A quarterly scholarly journal and news magazine. September 2010. Vol III:3 REVIEW. Lexicon From the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES) of Expulsions Södertörn University, Stockholm BALTIC

W O Rbalticworlds.com L D S

My mother, the Red Countess Heritage of the von Humboldt brothers European peasant leaders The seven Gorbachev years poland in transition Solidarność – despite reservations Income disparities

reports & commentaries

ukrainan avantgarde / Hungary’s counter-revolution / Esa-Pekka Salonen & co. / Diving in inland seas 2short takes

Clipping. New section on Available for On the expansion the Web site. research. of the EU Election coverage Stasi-Data

The EU was once a cosy club tion and lots of harmoni- The Supreme Administrative Court of western European countries. sation – including that old of Sweden has agreed that Profes- ”Now 27-strong, stretching from dream of the left, a Euro- sor Birgitta Almgren, of Södertörn the Baltic to Cyprus and taking in ten pean minimum wage. University, and author of the book Inte ex-communist countries, the union’s Even in a negative bara Stasi... [Not only the Stasi...], shall best justification may be as a means of scenario, such voices be allowed to examine the so-called managing globalisation. would struggle to win Rosenholz files, which catalog the con- The free-market liberals, the en- all their arguments: en- tacts the East German secret service larged union’s size and diversity is itself largement has given the At the end of July and early August, ICCEES’s had in Sweden during the time of the an advantage. By taking in eastern newcomers a big say, eighth international conference took place in Stock- GDR. Almgren was thus vindicated in countries with lower labour costs and and they are not about to holm. Professor Archie Brown’s keynote speech the end. workers who are far more mobile than harmonise away all their is contained in this issue of BW and can be found, The Swedish court has thus come their westerns cousins, the EU in effect advantages. In private along with the entire opening ceremony, at to a different ruling than the Supreme brought globalisation within its own even French politicians www.balticworlds.com. Mikhail Gorbachev’s greet- Administrative Court of Finland in a borders. For economic liberals, that know they need cheaper ing to the congress was accompanied by a discussion similar case. flexibility and dynamism offers Europé’s eastern manufacturing, in which, among others, the ambassador to Moscow Analyses of the case can be found at best chance of survival. too. But if growth does during the Reagan and Bush administrations, Jack www.balticworlds.com. ≈ But, for another camp, involving not return resonably Matlock, participated. As he did twenty years ago, Europe’s left (and more or less the soon, the voices against Ambassador Matlock expressed his regret that a entire French political class), the point free markets will grow federative state entity was not able to be created out Latvia. Another of Europé is to keep globalisation at even louder.” ≈ of the former Soviet territory. bay, or at least curb its power. Ac- On www.balticworlds.com there is a discussion “occupation”? cording to this thinking, single nations The Economist connected to Lennart Samuelson’s review (BW III: 2) According to a claim reported in the are too small to maintain high-cost July 10, 2010 of Andrei Zubov’s large work about twentieth-century Swedish daily Svenska Dagbladet social-welfare models in the face of Russian history. And Thomas Lundén reports from (September 15, 2010), the Latvian global competition. But the EU, with its the international symposium on “The Management of oligarch Ainars Slesers, who wants to 500m people, is big enough to asser a Lost Vision” (see BW III: 2). become his country’s next prime the supremacy of political will over Starting in the fall of 2010, the Web site will contain minister, promises to end what he calls market forces. For such politicians, Eu- a special section with analysis and commentary of the financial occupation of Latvia: ropean diversity is a problem because general elections that have taken place in countries “Our economy is controlled from it undermines the most advanced within BW’s area of focus. Ann-Cathrine Jungar, abroad”, he says, “primarily by Swedish (meaning expen- research director at CBEES, is arranging this. banks. I did not like being dominated sive) social models. In November, the first Baltic Worlds Annual Round- by the Soviet Union, now we are domi- Such competition table will be organized, on the theme of energy policy nated by the Swedes. I don’t like that must be curbed with in the Baltic Sea region. The theme will be covered in either.” restrictions on labour the year’s final issue of BW (III: 4). Slesers believes that banks such as migration from estern Baltic Worlds is a freely distributed, quarterly Swedbank, SEB and Nordea “have too Europé, subsidies for journal. Subscriptions can be made through much control”. ≈ rich-country produc- www.balticworlds.com. ≈

Russian media. Tools of power

he Aleksanteri Series has dedi- protect their own interests. ing to Minna-Mari Salminen however, civil society, their role in assessing cated its fourth edition in 2009 to In 2001, eleven years after Russia Russian researchers have a somewhat government authorities has no roots in Tthe media market in Russia. As passed a law guaranteeing freedom of different analysis of the development. Russian history. Part of what becomes everyone knows, the media were used the press, the state seemed once again Since the state took over ownership, clear in this anthology is that Russia as a propaganda tool during the Soviet to be taking control of the major channels private media moguls are making it dif- has not adopted the Western system, period. This way of using the media did and newspapers. It was in 2001 that ficult for people from using the media to where the media play an active role not end with the collapse of commu- Gazprom took over NTV. In the West, re- strengthen their own position. There is in the support of the establishment of nism and the privatization of the media. searchers like Lipman and McFaul con- a difference between private ownership democracy. ≈ TV channels and the major newspa- tend that this was an attack on freedom in order to pursue one’s own purposes, pers were the investment targets for of the press and a manifestation of Rus- and a defense of an independent press Reference: Perspectives to Media in the nouveau riche oligarchs who were sia’s increasingly becoming a controlled in a democracy in the making, according Russia: “Western” Interests and Rus- quick to use that leverage for their own democracy. They called for a free, inde- to Russian researchers. sian Developments, Aleksanteri Series purposes, to burnish their image and pendent press, as in the West. Accord- Even though the media are part of 4:2009 BALTIC editorial 3

W O R L Dbalticworlds.com S Sponsored by the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies Swings of the pendulum

a quarterly scholarly journal and news magazine. september 2010. vol iii:3 revieW . lexicon From the centre for Baltic and east european studies (cBees) of expulsions södertörn university, stockholm BALTIC contents ntil 1933, Germany was the nation S D L R O W balticworlds.com feature of science and My mother, the re d co u n t e s s Heritage of the von Humboldt brothers european peasant leaders German was the th e s e v e n gorbachev years U poland in 4 Poland on the way up language of science. Research t r a n s i t i o n – a stratified society universities and modern tech- Solidarność – d e s p i t e reservations in c o m e nical colleges contributed as disparities reports institutions to Germany’s rapid industrial expansion in the reports & commentaries ukrainan avantgarde / Hungary’s counter-revolution / es a - P e k k a salonen & co. / diving in inland seas Communist with late 19th century. Chemistry, Editor-in-chief 17 a Lithuanian face electricity, and the natural Anders Björnsson sciences became areas of Editor 18 Pomerania, borderland knowledge with great strate- Ninna Mörner gic significance. Professors Publisher 19 Bridges over the Baltic Sea could frequently be found in Anu Mai Kõll the laboratories of corpora- Editorial advisory board 20 Folk music & mud baths tions. Professorial chair hold- Thomas Lundén, Board ers — the so-called mandarins Chair, CBEES, 27 Occupational therapy for — comprised a revered guild Sari Autio-Sarasmo, export both in the Empire and the Aleksanteri Institute, Weimar Republic. Not surpris- Helsinki, Ole essays ingly, German Nobel Prize Elgström, Lund winners predominated during University, Michael Gilek, 10 Sweden & Solidarity the first four decades of the CBEES, Ann-Cathrine 20thcentury. Jungar, CBEES, 22 Perestroika in focus The rise of Hitler triggered illustration: katrin stenmark Anu Mai Kõll, CBEES, an intellectual exodus that pri- Jens E. Olesen, 33 A Humboldtian bicentennial marily benefited the American academic community. Germany, France and Britain were the University of Greifswald The time was ripe for big projects, driven and spon- promised lands of the scientific experi- Editorial staff story sored by the military build-up. The Cold War trans- ment. Throughout the postwar period, in this issue formed the United States into a scientific superpower, especially from the 1980s, Europe has Péter Balogh, Brian 28 My mother’s European but even Russia, its arch rival, could claim a similar felt left in the dust and made awkward Manning Delaney, Peter odyssey status. Ironically, prominent nuclear physicist Andrei attempts to imitate the American elite Johnsson, Teresa Sakharov, icon of the Soviet dissident movement, was universities and research institutions in Kulawik, Michael reviews educated by the planned economy’s deliberate focus various respects. At the same time, the Lövtrup, Ann-Louise on advanced knowledge production, including mili- US is showing signs of losing its position Martin, Hanna 37 Expelled people tary knowledge. as the indisputable world leader in sci- Söderbaum, Hans Wolf ence, and today’s young Americans are Translators 40 Mobilized peasants And the situation today? The US retains its leadership posi- likely to be less well educated than their Proper English, tion, although over the past decade newcomers such predecessors. Semantix 42 Agrarian history as China and Brazil and, to a lesser extent, India, are moun- Design ting a challenge for supremacy even on this front. Russia, It is now 200 years since the first mo- Lars Rodvaldr, misc. however, since the dissolution of the Soviet system, dern university was founded in Berlin. Art Director, Oktavilla has fallen back. The scientific production of Russian Academic professions have grown ex- Sara Bergfors, Oktavilla 44 In brackish water academics is increasingly characterized by standards plosively during this time, worldwide. Cover art falling short of excellence, relatively speaking. (Finan- University-educated people played an Ragni Svensson commentary cial Times, January 26, 2010) Perhaps this can be attri- important role in the rise of socialist Illustrators buted to the big money that is made in capitalist Rus- movements, as well as in the fall of the Katrin Stenmark, 46 Hungarian cul-de-sac sia without the steady flood of innovations, although socialist systems. In the new Europe, Ragni Svensson the drain of scientific talent since 1991 is undoubtedly both East and West, where pluralism Subscription also a contributing factor. And when the Cold War en- is a virtue, the academic world is being Henriette Cederlöf ded, military strength ceased to have the same impact streamlined, shaped by the processes The next issue of BW is scheduled to as a spearhead and motivating force as in the past. that tend to bureaucratize scientific Printed by: be published in December 2010. communities. Wassberg+Skotte Contact BW at [email protected]. Is the swing of the pendulum relevant here? Until the Eagerly awaited liberation does not Tryckeri AB, Stockholm. Subscription is free. More information Renaissance in Europe, China was scientifically and always result in a desirable freedom for ISSN 2000-2955. at www.balticworlds.com. technically superior to all other powers. And before all. ≈ 4

