopinath Approved as to style and content hy: Prof. Anwar Syed (Chairman of Committee) f. Glen Gordon (Head of Department) Prof. Fred A. Kramer (Member) June 1973 ACKNOWLEDGMENT My deepest gratitude is extended to my adviser, Professor Anwar Syed, who initiated in me an interest in Pakistani poli- tics. Working with such a dedicated educator and academician was, for me, a totally enriching experience. I wish to ex- press my sincere appreciation for his invaluable suggestions, understanding and encouragement and for synthesizing so beautifully the roles of Friend, Philosopher and Guide. -
10 Pakistan's Nuclear Program
10 PAKISTAN’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM Laying the groundwork for impunity C. Christine Fair Contemporary analysts of Pakistan’s nuclear program speciously assert that Pakistan began acquiring a nuclear weapons capability after the 1971 war with India in which Pakistan was vivisected. In this conventional account, India’s 1974 nuclear tests gave Pakistan further impetus for its program.1 In fact, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan’s first popularly elected prime minister, ini- tiated the program in the late 1960s despite considerable opposition from Pakistan’s first military dictator General Ayub Khan (henceforth Ayub). Bhutto presciently began arguing for a nuclear weapons program as early as 1964 when China detonated its nuclear devices at Lop Nor and secured its position as a permanent nuclear weapons state under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT). Considering China’s test and its defeat of India in the 1962 Sino–Indian war, Bhutto reasoned that India, too, would want to develop a nuclear weapon. He also knew that Pakistan’s civilian nuclear program was far behind India’s, which predated independence in 1947. Notwithstanding these arguments, Ayub opposed acquiring a nuclear weapon both because he believed it would be an expensive misadventure and because he worried that doing so would strain Pakistan’s western alliances, formalized through the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) and the South-East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). Ayub also thought Pakistan would be able to buy a nuclear weapon “off the shelf” from one of its allies if India acquired one first.2 With the army opposition obstructing him, Bhutto was unable to make any significant nuclear headway until 1972, when Pakistan’s army lay in disgrace after losing East Pakistan in its 1971 war with India. -
Comparative Constitutional Law SPRING 2012
Comparative Constitutional Law SPRING 2012 PROFESSOR STEPHEN J. SCHNABLY Office: G472 http://osaka.law.miami.edu/~schnably/courses.html Tel.: 305-284-4817 E-mail: [email protected] SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS: TABLE OF CONTENTS Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 S.C.R. 217 .................................................................1 Supreme Court Act, R.S.C., 1985, c. S-26. An Act respecting the Supreme Court of Canada................................................................................................................................11 INS v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919 (1983) .............................................................................................12 Kenya Timeline..............................................................................................................................20 Laurence Juma, Ethnic Politics and the Constitutional Review Process in Kenya, 9 Tulsa J. Comp. & Int’l L. 471 (2002) ..........................................................................................23 Mary L. Dudziak, Working Toward Democracy: Thurgood Marshall and the Constitution of Kenya, 56 Duke L.J. 721 (2006)....................................................................................26 Laurence Juma, Ethnic Politics and the Constitutional Review Process in Kenya, 9 Tulsa J. Comp. & Int’l L. 471 (2002) .......................................................................................34 Migai Akech, Abuse of Power and Corruption in Kenya: Will the New Constitution Enhance Government -
Pakistan – NWFP – Jamaat-I-Islami – PPP – Political Violence
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: PAK30102 Country: Pakistan Date: 11 April 2006 Keywords: Pakistan – NWFP – Jamaat-i-Islami – PPP – Political Violence This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Have there been any reports of significant political violence in the NWFP involving the Jamaat and the PPP since 2001? RESPONSE 1. Have there been any reports of significant political violence in the NWFP involving the Jamaat and the PPP since 2001? Jamaat and the PPP – reports of violence post-2001 Only two reports could be located in reference to the occurrence of significant political violence between the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and the Jamaat-i-Islami (Jamaat or JI) in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) in recent times. Reporting on the situation in the NWFP during the local elections in August 2005: • A Pakistan Times bulletin states that “activists of PPP and Jamaat-i-Islami [were said to have] entered into clashes on the premises of Primary School Ghorkai and opened crossfire [sic]. The clash claimed two lives and injured another” (‘Polls-related Violence: LB Elections take 33 Lives in Pakistan’ 2005, The Pakistan Times, 26 August http://www.pakistantimes.net/2005/08/26/top.htm – Accessed 6 March 2006 – Attachment 1); • A Dawn bulletin states that “[w]orkers of People’s Party Parliamentarians (PPP) and Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) [had] clashed in union council Banda Gai of tehsil Talash in Lower Dir, but police intervened and brought the situation under control” (‘Low turnout, thin women attendance in NWFP’ 2005, Dawn website, 25 August http://www.dawn.com/2005/08/26/nat1.htm – Accessed 6 March 2006 – Attachment 2). -
