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Barriers to Integration: Institutionalized Boundaries and the Spatial Structure of Residential Segregation*
Barriers to Integration: Institutionalized Boundaries and the Spatial Structure of Residential Segregation* Elizabeth Roberto Princeton University Jackelyn Hwang Princeton University Abstract Despite modest declines in residential segregation levels since the Civil Rights Era, segregation remains a defining feature of the U.S. landscape. We use population data and corresponding shapefiles from the 2010 decennial census and a novel approach to measuring and analyzing segregation that allows us to incorporate physical barriers and municipal boundaries. We show how physical barriers in urban space and municipal boundaries that separate central cities from surrounding suburbs contribute to higher levels of residential segregation across 14 U.S. cities. The findings demonstrate an important mechanism that exacerbates residential segregation for city residents and contributes to its persistence. Keywords: segregation, boundaries, race and ethnicity, cities, methods * Direct correspondence to Elizabeth Roberto, Department of Sociology, Princeton University, 108 Wallace Hall, Princeton, NJ 08544; email: [email protected]. The authors thank Julia Adams, Richard Breen, Jacob Faber, Scott Page, Andrew Papachristos, and Jacob Rugh for helpful feedback. This research was supported in part by the James S. McDonnell Foundation Postdoctoral Fellowship Award in Studying Complex Systems, the facilities and staff of the Yale University Faculty of Arts and Sciences High Performance Computing Center, and the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health & Human Development of the National Institutes of Health (NIH; Grant No. T32HD007163). Barriers to Integration: Institutionalized Boundaries and the Spatial Structure of Residential Segregation A long line of research shows that residential segregation by race—the extent to which racial groups reside in distinct places—plays an important role in perpetuating racial stratification in the U.S. -
High School Voter Registration FAQ
High School Voter Registration FAQ Do you need to be 18 years old to register to vote? No. Although laws vary from state to state, all states let at least some 17 year olds register. Most states only require that a person be at least 18 years of age by the next election. Some set more specific deadlines, such as 17 years and six months, and two states, Florida and Hawaii, even allow people to register at 16 years of age. Do some places already use this type of registration system? Although the 1993 National Voter Registration Act increased access to voter registration materials, governments in the United States still do little to educate voters or encourage voter participation. While many of these other governments use other government records such as a national citizen registry, basing a registration system in high schools is more practical in the United States due to the decentralized nature of our electoral system. Does High School Registration work at either the state or local level? Yes. While it would be great to have entire states using this system, local governments have the authority to implement high school registration at a local level. Local programs would potentially increase participation in local elections, especially ones that directly affect schools, and could also serve as a pilot program for implementation at the state level. I like the idea of helping high school students register to vote; however, I am uncomfortable with making registration a requirement. First of all, remember that compulsory registration is not the same as compulsory voting. -
Women and the Presidency
Women and the Presidency By Cynthia Richie Terrell* I. Introduction As six women entered the field of Democratic presidential candidates in 2019, the political media rushed to declare 2020 a new “year of the woman.” In the Washington Post, one political commentator proclaimed that “2020 may be historic for women in more ways than one”1 given that four of these woman presidential candidates were already holding a U.S. Senate seat. A writer for Vox similarly hailed the “unprecedented range of solid women” seeking the nomination and urged Democrats to nominate one of them.2 Politico ran a piece definitively declaring that “2020 will be the year of the woman” and went on to suggest that the “Democratic primary landscape looks to be tilted to another woman presidential nominee.”3 The excited tone projected by the media carried an air of inevitability: after Hillary Clinton lost in 2016, despite receiving 2.8 million more popular votes than her opponent, ever more women were running for the presidency. There is a reason, however, why historical inevitably has not yet been realized. Although Americans have selected a president 58 times, a man has won every one of these contests. Before 2019, a major party’s presidential debates had never featured more than one woman. Progress toward gender balance in politics has moved at a glacial pace. In 1937, seventeen years after passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, Gallup conducted a poll in which Americans were asked whether they would support a woman for president “if she were qualified in every other respect?”4 * Cynthia Richie Terrell is the founder and executive director of RepresentWomen, an organization dedicated to advancing women’s representation and leadership in the United States. -
The New Orleans That Race Built: Racism, Disaster, and Urban Spatial Relationships Darwin Bondgraham
This article was downloaded by:[University of California Los Angeles] On: 31 January 2008 Access Details: [subscription number 769788043] Publisher: Taylor & Francis Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Souls A Critical Journal of Black Politics, Culture, and Society Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713723579 The New Orleans that Race Built: Racism, Disaster, and Urban Spatial Relationships Darwin BondGraham Online Publication Date: 01 December 2007 To cite this Article: BondGraham, Darwin (2007) 'The New Orleans that Race Built: Racism, Disaster, and Urban Spatial Relationships', Souls, 9:1, 4 - 18 To link to this article: DOI: 10.1080/10999940701224874 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999940701224874 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article maybe used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. -