Xxx. Xxx R agni svensson illustration: feature 5 Poland. Economic Growth, Income Disparities, and Inequality in a Transition Economy

It was sometime in the mid-1980s. The shops in Poland economist Angus Maddison presented a few simple adaptation to developments in Western Europe. The were emptier than ever. I stepped into a grocery store facts about this historical development, which ap- queues in the big cities now consist of customers wait- in Warsaw to interview a woman who stood in the ply not only to Poland, but the entire eastern part of ing in the checkout lines at foreign supermarkets such long queue, waiting for a meat shipment to arrive. The Europe and thus, with the exception of Malta, to all as Tesco, Billa, Carrefour, and Leclerc, or queues of woman was desperate, and in an agitated voice, she the countries that became members of the European Christmas shoppers in the large domestic media chain first hissed, and then shouted into the microphone: Union in 2004. Empik. Empty shelves are just a memory and on the “Vinegar, vinegar, vinegar! Vinegar!” If the 1950 GDP per capita in Eastern Europe was 46 southern outskirts of Warsaw, where friend to Poland I never tried to find out why. But during those percent of GDP per capita in Western Europe, a figure and entrepreneur Ingvar Kamprad brokeX groundxx years, vinegar was the only item that was never miss- largely unchanged since the late nineteenth century twenty years ago for the country’s first large IKEA ing in food stores. and, according to Maddison’s calculations, significant- store, an entire commercial centerxxxxx now sprawls on ly lower than in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eight- either side of the highway down to Katowice and the eenth centuries, in the late 1980s it had fallen to below border to the Czech Republic. A few years after I met the woman in the super- 30 percent of GDP per capita in Western Europe. market, Mieczysław F. Rakowski, Poland’s last com- For those in Poland who experienced the long munist prime minister, as well as the last first secre- queues outside and the empty shelves inside the The figures speak for themselves. Since 1992 tary of the Polish communist party, wrote in his diary stores during most of the 1980s, this figure comes as Poland has experienced steady — albeit with cyclical that the “younger generation throughout the socialist no surprise. It was this economic development, the ups and downs — positive GDP growth, which has ex- Eastern European countries associate progress with protests from the people, and ultimately the insight ceeded growth in the old and wealthier part of the EU the technology developed in the capitalist countries. of an enlightened strata of communist rulers, includ- (the EU-15). Between 1996 and 2008, average growth in This is hardly surprising, considering that all material ing Mieczyslaw F. Rakowski, about what happened Poland was 4.6 percent, compared with 2.2 percent in innovations — from radar, nylon, steelon, TVs, VCRs, from a historical perspective, that opened the way for the EU-15. During the crisis year of 2009, Poland was jeans, hot dogs, and much more — come from the a peaceful “dismantling” in 1989 of the “real existing the only EU country to post positive GDP growth. West. Meanwhile, among all the words adopted by socialism”. For the first time in perhaps five centuries, over the the international community, our innovations only past two decades Poland has begun to catch up to the account for two — sputnik and kozachok. The first wealthier parts of Europe. Germany’s GDP per capita word has nothing to do with people’s daily lives and Since then, we in the former eastern part of Eu- in 1992 was more than three times that of Poland, but the second is a dance that has become popular in the rope — specifically in East Central Europe — have been by 2008 Germany’s per capita GDP was only twice that salons of Paris.” living in a capitalist world, a part of the world referred of Poland. One year later, on December 11, 1988, Rakowski to even twenty years after the revolution as “transi- Other figures reflect increased prosperity. Infant concluded in his diary: “I am increasingly convinced tion economies”, characterized then and now by a mortality has fallen from 13.6 per thousand in 1995 to that the system established in Poland after World neoliberal approach to economic policy. In Poland 5.99 per thousand in 2007. Average life expectancy, War II has lost on a historic scale.” It is “necessary”, during the early 1990s, the country’s finance minister which in 1990 was 66.3 years for men and 75.3 years he wrote, “to replace it with a new and more efficient Leszek Balcerowicz, along with advisors from the for women, was 71.3 years for men and 80 for women system”. World Bank, left his mark on this economic policy. It in 2008. Although such statistics for Polish men still In many ways, Poland’s economic history over the was characterized by harsh austerity measures and an lag considerably behind that of men living in the West, past five centuries has involved constant unsuccessful almost total liberation of market forces. Polish women now live, on average, as long as Danish attempts to catch up with developments in Western As impossible as it was in Poland in the late 1980s women. The positive developments in Poland contrast Europe. The socialist experiment, which Hungarian and early 1990s to be blind to the devastating gap be- sharply with those during the same time in a country economic historian Ivan Berend (now living and work- tween East and West, it is equally impossible today not like Russia, where life expectancy actually dropped. ing in the United States), aptly entitled A Detour from to see with the naked eye the tremendous economic Perhaps after the fall of communism and with entry the Periphery to the Periphery, was just one of a series growth that has taken place since 1989. into the European Union, Poland has finally managed of such failures. New malls, new shopping centers, and new resi- to break the cycle and start the journey from the pe- In the long-term calculations from his book The dential areas for the expanding middle classes have riphery in toward the center of Europe. World Economy: A Millennial Perspective (2001), British sprung up, usually with architecture consistent with However, behind the general figures on progress

The Vinegar Society – it made the everyday sour and the repartee sharp. Sputnik – spectacular, inaccessible. 6