US Foreign Policy in Pakistan
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2015 U.S. Foreign Policy in Pakistan: Bringing Pakistan Into Line with American Counterterrorism Interests Henry E. Appel Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Appel, Henry E., "U.S. Foreign Policy in Pakistan: Bringing Pakistan Into Line with American Counterterrorism Interests" (2015). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 1117. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1117 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CLAREMONT MCKENNA COLLEGE U.S. FOREIGN POLICY IN PAKISTAN: BRINGING PAKISTAN INTO LINE WITH AMERICAN COUNTERTERRORISM INTERESTS SUBMITTED TO PROFESSOR JENNIFER TAW AND DEAN NICHOLAS WARNER BY HENRY E. APPEL FOR SENIOR THESIS FALL 2014/SPRING 2015 APRIL 27, 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements..........................................................................................................5 Abstract............................................................................................................................6 1 – Introduction...............................................................................................................7 Organization..........................................................................................................8 2 – Realism, The Filter Effect and the U.S. Foreign Policy in Pakistan...................12 -
2009 Helping-Pakistan-Defeat-The
© 2009 Institute for Social Policy and Understanding All Rights Reserved No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding. The Institute for Social Policy and Understanding normally does not take institutional positions on public policy issues. The views presented here do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute, its staff, or trustees. ABOUT THE AUTHOR H A IDER A LI H USSEIN M ULLICK , ISPU F ELLOW Haider Ali Hussein Mullick is a fellow at the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding (ISPU), a senior fellow at the Joint Special Operations University (JSOU), and conducts research on American foreign policy toward South Asia and the Middle East. During his career, he has focused on American-Pakistani relations and broader issues of security; socio- economics; and the geopolitics of Pakistan, Afghanistan, and South Asia. He is the author of a forthcoming book-length monograph: Pakistan’s Security Paradox: Countering and Fomenting Insurgencies. In addition, Haider has conducted research at the Brookings Institution’s Foreign Policy Studies (U.S.-Pakistan Relations), the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars (Pakistan’s Political Economy and Reviving Failed States), and the Hudson Institute’s Center on Islam, Democracy, and the Future of the Muslim World (Madrassa Education and Links to Islamist Militancy). Haider’s editorials have appeared in Newsweek, The Washington Post, Foreign Policy Magazine, The Nation (Pakistan), The Daily Times, The News International, The Times of India, Indian Express, Gulf News, and Pakistan Link. -
List of Election Symbols Allotted to Political Parties
116 Election Symbols Alloted to political parties 1 Aam Admi Tehreek Pakistan Mug 181 2 Aam Awam Party Wheat Bunch 322 3 Aam loeg Ittehad Pencil 196 4 Aam Log Party Pakistan Hut 144 5 All Pakistan Kissan ittehad Bulllock Cart 41 6 All Pakistan Minority Movement Pakistan Giraffe 122 7 All Pakistan Muslim League Eagle 93 8 All Pakistan Muslim League (Jinnah) Bicycle 27 9 All Pakistan Tehreek Boat 30 10 Allah-O-Akbar Tehreek Chair 55 11 Amun Taraqqi Party Tyre 309 12 Awam League Human Hand 143 13 Awami Justice Party Pakistan Tumbler 303 14 Awami Muslim League Pakistan Ink pot with Pen 146 15 Awami National Party Lantern 162 16 Awami Party Pakistan-S Aeroplane 2 17 Awami Workers Party Bulb 40 18 Balochistan Awami Party Cow 70 19 Balochistan National Party Axe 14 20 Balochistan National Party(Awami) Camel 49 21 Barabri Party Pakistan Pen 195 22 Front National Pakistan Unity 311 23 Grand Democratic Alliance Star 259 24 Hazara Democratic Party Crescent 72 25 Humdardan-e-Watan Pakistan Coat 61 26 Islami Jamhoori Ittehad Pakistan Football 108 27 Islami Tehreek Pakistan Two Sword 307 28 Ittehad-e-Ummat Pakistan Energy Saver 99 29 Jamat-e-Islami Pakistan Scale 232 30 Jamhoori Watan Party Wheel 323 31 Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Nazaryati Pakistan Takhti 274 32 Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Pakistan Book 31 33 Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan (Noorani) Key 154 34 Jamiat Ulma-e-Islam Pakistan (Imam Chitrali Cap 59 Noorani) 35 Jamiyat Ulema-e-Islam Pakistan(S) Ladder 161 36 Jamote Qaumi Movement Electric Pol 95 37 Jannat Pakistan Party Fountain 111 38 Majlis Wahdat-e-Muslimeen -
Read Book Speaking Like a State Language and Nationalism In
SPEAKING LIKE A STATE LANGUAGE AND NATIONALISM IN PAKISTAN 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Alyssa Ayres | 9781107404434 | | | | | Speaking Like a State Language and Nationalism in Pakistan 1st edition PDF Book The real reason for the opposition between Hindus and Muslims was the Urdu language. Indonesians consider their year of independence. Here again we can see the tension between the idea of a pure Pakistani nation versus the idea of an amalgamation of parts. Indeed, the number of quality books published in Punjabi is miniscule, although due to the Punjabiyat efforts the numbers are slowly increasing. Pakistan does not have diplomatic relations with Israel ; [] nonetheless, some Israeli citizens have visited the country on tourist visas. Oxford: Clarendon Press, Access to national power and administrative office, even in East Pakistan, for example, was enhanced solely by