4 Comparative Law and Constitutional Interpretation in Singapore: Insights from Constitutional Theory 114 ARUN K THIRUVENGADAM
Evolution of a Revolution Between 1965 and 2005, changes to Singapore’s Constitution were so tremendous as to amount to a revolution. These developments are comprehensively discussed and critically examined for the first time in this edited volume. With its momentous secession from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965, Singapore had the perfect opportunity to craft a popularly-endorsed constitution. Instead, it retained the 1958 State Constitution and augmented it with provisions from the Malaysian Federal Constitution. The decision in favour of stability and gradual change belied the revolutionary changes to Singapore’s Constitution over the next 40 years, transforming its erstwhile Westminster-style constitution into something quite unique. The Government’s overriding concern with ensuring stability, public order, Asian values and communitarian politics, are not without their setbacks or critics. This collection strives to enrich our understanding of the historical antecedents of the current Constitution and offers a timely retrospective assessment of how history, politics and economics have shaped the Constitution. It is the first collaborative effort by a group of Singapore constitutional law scholars and will be of interest to students and academics from a range of disciplines, including comparative constitutional law, political science, government and Asian studies. Dr Li-ann Thio is Professor of Law at the National University of Singapore where she teaches public international law, constitutional law and human rights law. She is a Nominated Member of Parliament (11th Session). Dr Kevin YL Tan is Director of Equilibrium Consulting Pte Ltd and Adjunct Professor at the Faculty of Law, National University of Singapore where he teaches public law and media law. -
Urban Racial Segregation Measures Comparison
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Texas A&M Repository URBAN RACIAL SEGREGATION MEASURES COMPARISON A Thesis by JAMIL DJONIE Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF URBAN PLANNING December 2009 Major Subject: Urban and Regional Planning URBAN RACIAL SEGREGATION MEASURES COMPARISON A Thesis by JAMIL DJONIE Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF URBAN PLANNING Approved by: Chair of Committee, Shannon Van Zandt Committee Members, Douglas Wunneburger Rosangela Sviercoski Head of Department, Forster Ndubisi December 2009 Major Subject: Urban and Regional Planning iii ABSTRACT Urban Racial Segregation Measures Comparison. (December 2009) Jamil Djonie, B. S, Parahyangan Catholic University, Indonesia Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. Shannon Van Zandt Urban racial segregation has been a problem to many U.S. cities. Many researchers have interested on the urban segregation issues since long time ago. To understand and plan a better community, urban planners needs to know how to measure the segregation and interpret the results. However, over the past several decades, many scientists have proposed many types of urban segregation measures. Although a few of them are commonly used nowadays, this doesn’t mean the other measures are not appropriate. Disregarding the fact that some of the measures are mostly used or easily calculated this paper attempts to gather many of the proposed and the most discussed measures for comparison. -
Appendix A: Electoral Rules
Appendix A: Electoral Rules Table A.1 Electoral Rules for Italy’s Lower House, 1948–present Time Period 1948–1993 1993–2005 2005–present Plurality PR with seat Valle d’Aosta “Overseas” Tier PR Tier bonus national tier SMD Constituencies No. of seats / 6301 / 32 475/475 155/26 617/1 1/1 12/4 districts Election rule PR2 Plurality PR3 PR with seat Plurality PR (FPTP) bonus4 (FPTP) District Size 1–54 1 1–11 617 1 1–6 (mean = 20) (mean = 6) (mean = 4) Note that the acronym FPTP refers to First Past the Post plurality electoral system. 1The number of seats became 630 after the 1962 constitutional reform. Note the period of office is always 5 years or less if the parliament is dissolved. 2Imperiali quota and LR; preferential vote; threshold: one quota and 300,000 votes at national level. 3Hare Quota and LR; closed list; threshold: 4% of valid votes at national level. 4Hare Quota and LR; closed list; thresholds: 4% for lists running independently; 10% for coalitions; 2% for lists joining a pre-electoral coalition, except for the best loser. Ballot structure • Under the PR system (1948–1993), each voter cast one vote for a party list and could express a variable number of preferential votes among candidates of that list. • Under the MMM system (1993–2005), each voter received two separate ballots (the plurality ballot and the PR one) and cast two votes: one for an individual candidate in a single-member district; one for a party in a multi-member PR district. • Under the PR-with-seat-bonus system (2005–present), each voter cast one vote for a party list. -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses Educational Exclusion under an Ethnocratic State: The Case of East Jerusalem NUSEIBEH, RAWAN,AHMAD,FARID How to cite: NUSEIBEH, RAWAN,AHMAD,FARID (2013) Educational Exclusion under an Ethnocratic State: The Case of East Jerusalem, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9407/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Educational Exclusion under an Ethnocratic State: The Case of East Jerusalem A Dissertation Presented By Rawan Asaly Nuseibeh To The School of Applied Social Sciences For The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In The Subject of Sociology and Social Policy Durham University 2013 1 Abstract The political conflict over the city of Jerusalem results in the breach of Palestinian Jerusalemites civil, political and social rights. Israel claims sovereignty over East Jerusalem. However, it neglects its duty in providing adequate educational services to the Palestinian residents of the city. -
Another Consideration in Minority Vote Dilution Remedies: Rent