and development lurks another reality underscored “Increased income Polish zloty (PLN) for different occupational groups by a number of Polish economists and even more from the mid-1990s to late 2000s; see figure 3. sociologists: the increased economic growth has gone disparity since the fall hand in hand with increased economic and social of communism has disparities. The first groups in this tabulation increased their Some sociologists, such as Kazimierz M. Słom- placed Poland among wages by about four hundred percent, while other czyński, Krystyna Janicka, and Irina Tomescu-Du- the group of countries groups rose about three hundred percent. The high- brow, state that the increasing polarization of Polish est percentage increase in wages occurred in the first society has led to the disintegration of the social in today’s Europe in group, at 467 percent, almost exactly 400 percent structure that existed previously. Other sociologists, in the two groups compared with an increase of 293 such as Małgorzata Leszczyńska, find that the eco- which income percent among regular workers and 326 percent nomic gaps between different groups in society are inequality is greatest.” among skilled workers and exactly 300 percent among magnified in part by the large number of marginalized farmers, forestry workers, and fishermen. Thus these people who end up in poverty. Economist Jacek Koch- – Economist Jacek Kochanowicz figures show that income gaps that occurred during anowicz concludes in one of his studies that increased the initial “shock” period, the early 1990s, have subse- income differences since the fall of communism have quently increased. A senior supervisor in 1996 earned placed Poland among the group of countries in today’s 1.85 times more than a machine operator, but in 2008 Europe in which income inequality is greatest. Well- of the [shock of] the conversion of the economy in the the supervisor’s salary was 2.65 times higher than that known sociologist Maria Jarosz noted some years ago first half of the 1990s”. of the machine operator. in the introduction to a book about “winners and los- Another common way to measure wage distribu- The diagram of real wages between 1996 and 2006 ers in Polish social change” that “the costs of reform tion in society is to study the relationship between (figure 4) clearly shows the differences among occu- for some social groups have become intolerable”. the salaries of the tenth of income earners who are pational groups and groups with different levels of It is these growing economic disparities in Polish second-most well-paid and the tenth of income earn- education. society that are the focus of this article. As we shall ers who earn the least. This type of analysis divides These figures representing the development of real see, the answers to the questions asked are not always all wage earners in the country into ten numerically wages reveal who the “winners” are in the economic simple and obvious. equal groups, where D1 denotes the tenth of the popu- race in Poland in recent decades. If the Polish middle Communist Poland was poor compared with West- lation who earn the least, and D10 is the tenth of the class were to be defined today, it would primarily be ern Europe, but a surprising equality could be found population with the highest salary and D9 is thus the found among the first three occupational groups in within this poverty, and it was only a thin stratum of tenth of the population with the second highest salary. the table: community representatives, local officials, the relatively large so-called nomenklatura — i.e. those Figure 1 shows the relationship between D9 and D1, and supervisors, and to some extent in the fourth who held posts in society requiring Communist Party between D9 and D5, and between D5 and D1 in 30 Eu- group, technicians and mid-level personnel. It should approval — who maintained a normal Western Euro- ropean countries including Turkey. be stressed that they essentially share the standard of pean middle class standard of living. The vast majority The smallest income gap can be found in the four middle classes anywhere in West European society, of those belonging to the Polish nomenklatura could be Nordic countries, which comes as no surprise. In con- including Germany and the Nordic countries. found among the general egalitarian population. If any trast, among the seven countries with the largest pay When studying wage distribution in Polish society, section of society deviated negatively from the average, gap, Portugal is the lone exception in a group where we must remember that these figures refer to the aver- it was the independent farmers. Three million farmers, the others are new EU members from old Eastern age wage in each occupation. The picture becomes often with very small holdings, comprised this class and Europe. Nevertheless, the picture is far from clear- more complete when we look at the spread within together with their families accounted for almost one cut with respect to the latter countries. Slovakia is groups, and at the geographic distribution of income quarter of the total population. positioned exactly in the middle of the diagram and inequality. Wage distribution is a recognized measure of the the Republic did not strictly follow the Polish model In a survey of 3,500 supervisors in medium-sized degree of inequality in a society, usually measured when switching from a fully state-controlled economy companies, the median wage in 2008 was PLN 5,000. by the Gini coefficient, which indicates the deviation to a capitalist market economy. Ten percent of these supervisors earned more than from a completely egalitarian society (with respect to However, when analyzing this table, the most im- PLN 11,300 per month, while ten percent of them income), where a higher number, ranging from 0 to 1, portant political and social feature is not primarily the earned less than PLN 2,500. The same survey showed indicates a higher degree of inequality. In Communist relatively large wage differentials in most countries a significant difference in wages between foreign- Poland, for several decades the Gini coefficient was from former Communist Eastern Europe, but rather owned firms and domestic (Polish-owned) businesses. about 0.25 — approximately the same level as in the the change in the time, or speed, with which the large Supervisors in foreign-owned companies, within each Scandinavian countries today. For example, according wage gap occurred. In 1989 the relationship between segment on the income scale, earned about sixty per- to OECD statistics, the Gini coefficient for Sweden in D9 and D1 in Poland was 2.5, which means that people cent more than their counterparts in Polish-owned 2005 was 0.23 and for Finland 0.22. in the ninth decile earned on average 250 percent companies. Thus the median wage for supervisors in Although a slight upward trend was already visible more than their counterparts in the lowest wage this survey was PLN 4,500 in the Polish-owned firms in Poland during the second half of the 1980s, it was group. In 1996 the relationship was 3.39, and then con- and PLN 7,200 in foreign-owned enterprises. In do- not until the economic transformation began in the tinues to rise as shown in figure 2. mestic companies, ten percent of supervisors earned early 1990s that the Gini coefficient noticeably sky- Noteworthy too, when comparing wage distribu- more than PLN 10,000 and ten percent less than PLN rocketed. In 2001, ten years after the major economic tion in the different European countries, is that the 2,200. In foreign-owned companies, ten percent of reforms were enacted, it was almost 0.40, according spread within those groups that earn less than average supervisors earned more than PLN 16,000 and ten to one study. The Polish Ministry of Labor estimates is greater in the new EU countries of Central Europe percent less than PLN 3,400. The wage gap for super- in its latest report on income inequality in Poland that than in the more developed countries of Western visors (defined in this survey as a mid-level leader in the Gini coefficient in 2001 had risen to only 0.31 / 0.32, Europe. And low-wage earners in countries such as the company) was significant, to say the least. but then continued to rise to 0.35 / 0.36 in 2005. Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, and the three Baltic States The same survey pointed to large regional differ- Regardless of which of these estimates is assumed are relatively poorer than low-wage earners in the ences in pay within the same occupational group. to be most reliable, currently no economist would wealthier EU countries. The median wage for the above group of supervi- contradict the Ministry’s conclusion that, contrary to The extent to which the pay gap has increased in sors in Mazowieckie County, which includes the War- the many predictions in the early 1990s, “the increase Poland since the fall of communism becomes clearer saw metropolitan area, was PLN 7,800 and thus more in wage differentials has not slowed in the aftermath looking at nominal wage growth denominated in than twice as high as in Podkarpackie County in south-

Poverty was tolerated not simply because it was equally distributed. Forbearance with inequality can be a question of time. feature 7

Figure 1 Income spread Income spread eastern Poland, and exactly twice as high as in Lubel- 6 skie County in eastern Poland. Similar regional differ- D9/D1 D9/D5 ences can be found among all occupational groups. D5/D1 A survey covering the tourism and hotel industry in 4,5 2009 showed that the median wage in Mazowieckie County was twice as high as the median wage in south- eastern Poland. 3 While on assignment prior to the presidential elec- tion in the summer of 2010, by pure chance I person- ally interviewed two skilled workers with the same 1,5 job descriptions in the Polish furniture industry. Both worked at CNC machines. The worker who lived in the small town of Przeworsk in southeastern Poland 0 earned PLN 1,700 before taxes, while the one who worked in a factory on the outskirts of the Warsaw

Ireland France Latvia Austria Turkey metropolitan area earned PLN 3,350 per month. Belgium Hungary Finland Denmark Romania Therefore regional disparities in Poland (and other countries in the former Communist Bloc) are signifi- cantly larger than in the more developed countries of Figure 2 D9/D1 in Poland Figure 5 Median wage (weekly) within different UK Western Europe. This also applies when comparing 1989 2.50 regions in 2009, GBP Poland with the UK, a country in Western Europe that 1996 3.39 generally has very a large wage gap [see chart above — 1998 3.38 London 627 här måste man faktiskt kolla med författaren]. Region- 1999 3.54 South East 514 al differences within the UK are relatively small and 2001 3.71 East 479 Countr basically only the London area deviates significantly 2002 3.98 Scotland 474 from other British regions. (Figure 5) 2004 4.09 North West 460 2006 4.31 East Midlands 457

West Midlands 456 However, it is not only wage differentials between Source: Zatrudnienie w Polsce 2007. South West 454 occupations, occupational groups, and between MPiPS, Departament Analiz Ekonomicznych i Prognoz Yorkshire and Humber 451 regions that are pronounced in Poland. In order to Wales 441 clarify the pay gap in today’s Poland, the wage scale in Northern Ireland 440 each of the different regions also needs to be consid- North East 436 ered. All “high-wage” regions, principally including Source: Office for National Statistics the urban counties Mazowieckie, Śląsk (Silesia), and Dolny Śląsk (Lower Silesia), are in themselves highly Figure 3 Wage growth for occupational groups in Poland differentiated. Smaller cities in proximity to metro- 1996 2008 Change politan areas, such as Warsaw in Mazowieckie County, Community representatives, local officials, and supervisors 1,545 7,219 467% or Wrocław in Dolny Śląsk (Lower Silesia), have gener- Specialists 1,006 3,979 396% ally participated in economic developments. In con- Technicians and mid-level personnel 869 3,342 386% trast, significant areas, sometimes islands within these Service sector employees and store personnel 591 1,857 314% counties, have been excluded from the economic Office workers 774 2,713 350% expansion. Thus, in Mazowieckie County — the most highly paid in the country — the ratio between the av- Farmers, forestry workers and fishermen 660 1,980 300% erage monthly wage in the metropolitan region (War- Manufacturing employees and tradesmen 815 2,673 328% saw) and the average monthly wage in large munici- Machinery operators 832 2,722 327% palities within the county, such as Radom or Mława, Unskilled labor 577 1,690 293% is 2:1. The average wage in the Warsaw metropolitan area is twice as high as in the nearby significant town Source: Rocznik Statystyczny 1997 and 2009, respectively of Radom and its immediate surroundings, just over 100 kilometers south of the capital. Figure 4 Changes in real wages with respect to education and professions in Poland Exactly the same disparity can be found within rural counties, where wages are lowest. In the large 160 Education 190 ProfessionsEducation municipality of Leczynski, in Lubelskie County in 150 180 170 eastern Poland, the average wage is twice as much as 140 150 in Krasnicki, a large municipality in the same county. 130 140 An exception to this rule appears to be Podkarpackie County in southeastern Poland, where large munici- 120 130 120 palities have the same “poverty line” in common; no 110 110 significant deviations from the low average monthly 100 100 salary are to be found in this county. 90 90 It can be concluded that the pay gap in Poland since 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 the fall of communism has increased dramatically, highly secondary secondary trade primary educated school school school school office workers specialists + technical technicians higher civil servants and managers giving rise to a completely new social structure. This college workers, farmers, salespeople, factory employees goes for virtually all countries in the former Com-