command of English and Urdu and not by Bengali. Yet if we ask this same question from another vantage point, that of speakers of a minority language within the linguistically-demarcated states, we do find that the majoritarian language hegemony Patel, Sitaramaya, and Nehru worried about has come to pass. Of course, two moments in the pre-Independence history had lain some of the groundwork for Indonesian to emerge with the possibility of becoming a national language. These divergent histories can be explained by looking more carefully at the language ideologies governing the national language projects in each country. The analysis also suggests ways the movement offers alternatives to the end-game logic that has bedeviled thinking about language and cultural nationalism in recent times. These three largest states to emerge from colonial rule, accounting for some one-quarter of humanity, pursued very different policies in the pursuit of national identity formation. -
Pakistan Response Towards Terrorism: a Case Study of Musharraf Regime
PAKISTAN RESPONSE TOWARDS TERRORISM: A CASE STUDY OF MUSHARRAF REGIME By: SHABANA FAYYAZ A thesis Submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Political Science and International Studies The University of Birmingham May 2010 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The ranging course of terrorism banishing peace and security prospects of today’s Pakistan is seen as a domestic effluent of its own flawed policies, bad governance, and lack of social justice and rule of law in society and widening gulf of trust between the rulers and the ruled. The study focused on policies and performance of the Musharraf government since assuming the mantle of front ranking ally of the United States in its so called ‘war on terror’. The causes of reversal of pre nine-eleven position on Afghanistan and support of its Taliban’s rulers are examined in the light of the geo-strategic compulsions of that crucial time and the structural weakness of military rule that needed external props for legitimacy. The flaws of the response to the terrorist challenges are traced to its total dependence on the hard option to the total neglect of the human factor from which the thesis develops its argument for a holistic approach to security in which the people occupy a central position. -
Choosing Sides and Guiding Policy United States’ and Pakistan’S Wars in Afghanistan
UNIVERSITY OF FLORDA Choosing Sides and Guiding Policy United States’ and Pakistan’s Wars in Afghanistan Azhar Merchant 4/24/2019 Table of Contents I. Introduction… 2 II. Political Settlement of the Mujahedeen War… 7 III. The Emergence of the Taliban and the Lack of U.S. Policy… 27 IV. The George W. Bush Administration… 50 V. Conclusion… 68 1 I. Introduction Forty years of war in Afghanistan has encouraged the most extensive periods of diplomatic and military cooperation between the United States and Pakistan. The communist overthrow of a relatively peaceful Afghan government and the subsequent Soviet invasion in 1979 prompted the United States and Pakistan to cooperate in funding and training Afghan mujahedeen in their struggle against the USSR. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Afghanistan entered a period of civil war throughout the 1990s that nurtured Islamic extremism, foreign intervention, and the rise of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda, ultimately culminating in the devastating attacks against Americans on September 11th. Seventeen years later, the United States continues its war in Afghanistan while its relationship with Pakistan has deteriorated to an all-time low. The mutual fear of Soviet expansionism was the unifying cause for Americans and Pakistanis to work together in the 1980s, yet as the wars in Afghanistan evolved, so did the countries’ respective aims and objectives.1 After the Soviets were successfully pushed out of the region by the mujahedeen, the United States felt it no longer had any reason to stay. The initial policy aim of destabilizing the USSR through prolonged covert conflict in Afghanistan was achieved. -
Monitoring of PTV Shows Pro-Musharraf Bias
Monitoring of PTV Shows Pro-Musharraf Bias Human Rights Watch monitored television election coverage in three phases prior to elections: December 19-26, 2007; January 7-14, 2008; and February 7-10, 2008. During the monitoring periods, Human Rights Watch documented election-related content in the main news bulletins of the three most popular 24-hour Urdu-language news channels, Aaj TV, ARY One World, and Geo News (on the internet until it was restored on air), as well as the state-owned Pakistan Television (PTV) news. Periodically, monitors noted details of news bulletins on other cable channels like Dawn News (English), Business Plus, and Indus News. The bulletins were not recorded. Human Rights Watch documented the start time of each news story and noted statements of officials and political leaders. The documentation focused on details of elections and campaign news, noted whether the coverage included a video or audio clip of a leader, noted party affiliation, and noted whether the news was provided with a voiceover comment. The monitoring included observations of any unusual news or change in programming. Advertisement and promotional breaks were also noted along with the name of the party sponsoring campaign advertisements. Human Rights Watch has on several occasions noted President Pervez Musharraf’s attempts to control and censor independent news channels. With only 30 out of every 1,000 Pakistanis estimated to read the newspapers, the electronic media plays a particularly critical role in the pre-electoral and electoral process. In an election period, state television has a particularly great responsibility to act impartially and provide fair coverage and access to all political parties.