Another C onsideration in Minority Vote Dilution Remedies : Rent -Seeking ALAN LOCKARD St. Lawrence University In some areas of the United States, racial and ethnic minorities have been effectively excluded from the democratic process by a variety of means, including electoral laws. In some instances, the Courts have sought to remedy this problem by imposing alternative voting methods, such as cumulative voting. I examine several voting methods with regard to their sensitivity to rent-seeking. Methods which are less sensitive to rent-seeking are preferred because they involve less social waste, and are less likely to be co- opted by special interest groups. I find that proportional representation methods, rather than semi- proportional ones, such as cumulative voting, are relatively insensitive to rent-seeking efforts, and thus preferable. I also suggest that an even less sensitive method, the proportional lottery, may be appropriate for use within deliberative bodies, where proportional representation is inapplicable and minority vote dilution otherwise remains an intractable problem. 1. INTRODUCTION When President Clinton nominated Lani Guinier to serve in the Justice Department as Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights, an opportunity was created for an extremely valuable public debate on the merits of alternative voting methods as solutions to vote dilution problems in the United States. After Prof. Guinier’s positions were grossly mischaracterized in the press,1 the President withdrew her nomination without permitting such a public debate to take place.2 These issues have been discussed in academic circles,3 however, 1 Bolick (1993) charges Guinier with advocating “a complex racial spoils system.” 2 Guinier (1998) recounts her experiences in this process. -
Liors Phd Bw Changes.Indd
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) The modular security toolbox Assembling state and citizenship in Jerusalem Volinz, L. Publication date 2019 Document Version Other version License Other Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Volinz, L. (2019). The modular security toolbox: Assembling state and citizenship in Jerusalem. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:28 Sep 2021 1. INTRODUCTION 1 INTRODUCTION In the summer days of 2014, East Jerusalem erupted in violence. Decades of gradual loss of land and denial of rights came to a head in July of that year, when Mohammed Abu Khdeir, a 16-year-old Palestinian boy from Jerusalem, was kidnapped and burned alive by Jewish-Israeli extremists. Then came the holy month of Ramadan; instead of the usual festive meals and family visits, the days and nights of Palestinian Jerusalemites were accompanied by television sets blaring news of the ongoing Israeli air- strikes and shelling of the Gaza Strip, where over 1500 Palestinian civil- ians were killed (Human Rights Watch 2015). -
City Council Election Methods in Order to Ensure That the Election Please Do Not Hesitate to Contact Us
The Center for Voting and Democracy City 6930 Carroll Avenue, Suite 610 – Takoma Park, MD 20912 Phone: (301) 270-4616 – Fax: (301) 270-4133 Council Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.fairvote.org Election This Manual is intended to assist Charter Review Comissions, city officials, and other community Methods leaders in determining what electoral systems will best meet the needs and goals of their community. Given that no system can accomplish every goal, this manual will help you analyze the INTRODUCTION consequences of adopting one system over The range of options that exists for electing a municipal government is broader than many people realize. Voting systems can have a another and will aid you in comparing the features striking impact on the type of candidates who run for office, how of various electoral systems. representative the council is, which candidates are elected, which parties control the city council, which voters feel well represented, Should you desire more information about any of and so on. This booklet is intended to aid in the evaluation of possible the voting systems discussed within this manual, city council election methods in order to ensure that the election please do not hesitate to contact us. method is determined by conscious choice, not inertia. A separate companion booklet, Mayoral Election Methods , deals with the selection of an executive. A summary of this booklet can be found in the city council election method evaluation grid at Page 11. 1 CRITERIA FOR EVALUATING CITY COUNCIL ELECTION METHODS 1. VOTER CHOICE Different election methods will encourage different numbers of It is important to recognize from the outset that no election candidates to run, and will thus impact the level of choice which method is perfect. -
Who Picks the President?
Who Picks the President? A report by FairVote – The Center for Voting and Democracy’s Presidential Elections Reform Program www.fairvote.org/presidential Executive Summary Who Picks the President? provides information on where major party presidential campaigns and allied groups spent money on television ads and where the major party candidates for president and vice-president traveled in the peak season of the 2004 campaign. This data is combined into an “attention index” that measures a state’s relative attention on a per capita basis. The results show that voters in seven states received the bulk of the attention, receiving more than four times the attention they would have received if every voter were treated equally. Voters in an additional seven states received more attention than the national average, while voters in 37 states (counting the District of Columbia) received less attention than the national average, including 19 states that received no attention at all. Among key findings: 1) The attention index for the 25 th -highest ranked state, Tennessee, was 0.04 – meaning voters in the median state received 1/25 th the attention of what they would have likely received if every voter were treated equally. 2) In per capita terms, the states receiving the most attention were Iowa, Ohio and New Hampshire. In absolute terms, the three states were Ohio, Florida and Pennsylvania. 3) 23 states had zero television ads, while just three states had more than 52% of all the ads shown during peak campaign season. Florida had 55,477 ads while California, New York and Texas had a combined total of only seven ads.