Income is an economic resource. It is of course also a political resource. 8

munist Bloc of Central Europe. In some respects, “Several Polish studies of trade unions, employer associations, and the gov- developments in Poland over the past two decades ernment. In 2010, the statutory minimum wage before have approached the labor market situation found in show that black wages tax is PLN 1, 317 (about € 330) per month for a full-time the US and in a few countries in Europe, including the are more common in employee. UK and Portugal. However, when compared with the According to a survey published by the Polish Min- majority of West European nations, the wage spread is regions where wages istry of Labor, wages in 2006 were, in the (few) cases considerably greater in Poland. Economists are prob- are relatively low. A that were the result of collective agreements covering ably right who argue that without the increased wage more than one company, 17.5 percent higher than in gap, the major economic and political transformations significant proportion companies without any wage agreement at all, and that took place in the early 1990s would not have been 7.8 percent higher when collective agreements were possible. Noteworthy with regard to Poland — where of small companies reached at the company level. Low union density a massive labor protest in 1980 and the formation the pay a legal wage as and the absence of industry-wide agreements have first trade union independent of communist rule, driven wages down for large employee groups in Solidarity, sparked the fall of communism — is that the well as a ‘black’ wage Polish society, while the well-educated in the “new” differences in society assumed such large proportions. premium.” labor groups have an advantageous individual bar- The question that arises is how this transformation — gaining position despite the absence of collective which is related to the social structures of society with agreements. Accountants (usually women) comprise increased economic inequality — was able to continue The fact that other, very large groups in society fell one occupational group that for a long time enjoyed a for more than two decades without significant overt behind at the same time can, of course, be explained privileged position in the labor market in large cities protests. by the structural transformation of the economy, since they understood Western European accounting The answer to this complex question necessar- which by necessity was initiated after the fall of com- rules, possessed strong skills in English, and were able ily involves many factors of course: the collective munism. Outdated technology inexorably led to the to use computerized accounting systems. Over time consciousness of liberation from the Russian/Soviet demise of large industries. The one-sided and often this privileged position disappeared due to increased empire, the enormously positive perception of the loss-making investment in coal mining led to tens of supply of qualified workers. However, wage trends EU (Poles are among the most enthusiastic EU fans in thousands of miners losing their jobs when the indus- for women have followed the general trend and the the entire Union), and of course the deliberate liberal try underwent a painful restructuring that has not gender gap for wages has not increased since the early economic policies which have dominated for two dec- yet been completed. In some areas of the country the 1990s. The wage gap between men and women is ten ades in Poland, regardless of the party in power. All unemployment rate reached thirty percent in the mid- percent and in this respect Poland is one of the most such non-material factors have facilitated the accept- 1990s. Massive supply of low-skilled or unskilled work- egalitarian countries in the EU, even more egalitarian ance of the negative implications of the ongoing social ers severely limited wage growth in these groups. than Scandinavian EU countries, where the wage gap transformation. However, let me first point to a couple is generally relatively small. of more tangible reasons why the wage gap galloped The OECD and the EU define the objective poverty away in the first five years after the fall of communism, Nevertheless, it must be considered a paradox line in their statistics as 60 percent of the median and then continued to expand until the present time. that the position of organized labor has weakened for income for a family, calculated per family member. Most Polish studies indicate that education has such a long time in a country where the very impetus In Poland, according to this criterion the poverty line played a pivotal role in the rise of increased wage to the fall of communism was attributable precisely is drawn at an income of PLN 725 per family member inequality over the past twenty years. The modern- to a far-reaching and well-organized trade union, Soli- per month. In Communist Poland, with low wages ized economy that evolved after the transformation, darity. One reason for the continued widening of the and almost non-existent unemployment, a very small often aided by increased foreign investment, required wage scale in Poland over the past decade must in fact percentage of the population fell below the 60 percent greater access to an educated work force with skills be attributed to the weakened labor movement, which median limit, almost exclusively within portions of the suited to the new economic reality. This mechanism completely failed to achieve central pay negotiations rural population. is referred to as Skill-Biased Technical Change (SBTC), at the industry level that paralleled West European which describes a growing demand that at any given patterns. moment is not met by a sufficient supply of the type Union density, which in the early 1990s was over Today an estimated seventeen to twenty percent of skilled workers that the new technology requires. seventy percent, is now only sixteen percent. In a of the population lives below the poverty line as de- Of great importance is the lag that Mieczyslaw F. survey conducted by the large public opinion research fined by EU standards. This figure is not in and of itself Rakowski referred to in his diary of the late 1980s, center, CBOS, in 2007, only 8.1 percent of respondents surprisingly large and actually does not deviate from namely that the countries of the former Communist in Gdansk said that they belonged to a trade union, of the average throughout the European Union; it is even Bloc almost completely missed out on the IT revolu- which nearly half belonged to Solidarity. More than one or two points below the percentage of, for exam- tion in industry and society that the Western countries 90 percent of respondents in all regions declared that ple, Italians, who according to EU statistics fall below underwent in the 1980s. they were not union members. the same limit. However, in practice relative poverty Consequently, only a minority of the country’s does not mean the same in Poland as, for example, in employees works for companies where the employer Sweden, where as much as eleven percent of the pop- No matter how formally well-educated a couple of entered into some form of collective agreement with ulation falls below the defined income limit per family generations of Polish university and college students employees. Almost all existing collective agreements member (income here includes social transfers in the may have been, they could not adapt to the new de- are limited to a single company; in most cases, com- form of child allowances and social benefits). mands that took the world by storm beginning in the panies with some form of state ownership. Only three Once again, what is so striking in Poland are the sig- early 1990s. The new capitalist market economy, creat- percent of Poland’s workers are covered by collective nificant regional differences, the differences between ed at almost lightning speed, gave birth to new careers wage agreements that apply outside their own com- urban and rural areas, and between large and small in banking and the entire financial sector, including in- pany. Industry-wide agreements thus do not exist in cities. Poverty in Poland is thus strongly associated surance. The statistics previously reported in this essay practice. In most privately owned companies, essen- with the structural transformation that began in the show that these are the sectors in which wage growth tially no collective wage agreements with employees early 1990s, with some regions severely affected by has been greatest and this is where a large portion of can be found. Instead, private wage determination the upheaval, particularly those where the economy the more than twenty percent of the population can be is applied where the only guideline is the statutory was based on the great communist state farms and found who in a recently conducted sociological survey minimum wage annually negotiated in the so-called where no or few new investments were made when were described as either “rich “or “prosperous”. Tripartite Commission that includes representatives these farms collapsed in the mid-1990s. For example,

What happened to the Polish trade union? It has been loved by neither the old nor the new rulers. feature 9

according to calculations, in eleven of the country’s Poles are in fundamental agreement with their own references sixteen counties at least one quarter — and in four of modern history. Only a major crisis in society could  these counties, in turn, at least one third — of the adult shake that conviction. Ivan T. Berend, Central and Eastern Europe 1944–1993: Detour from the Periphery to the Periphery. Cambridge 1996 population lives below poverty line. A large portion of Moreover, today’s Poland is equipped with a Felicjan Bylok, Nierówności w dochodach i wydatkach w gospo- the country’s families with children live with the im- number of “safety valves” to vent discontent – valves darstwach domowych jako bariera rozwoju społecznego w Polsce minent risk of falling below the poverty line, whether that also lessen the poverty and wage inequality re- [Inequalities in incomes and expenditures by households as a bar- in towns or in the countryside, if they have two or flected by official statistics. rier to social development in Poland]. Paper. Wydział Zarządzenia three children. Among families in Poland with three or This mechanism obviously includes the black labor Politechniki Częstowchowskiej more children, calculations show that as much as 46.9 market. In an EU survey conducted in 2007, eleven Compensation Consulting. www.wynagrodzenia.pl. Eurostat percent live on an income below the poverty line. percent of Poles who responded stated that during the Witold Gadomski, Nierówności rosną w miarę rozwoju [Inequali- ties are growing along with development]. www.obserwatorfi- Statistics confirm that relative poverty increased past year they received all or part of their pay under nansowy.pl from the early 1990s until 2004–2005 (just after Poland the table. The record in this survey was held by the Grzegorz Gorzelak, Bohdan Jałowiecki & Krzysztof Zagórski, joined the EU), followed by a slow decline. Romanians, where 23 percent of respondents said Zróżnicowania warunków życia: Polskie rodziny i społeczności lo- they work completely or partially under the table. kalne [Diversifing living conditions: Polish families and local com- Several studies show that under-the-table wages – in munities]. Warsaw 2009 What is even more symptomatic of this entire pe- whole or in part — are more common in regions where Glowny Urząd Statystyczny (GUS), Central Statistical Office,Biule - riod, besides the subjective perception of their own wages are relatively low. A significant proportion of tyn statystyczny, May 2010 material situation, is that the percentage of families small Polish companies pay a legal wage according to GUS: Informacja o sytuacji społeczno-gospodarczej województw [Information on the socio-economic conditions in the provinces] reporting that their income is insufficient to meet their the statutory minimum wage as well as a “black” wage 3:2009 basic needs fell from 74 percent in 1993 to 37 percent in premium. GUS: Roczniki Statystyczny 1989–2009 [Statistical yearbook] 2005. Other surveys have reported that an increasing GUS: Rocznik Statystyczny wojewodstw 2009 [Statistical year- percentage of Polish families rate their lives as a whole book of the provinces] as good or even excellent. Although the answers to No, today we do not encounter “the woman in GUS: Struktura wynagrodzeń według zawodów w październiku this question are extremely subjective, based on little the supermarket” from the early or mid-1980s who 2008 [Earnings by occupation in October 2008] more than material wellbeing, the responses still indi- symbolized the “losers” in the Polish social trans- GUS: Zatrudnienie i wynagrodzenia w gospodarce narodowej w 2009 [Employment and earnings in the Polish economy] cate that more and more people are satisfied with the formation, but rather a woman I met in June 2010 in Maria Jarosz (eds.), Wygrani i przegrani polskiej transformacji overall development of society. In 1993, 53.4 percent Przeworsk, a town in southeastern Poland. She and [Winners and loosers in the Polish transformation]. Warsaw 2005 of respondents felt their lives were good or excellent; her family live below the poverty line. With three chil- Jacek Kochanowicz, “Polska w epoce nowoczesnego wzrostu in 2005 this figure had risen to 72.1 percent. dren and a combined monthly income before taxes of gospodarczego” [Poland in the era of modern economic growth], Only a tiny fraction of Poles in 2005 felt that they PLN 2,750, they end up well below the line of PLN 750 in Witold Morawski (ed.), Modernizacja Polski [Polish moderniza- had failed in life. When asked whether they are “high- per family member. And yet she was not in despair. tion]. Warsaw 2010 ly dissatisfied” with their material situation today, only Instead, she quickly asked: would it be difficult for my Tadeusz Kowalik, Polska Transformacja [Polish transformation]. seven percent of Polish families answered yes. Even husband or me to find work in Sweden? Trips abroad, Warsaw 2009 Angus Maddison, The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective. more noteworthy is the fact that, in this case, the per- with occasional, sometimes long-term jobs, outside Paris 2001 centage difference between urban and rural, between of Poland comprise a basic “valve”. One study shows Małgorzata Leszczyńska, Nierówności dochodów barierą osiągania small and large cities is minimal. Ultimately, in survey that, over the past five years, every twelfth Pole has spójnosci społeczno-ekonomicznej. [Income inequality as a barrier after survey of all EU countries, the Polish population worked abroad. to achieve socio-economic coherence] Paper. Katedra Teori Ekon- is most pleased with its country’s EU membership. In some regions the proportion is much higher. mii i Stosunków Międzynardowych. Uniwersytet Rzeszowski. Why then did a majority of Poles, without signifi- Anyone landing at the airport in the relatively modest Rzeszow 2007 cant resistance, even if some occurred, accept the city of Rzeszow, statistically within the poorest county Małgorzata Leszczyńska, “Ubóstwo dochodowe w Polsce — ten- dencje i uwarunkowania” [Income poverty in Poland — trends increased wage gap and inequality that resulted after in Poland, will soon discover that there is a direct flight and conditions], in Jarosław Klebaniuk (ed.), Oblicza nierównosci capitalism was reinstated in the early 1990s? to New York twice weekly from there. The CEO of the społecznych. [Accounts of social inequality]. Warsaw 2007 Obviously I ignore the winners of this enormous so- airport told me last year that they plan to open a direct Andrzej Lubbe, “Transformacja, modernizacja czy po prosto cial transition in the following observations. No matter connection to Oslo by 2011. When I asked why Oslo, normalizacja? Wybory modelu gospodarki polskiej po 1989 roku” how many times I have traveled in Poland on assign- the answer was obvious: [Transformation, modernization or simply normalization? Choo- ment since the transition in 1989, even in the poorest “Our guys from the mountain villages are working sing a model for the Polish economy], in Witold Morawski (ed.), regions, I have seldom or never met that symbolic on the oil rigs.” Modernizacja Polski [Polish modernization]. Warsaw 2010 “woman in the supermarket” from the 1980’s com- Work outside the country – and this is even more Iga Magda, F. Rycz , I. Tojerow & D. Valsamis, Wage Differentials Across Sectors in Europe: An East-West Comparison. CEB Working munist Poland in crisis. Of course I have encountered true since EU membership opened up the labor mar- Paper, 09/003 2009 despair and of course people have expressed their bit- ket in almost all of Europe – represents an important Iga Magda, Wage Mobility in Times of Higher Earnings Disparities. terness toward politicians and their own fate on more “valve” to cope with unemployment, wage inequal- Paper. Warsaw School of Economics (SGH) Nor 2008–10 March than one occasion. This is just part of life in Poland. ity, and poverty in Poland. While this is no long-term 2008 However, it is almost always associated with hope solution for Poland’s structural problems or for Polish Krzysztof Malag & Paweł Kliber, Konwergencja i nierówności regio- of a better future to come, if not just for me, then for families, in all probability it allows for a more tolerable nalne w Polsce [Convergence and regional inequalities in Poland]. Poznań 2007 the country and younger generations. It is as though standard of living than the statistics reflect.≈ Izabela Marcinkowska, Annna Ruzik, Paweł Strawinski & Walewski the belief in a better future that communism hailed Mateusz, Badanie struktury i zmian rozkładu wynagrodzeń w Polsce in its most famous song, without actually taking root peter johnsson w latach 2000–2006 [Investigation of the structure and changes in among the people or those in power in the Poland of the compostion of earnings in Poland 2000-2006]. Departament that time, has now gained a foothold across the spec- Analiz Ekonomicznych i Prognoz. Ministerstwo Pracy i Polityki Foreign correspondent in Poland for Nordic media trum of society. It is true that many studies conducted Społecznej. Warsaw 2008 since 1980. Author of several historical works on over the past twenty years have demonstrated that OECD. StatExtracts; Income distribution-Inequality. www.stats. Poland. Based in Warsaw a large proportion of the population say they had a oecd.org better and especially more secure life, with less risk, David Ost, Klęska Solidarności Gniew i Polityka w Postkommu- nistycznej Europie. Warsaw 2007 [Original in English: The Defeat of under communism. But no study in Poland has proven Solidarity: Anger and Politics in Postcommunist Europe. 2005] that Poles would prefer to return to the communist Tomasz Panek (ed.), Statystyka społeczna [Social statistics]. system, either political or economic. For now, the Warsaw 2007

The black market economy, yes, even this, seems to thrive in both systems. It pays off where there are shortages. 10 illustration: A ndrzej J anicki/zin-zin press illustration: essay 11 solidarity despite reservations BY Klaus Misgeld & Karl Molin

Postwar Poland was shaken repeatedly by protest ac- tive was far from the minds of contemporary onlook- reducing tensions between the blocs in Europe and tions and uprisings against the Soviet-backed commu- ers. They remembered the outcomes of earlier reform building bridges between East and West. nist regime: in 1956, 1968, 1970, 1976, and again, most movements, especially the bloody disintegration of In the following, we paint a picture of the views of successfully, from 1980 to 1981. The democratic opposi- the Prague Spring in 1968. The reformist policies of Al- diplomats and union leaders on, first, how Solidarity tion of the 1970s was monitored with keen interest in exander Dubçek had been stymied by tanks from the should act to prevent leading itself and the world over Sweden. The Swedish media reported frequently on the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact countries. After the brink of ruin and, second, how they should them- Workers’ Defense Committee (Komitet Obrony Robot- the invasion of Czechoslovakia, Soviet leader Leonid selves act in order to responsibly support the democra- niczów, KOR, in 1977, Social Self-Defense Committtee/ Brezhnev had declared that when a threat to the cause tization of Poland. Komitet Samoobrony Społecznej KSS–KOR), and of socialism arose in a socialist country, it was not only articles by well-known KOR activists like Adam Mich- a problem for the country concerned, but for all social- What should nik and Jacek Kuroń were published in newspapers ist countries. The events in Poland of 1980–1981 unfold- Solidarity do? and journals of varying political stripe. The strikes of ed in the shadow of the policy the world came to call August 1980, which led to the formation of a new so- the Brezhnev Doctrine. The diplomatic stance cial movement, the Independent and Self-Governing There was no doubt among Swedish diplomats Swedish diplomats in Warsaw who reported on the Trade Union “Solidarity” (Niezależny Samorządny and union leaders, who are the focus of this article, developments, with Ambassador Knut Thyberg in the Związek Zawodowy “Solidarność”, NSZZ Solidarność), that they would support the independent trade union vanguard, recognized early on the historical dimen- headquartered in Gdańsk, were met with tremendous movement that had suddenly appeared on the Polish sions of the events. The Gdańsk Accord signed in late sympathy throughout the Western world.1 Over the 16 stage and which soon totaled 10 million members (in a August opened the door to independent unions and months that the burgeoning organization Solidarity — the country of 38 million). Still, they could not ignore the sparked somewhat euphoric hopes for “humanization name we will use here — was able to act entirely above risk of renewed military intervention that would have of the communist system”2 and a “more humane socie- ground, until General Wojciech Jaruzelski declared mar- had disastrous consequences for Poland and security ty”3. Still, the embassy was convinced that the changes tial law on December 13, 1981, Solidarity was the object in Europe. A balance had to be struck between sup- had to happen within the framework of a socialist sys- of frenetic diplomatic activity and extensive international port for a movement with which one strongly sympa- tem and preservation of Poland’s membership in the aid efforts. Sweden manifested agreement and support, thized (and which demanded nothing more than what Warsaw Pact. despite political and ideological reservations. it had been guaranteed by several international treaties Thus, the principle that the Communist Party’s The dramatic events in Poland during 1980 and ratified by the regime) and acceptance of political and leading role was central to the system could not be un- 1981 now stand out as the beginning of the end of So- military realities. The actors involved were also obliged dermined. The embassy had long been convinced that viet hegemony in Eastern Europe, but that perspec- to uphold official Swedish policy, which was aimed at some form of equilibrium between the Party and Soli-

Poland 1980: when an internal affair goes public. Definition of a revolutionary process! 12

darity was necessary: “a new balance that preserve[d] berg’s views diverge? One possible answer is that Thy- a cold war against Soviet systems in Eastern Europe. the social system but provide[d] greater self-gover- berg, who was closer to the new reform movement, The organization could not appear to be “the errand nance and equality.”4 The gathering storm clouds, of understood that, for its leadership, the alternative to boy of the USA”, an accusation Polish and Soviet media which there were many, were the result, partly, of hard- progress was not to stop and maintain a position, but soon aimed at LO. Their opponents must not be given liners on both sides of the Polish drama: radicals within to regress and go the way of earlier reform projects. the chance to paint Solidarity as being in the hands of Solidarity who rejected the passage in the Gdańsk Ac- During past reform efforts, once passions had cooled, foreign organizations. cord on the preeminent role of the Party, and dogma- the regime had reneged on its concessions and the bas- For this reason, the Swedish position initially con- tists within the Communist regime who were looking tions once torn down had been repaired. flicted with the position of the ICFTU and the Polish for a reason to abandon the policy of negotiation and policy of the AFL-CIO, America’s union association. To adopt harsher measures.5 The moderate, negotiatory What should forestall accusations by the Polish government and the approach was personified by Solidarity leader Lech Soviet Union that Sweden was supporting anti-Com- Wałęsa and the new Party boss Stanisław Kania.6 The Solidarity do? munist activity in Poland and to protect their own sup- tacit interpretation was that if they had their way, Po- The Swedish portive actions, the Swedish organization wanted only land would opt for a cautious but still system-trans- Trade Union direct relations with Solidarity and insisted on keeping forming policy of reform.7 Confederation’s in the background the ICFTU, the International Trade But Solidarity did not choose the cautious approach Secretariats (the international organizations of the na- for which the Swedish observers had hoped. New de- stance tional unions), and Polish exile groups in Sweden who mands accompanied by strikes and threats of strikes The Swedish trade union movement also lived in the were cooperating with the IFCTU and the AFL-CIO and threw Poland into an immediate state of crisis. Radi- shadow of the Brezhnev Doctrine. There was no ques- accepting “American money”. For the same political cal voices dominated the Solidarity congress in mid- tion about its proffering support to the new Polish trade reasons, LO was unwilling to support what they consid- September 1981. The experience led the embassy to union, but it wanted its aid to be as un-provocative as ered to be Solidarity’s political ambitions. reevaluate its earlier analysis. Any hopes the West may possible to the Kremlin leadership. For that matter, Solidarity leadership shared the have had that Solidarity was working towards a new Cooperation between the Swedish trade union opinion that LO should have nothing to do with “Amer- balance, a modus vivendi with the Communist Party, movement and Solidarity was already established by ican money”13 but were less concerned about the risk now seemed illusory. All signs indicated that Solidarity the fall of 1980. Supportive activities continued through of Soviet intervention in Poland. Signals that Solidar- was aiming to “once and for all fundamentally change Solidarity’s underground period and afterward to the ity sent to Sweden in 1980 and 1981, in particular via the social system and break the dominance of the Com- mid-1980s, when the movement was able to act increas- union channels, were often predicated on the notion munist Party — and the USSR — in Poland.”8 ingly openly until it was legalized again in the spring of that Poles were loath to believe any intervention would Solidarity now demanded that the workers’ councils 1989. The Swedish Trade Union Confederation (“LO”) happen.14 at Polish companies should have the right to appoint initially undertook to build up printing offices in Po- One consequence was that LO, in order to avoid ac- management. The Party’s right to appoint all holders land with the help of the Swedish Union of Printing cusations of political involvement, refused to cooper- of key posts would be abolished. In the embassy’s judg- Workers (“GF”). LO cooperated with the International ate with KOR and representatives of KOR in Sweden. ment, the regime was facing the choice of mounting an Confederation of Free Trade Unions, ICFTU, after Lech Rune Molin, LO National Secretary, was very clear at a attack against Solidarity, and perhaps triggering civil Wałęsa had asked LO in the fall of 1980 to coordinate meeting of the LO executive committee on January 12, war, or conceding to union demands and risking Soviet international union support activities. This particu- 1981: “[W]e should avoid any contact with KOR, which military intervention. The regime chose the latter alter- lar assignment and LO’s own comprehensive support is a political organization, because it may give rise to native, hoping that the Russians would find the price of would become the topic of some discussion and give misunderstandings. Contacts should be organized di- an invasion too high.9 rise to conflict. rectly between the union organizations.”15 The embassy in Warsaw had now abandoned any In a letter of November 7, 1980, to ICFTU and LO, This view also emerges clearly in a letter Molin sent notions about necessary equilibrium. It predicted a Wałęsa mentioned the reasons for choosing LO: “We on January 15, 1981, to the chairpersons of LO’s mem- development in which the role of the Party was under- think that the most suitable country for such an agency ber unions: Solidarity was to be supported, but this mined with Solidarity on the verge of taking over. One would be Sweden, since it is the Western country that required “great caution” and restraint with respect to year earlier, this had seemed a route to certain disaster; is the closest to us, because of its neutrality, free[dom] the release of information, since the situation in Po- now, it seemed a realistic scenario. In the embassy’s of visa tourist movement, already established numer- land was sensitive. Molin wrote that the organization judgment, there was little risk of Soviet military inter- ous contacts with Swedish trade unions and already was planning to acquire equipment for information vention — popular resistance could be expected and it working ways of consignation [sic] of goods, organized programs, since this was the greatest need. He cited was presumed that the army would refuse to open fire by Poles living in Sweden.”11 Sweden had been “the Wałęsa’s letter to ICFTU and LO: Solidarity wants “as- on their own people. first country to help [us] [...] and it won’t be forgot- sistance mainly from Sweden due to our neutral posi- Not everyone shared the embassy’s line of think- ten”, Wałęsa declared in a conversation with Swedish tion and our connections with Poland in general”. He ing. On the first of October, Lennart Eckerberg, head trade unionists on December 8, 1981. He repeated the then emphasized GF’s central role. Even if the local or- of the political section at the Swedish Ministry of For- statement in a telegram to LO’s national conference in ganizations were now going to get involved, LO consid- eign Affairs, explained to the Canadian ambassador to 1986.12 ered it “inappropriate to engage in broad-based, public Sweden, Courvette, that it was hard to believe that the Swedish cooperation with Solidarity was above all fundraising in view of the political complications that USSR would “be able to accept current developments, an expression of international workers’ solidarity to might arise”. The best approach was for local organiza- characterized by Solidarity’s increasingly far-reaching, promote the fundamental right of unions to self-gov- tions and unions to allocate funds to the Fund for Soli- decidedly political demands”. Eckerberg asked himself ernance. But it was also a response to Sweden’s own darity (i-fonden) established by the labor movement in whether Solidarity, in its own and Poland’s best inter- concerns over the consequences of developments in a 1979 to promote the development of trade unions and ests, ought not to have halted and made an attempt to neighboring country. That this contribution has result- democracy worldwide.16 consolidate the positions it had won. The organization ed in few historical accounts can partly be explained Even in direct negotiations with representatives of had instead pushed ahead full throttle with demands by the efforts to remain as inconspicuous as possible. Solidarity (such as Deputy Chairman of the Interfac- of a purely political import. In the reality of Poland and The uppermost concern on the Swedish side was to tory Founding Committee in Gdańsk, Bogdan Lis) in Eastern Europe, these demands were fraught with seri- provide as much help as possible, while avoiding in- February 1981 in Stockholm, LO made it clear that they ous risks. Courvette confirmed that views in Stockholm ternational complications. LO did not want its support wanted no Polish intermediaries in Sweden.17 The po- and Ottawa were concordant.10 for Solidarity to be seen as aimed at the Communist sition was reiterated in letters from the LO leadership Keep going or stop? Why did Thyberg’s and Ecker- regime in Poland (which it actually was) or as part of to its own organizations and the ICFTU. With increas-

Solidarity demanded management by the workers, the right to appoint directors. Rarely did unions in the West have this. essay 13 14

ing acerbity, LO rejected the involvement and political lack of interest. Ullsten had solid grounds for his as- antisocialist and anti-Soviet propaganda. As the Swed- contacts of KOR activists. Until 1989, the fundamental sertion that events in Poland were being followed with ish embassy interpreted it, the essential message was position remained that formulated by Molin on January great interest in Sweden. The media covered the Polish that if the Polish regime did not intervene against its en- 15, 1981, in a letter to the ICFTU in Brussels: “During the events extensively, and reports were steadily flowing in emies and those of the USSR, the Soviet Union would.29 whole period of development of the present situation from the Swedish embassy in Warsaw. Prime Minister The letter engendered a warlike atmosphere and the in Poland, it has been our definitive opinion that con- Thorbjörn Fälldin was being kept continually informed Swedish foreign minister made his strongest statements tacts with Solidarity and the assistance actions should of developments and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs against the Soviet threats. Speaking before the UN Gen- be kept on a strict trade union level. This is still our arranged expert meetings to discuss the situation in eral Assembly on September 24, he once again invoked opinion, due to the risk of political complications that Poland. It is unlikely any other matter was of greater the Helsinki Accord and attacked the “open and brutal otherwise might arise.”18 And Molin, now LO’s Deputy concern to the Ministry, but outwardly it chose to keep demands of the Soviet Union that the trends in Poland Chairman, once again expressed the same opinion, a low profile at first. On September 23, Ullsten deliv- must be turned back”. “We see no reason why an in- somewhat oddly in this situation, to the LO Interna- ered an expansive address to the UN General Assembly ternal political process in Poland should cause its great tional Committee on March 1, 1989, when he said, as without devoting so much as a single word to develop- power neighbor to make menacing statements […] The round table discussions were ongoing in Poland be- ments in Poland.23 Poles should be allowed to determine their own future tween the democratic opposition and the regime: “[I]t The idea behind this silence was that Sweden and without foreign interference.”30 is union cooperation we want to develop, not political; other Western countries should keep out of Poland’s A little more than a week after Ullsten’s speech be- as soon as Solidarity began acting like a political party affairs in the hope that the Russians would do the same. fore the UN, Ambassador Thyberg was summoned by things began to go askew.” [Our emphasis]19 That hope was dispelled in late November when War- Deputy Foreign Minister Dobrosielski and told that the LO’s understanding of Solidarity’s political role was saw Pact forces began extensive exercises dangerously address constituted interference in Poland’s internal of course an expression of a fiction, a fiction the Swedes close to the borders of Poland. It was impossible to affairs. It had poisoned the atmosphere of the interna- and the Poles both believed necessary for tactical rea- determine whether the intent was to frighten the Pol- tional relationship and engendered disappointment sons and it is unlikely that it could have escaped the ish people and the leadership or to actually mount an and gloom. Had something like this come from the knowledge of anyone in Sweden or Poland. The fiction invasion.24 It appeared to the Swedish government, like United States, for example, no one would have been applied to LO’s own role in Sweden, which was highly several other Western governments, that the time had surprised, but from a friendly nation like Sweden! Do- political, in particular through the close union/political come to speak out. The Swedish response was a strong brosielski explained that “the less said about Poland’s cooperation with the Social Democratic Party. But the statement by Ullsten on December 8. With allusions internal situation, the better”.31 stance was fictitious, especially in Poland, where the to Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968, he de- Statements like Ullsten’s at the UN were of course official — Party-controlled — union organization was clared that “the inner unrest and political tensions in a expressions of political and moral support for Solidar- supposed to act, according to the Communist model, nation can never justify armed intervention”. “Military ity. But the world’s greatest opportunity to influence as the “transmission belt” between the State and the assault”, he continued, “degrades the assailant and developments in Poland was on the economic plane. masses. Or, as it was put in an editorial in the Swed- breeds hate among the assailed. Every nation, every Continued lending to Poland could be critical to the ish Social Democratic journal Tiden in early 1982: “The individual, has the right to shape her own future.”25 success or failure of the ongoing process of change. uprising in Poland had its own powerful dynamic, the Sweden had finally spoken out; the question was This was the opinion Thyberg conveyed in a markedly Communist Party was broken and incapable of exer- whether anyone heard it. If the Poles had, they pre- outspoken letter sent a few days after the meeting with cising leadership, there existed a semi-revolutionary tended that they had not. Poland’s deputy foreign min- Dobrosielski. situation […] How could […] Solidarity have escaped ister Olechowski complained to Ambassador Thyberg In the letter, addressed to the Swedish under-secre- transformation into a political power?” The journal de- in Warsaw about statements concerning the Soviet tary for foreign affairs, Thyberg roundly rejected the nounced criticism of Solidarity’s political role as little threat of intervention made by a number of Western “conventional wisdom” that the roots of Poland’s eco- more than patronizing.20 governments. They had not helped matters, he said, nomic problems were the Poles who worked too little but had only made things more difficult for the Polish and agitated too much. “Renowned statesmen in the What should government. But he did not mention Ullsten’s speech: West, who should know better, have in public state- we do? Sweden was once again praised for her restraint.26 ments made this error of judgment.” Poland’s prob- Soviet troop movements near the Polish border re- lems were not due to shiftlessness, but to the lack of The diplomats’ view sumed in the spring of 1981 and the Western stance, es- raw materials, input goods, spare parts, and proper How should Solidarity be supported? The matter, after pecially that of the Americans, hardened.27 The Swed- infrastructure. That Poland had ended up in this situa- all, involved a trade union that was working for democ- ish government also made its disagreement clear when tion was in turn due to an economic system that had al- ratization of a Communist Party dictatorship in a neigh- the opportunity arose. At the Swedish parliamentary lowed misguided investments of gigantic proportions, boring country. Playing the role of passive observer in debate on foreign affairs in March, the government re- incredible waste of capital and people, and “insane” that situation was not a good alternative for Swedes. minded the Riksdag that the 1975 Final Act of Helsinki indebtedness to the West. But the assistance provided must not appear to be out- prohibited both intervention in the internal affairs of Solving the problems was going to require reforms side interference in Poland’s affairs, which could give other countries as well as any threat of or use of force that shared power with the people. Thyberg saw the the Russians an excuse to intervene.21 in their mutual relations. The government emphasized changes that Solidarity had pushed through as steps Swedish Foreign Minister Ola Ullsten addressed the that these principles also applied to Poland. Ullsten toward a new economic reality. Several large compa- problem in a conversation with his Polish colleague spoke before the Parliamentary Assembly of the Coun- nies had already set their sights on managing their own Jósef Czyrek in New York in September 1980. He ex- cil of Europe in May on the incompatibility of the prin- affairs by the end of the year, “independently of plan- plained that events in Poland were being followed ciple of national sovereignty and Soviet pretensions to ning authorities and industry associations”. According with great interest in Sweden, but were regarded as hegemonic influence in Eastern Europe.28 to Thyberg, this was “the most hopeful development in an internal affair. Every country must be allowed to The temperature rose again in the Polish crisis in Eastern Europe in a very long time”. solve its own problems with no outside interference. mid-September 1981, just after Solidarity’s national con- But outside support was required if the reforms This did not preclude Sweden, Ullsten explained, from gress had adopted radical resolutions and expressed were to have any real chance of succeeding, to ensure determining that it had the right to express sympathy hopes that workers in Eastern Europe, including the that production did not grind to a halt due to lack of or disagreement without it being perceived as interfer- Soviet Union, would follow in Solidarity’s footsteps. A parts and input goods. Thyberg cautioned that un- ence.22 letter from the Kremlin arrived on September 17 to the founded beliefs about strike-prone and contentious It took some time before there was any official Swed- leadership of the Polish Communist Party: the Poles Poles might lead to lending freezes. If one realized that ish reaction to developments in Poland, but not for were abjured to take “firm and radical steps” to stop Poland was moving toward a more democratic and effi-

With Solidarity, the peaceful evolution into capitalism commenced. Virtually everyone was unprepared. essay 15

cient society, the importance of continued support was this cooperation in 1980 and 1981 between Solidarity, ploy if there was a military intervention. The country also understood.32 LO, and the ICFTU was two complete printing offices had to put its own interests first. Thyberg’s message was that Solidarity had not with five printing presses in each. A third was on the The conclusion is that the Brezhnev Doctrine no caused Poland’s problems, but on the contrary was way but would be stopped when martial law was im- longer applied, but that Brezhnev and his Politburo be- the force that had a working formula for how the prob- posed. The office in Gdańsk, the first of the three, was haved outwardly as if it did. They pursued a bluff policy lems could be resolved. The rest of the world ought to financed by LO and the others by LO, the ICFTU and aimed at getting the Poles to shoulder the unpleasant, understand this and extend the credit needed for the other members of the International. and costly, task of restoring the real socialist order. The reforms to work. With this letter, Thyberg emerged as Swedish unions at the central and local level were cautious tiptoeing around the borders — whose exact the greatest supporter of Solidarity in its radicalized in- committed to providing moral and material support to location no one really knew — had played out in the carnation and the least worried about the risk of Soviet their Polish colleagues in many other ways, both before shadow of a paper bear. military intervention. His committed defense of Soli- and after December 1981. LO and LO federations sent darity’s radical approach was written only a couple of more than two million Swedish kronor (worth a half weeks after Eckerberg in Stockholm had declared that million dollars at the time) to Poland in 1980 and 1981, instead of pushing purely political demands so hard, accounting for half of all LO grants for international Solidarity should have stopped and tried to consolidate aid.37 The support continued thereafter and LO and LO the positions it had won.33 federations earmarked more than one million kronor for Poland every year from 1982 to 1989.38 What should This was a comprehensive effort that was only partly we do? visible to the public, although reports about the print- ing offices were published in the trade press and else- LO’s view where. Discretion was considered necessary to avoid The analyses of the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs rousing the bear in the East. illustrate how difficult it was to recognize what was actually happening in Poland and what lay within the How justified bounds of possibility. The situation was easier for the trade union movement. Once LO had implemented its was the caution? policy of keeping “politics” out of things, of distancing No other issue was discussed more intensively during itself from the Cold War–like postures that the involve- the Polish crisis of 1980–1981 than the risk of Soviet mili- ment of the international Western labor movement, tary intervention. While the Russians had, by ratifying and especially the AFL-CIO, could entail, there were no the Helsinki Accord, committed to refraining from us- barriers to concrete, hands-on support. The commit- ing force or the threat of force to resolve international it all began ment to Solidarity became more comprehensive than disputes, few believed that this formality would stop in 1980 most modern undertakings of the Swedish trade union them from exerting continued control over their East movement. This has remained unnoticed in the inter- European empire in the spirit of the Brezhnev Doc- Price hikes on food sparked nationwide national literature on relations between Solidarity and trine.39 strikes in Poland in the summer of the West.34 How then did the Soviet leadership view the applica- 1980. Workers at the Lenin Shipyard in In 1980–1981, the Swedish trade union movement tion of their own doctrine? Were they prepared to once Gdansk went on strike in mid-August stood behind the raising and transfer of a significant again invade a socialist brother country? One answer and the Gdansk Accord was signed portion of the financial resources needed to give Soli- to that question can be found by reading the records of on August 31, whose terms included darity what it wanted, which extended far beyond what the Soviet Communist Party’s Politburo, which in 1998 that independent trade unions would could be managed through Swedish and international was published by the Cold War International History be permitted. Solidarity was formed on sources. The practical actions were assigned primarily Project in English translation.40 The records present a September 17 and Lech Wałesa was to GF, whose technical ombudsman Ture Mattsson was fairly good picture of Soviet tactics during the Polish elected chairman. The leaders of the given main responsibility for acquiring, delivering, and crisis. The main line was to push the Poles to resolve Warsaw Pact countries met on Decem- building up printing equipment in Poland. This was the crisis using police and military methods. For a long ber 5, 1980, in Moscow to discuss the critically important to the rapidly growing organiza- time, the Poles were unwilling to take action. Neverthe- situation in Poland. Stanislaw Kania, tion so that it could inform its members and answer less, the Russians finally got what they wanted when First Secretary of the Polish Com- the propaganda against the new movement issued by Jaruzelski instituted martial law at midnight on Decem- munist Party, promised that the Party its own and other regimes. Mattsson traveled back and ber 13. would regain control. Extensive military forth between Sweden and Poland about 20 times in What would have happened if the reluctant Poles exercises were staged along Poland’s 1980–1981 while arranging training for Polish printers had not yielded to the pressure from Moscow? The borders. Soviet demands for tougher in Sweden.35 The coordination through LO took place answer found in the Politburo records is: nothing. At action against the opposition were in accordance with Solidarity’s wishes — partly to avoid a meeting of the Politburo on December 10, 1981, when repeated in spring and summer 1981. the uncontrolled spread of non-compatible equipment it was still unclear whether martial law would be im- Kania stepped down in mid-September among the Polish regional organizations and partly to posed, Party ideologist Suslov explained that it was im- 1981 and was replaced by General ensure that the equipment would work even if Solidar- possible for the Soviet Union to intervene with troops Wojciech Jaruzelski, who was already ity ran into obstruction by the authorities. “Certainly in Poland and that this was the position adopted “from both minister of defense and prime we need help with good printing equipment. But we the very outset of the Polish events”. The policy of dé- minister. must have simple things at first”, was Lech Wałęsa’s tente and the Soviet position as a peace factor could The events described happened clear directive to GF’s Ture Mattson and Bertil Frisk not be sacrificed. KGB boss Andropov, who would a when Sweden was governed by a when they visited him for the first time on November year later succeed Brezhnev as General Secretary of three-party center-right coalition led by 12, 1980, at the Solidarity office in Gdańsk.36 the Communist Party, also declared that if Poland were Thorbjörn Fälldin of the Center Party. Mattsson started by assembling equipment that had to fall into the hands of Solidarity, so be it. The USSR The Liberal Ola Ullsten was deputy already been sent to Solidarity by international organi- would be hit hard by the economic and political sanc- prime minister and minister for foreign zations but did not work. The most significant result of tions that they knew the capitalist countries would em- affairs.

Even the Brezhnev Doctrine was a paper tiger. For frightening adult children. 16 essay

Stockholm, 2010, pp. 37–223. contact with Solidarity in Poland], LO F09A:3; “Contribution references 22 Ulf Eliasson, Stöd för Solidaritet: Svenska demokrati- och säker- from ICFTU and ICFTU members forwarded by LO Sweden to hetsintressen under den polska krisen 1980–81. [Supporting So- Solidarity in the Form of Printing Equipment, etc.”, specifica- 1 See Andrzej Paczkowski, The Spring Will Be Ours: Poland and lidarity: Swedish concerns for democracy and security during tion March 8, 1982, LO F09:7. See Klaus Misgeld, “Solidaritet the Poles from Occupation to Freedom, University Park, PA, the Polish crisis of 1980–1981.] Unpublished report 2005, p. 15. med SOLIDARITET: Den svenska arbetarrörelsen och demo- 2003; also Immanuel Ness (ed.), The International Encyclope- Shorter version in Arbetarhistoria, vol. 30 (2006:4), pp. 32–37. kratirörelsen i Polen kring 1980” [Solidarity with SOLIDA- dia of Revolution and Protest, vol. VI, Chichester 2009, especi- See also Cryptogram, Swedish delegation to the UN, New York RITY: The Swedish workers movement and the democracy ally Jan Kubik, “Solidarność” (“Solidarity”), pp. 3072–3080. to Stockholm 800925, file 136, HP 1 Ep, UD. movement in Poland around 1980], Arbetarhistoria [History 2 Cryptogram, Warsaw to Stockholm, 800829 (147), under Thy- 23 Memorandum 800829, Polen — förslag till svenskt inlägg [Me- of Workers ], vol. 30 (4:2006), pp. 24–31. More exhaustively in berg, HP1Ep, file 135, UD. morandum 800829, Poland — suggestion for a Swedish con- Misgeld, “A Complicated Solidarity: The Swedish Labour Mo- 3 Cryptogram, Warsaw to Stockholm, 800904 (164), HP1Ep, file tribution], Pol I, U. Tom Engdahl, file 135, HP1 Ep, UD. “Com- vement and Solidarność”, International Institute of Social His- 135, UD. muniqué from the meeting of the Nordic Foreign Ministers in tory, Amsterdam, IISH Research Papers, http://www.iisg.nl/ 4 Memorandum 801117: Poland discussion of November 11 (con- Oslo; 1st September [1980]”, in Documents on Swedish Foreign publications/respap45.pdf (2010-07-22); idem, “Sweden: Focus tribution by Thyberg), HP1Ep, file 138, Ministry of Foreign Af- Policy 1980 (UD, Stockholm 1982), pp. 112–118; “Statement by on Fundamental Trade Union Rights”, in Solidarity? Western fairs. Cf. also letter from Thyberg to Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Ola Ullsten, Foreign Minister of Sweden, at the thirty-fifth European Trade Unions and the Polish Crisis, 1980–1982, ed. 801030 (319), p. 6, HP1Ep, file 137, UD. session of the UN General Assembly; 23rd September [1980]”, Idesbald Goddeeris (The Harvard Cold War Studies Book Se- 5 Memorandum 801031, Pol I, HP1Ep, file 137, UD. ibid, pp. 84–95. See Eliasson, Stöd för Solidaritet, pp. 13–14. ries, Lexington Books, Lanham/MD), forthcoming. In general, 6 Cryptogram, Warsaw to Stockholm, 801029 (246), HP1Ep, file 24 Andrzej Paczkowski, Malcolm Byrne, Gregory F. Domber & on Ture Mattsson’s involvement in Lisbeth Ulfstedt, Stolta star- 137, UD. Magdalena Klotzbach (eds.), From Solidarity to Martial Law ka stridbara: Grafiska Fackförbundet 1973–2009 [Proud strong 7 Cryptogram, Warsaw to Stockholm, 801029 (246), HP1Ep, file the Polish Crisis of 1980–1981: A Documentary History, Budapest fit for fight: Swedish Graphic Workers’ Union 1973–2009], 137, UD. 2007, p. 138. Stockholm 2009, pp. 81–85. 8 Cryptogram, Warsaw to Stockholm, 810916 (302), HP1Ep, file 25 Eliasson, Stöd för Solidaritet, p. 18. See “Extract from a speech 36 “Rapport från besöket i Warsaw och Gdansk den 10/11–17/11 150, UD. by Mr. Ola Ullsten, Minister for Foreign Affairs, in Tranås; th8 1980” [Report from the visit in Warsaw and Gdańsk, November 9 Cryptogram, Warsaw to Stockholm, 810924 (317), HP1Ep, file December [1980]”. Press release translated to English, Ger- 10–17, 1980], “Confidential”, by Bertil Frick and Ture Mattsson, 150, UD. man, and French. Published in Documents on Swedish Foreign GF, 6 pp., November 24, 1980, p. 3, LO F26B:1, ARAB. 10 Memorandum, Canadian ambassador with head of political Policy 1980, p. 175. 37 The federations of the LO had at this time two million mem- affairs, 811001, HP1Ep, file 151, UD. 26 Eliasson, Stöd för Solidaritet, p. 19. — See also Cryptogram, bers when the population of Sweden was 8.3 million. 11 ICFTU, 76EB/10a Appendix 1. Copy in the archives of the LO, Warsaw to Stockholm, 801216, (316), file 139, HP1 Ep, UD. 38 According to Rune Molin in the International Committee, Labor Movement Archives and Library in Stockholm (ARAB), 27 Cf. Arthur R. Rachwald, In Search of Poland. The Superpowers’ March 1, 1989, §5: Poland, LO A06:8, ARAB. F26B:4 and F23:89. Response to Solidarity, 1980–1989, Stanford 1990, pp. 47–63. 39 Deliberations within the Polish regime have been described 12 “Report from GF’s second visit to ‘SOLIDARNOSC’ in Poland, 28 “The Government Statement of Policy at the Debate on Fo- by, among others, Wojciech Jaruzelski in Mein Leben für Polen: 3-10/12 1980”, “Confidential”, 4 pages, 4 appendices; Appen- reign Affairs in the Riksdag; 18th March [1981]”, in Documents Erinnerungen, München 1993, and Hinter den Türen der Macht: dix 4, “Grafiska Fackförbundets delegation Lennart Johansson on Swedish Foreign Policy 1981, Stockholm 1983, p. 12; “Excerpt Der Anfang vom Ende einer Herrschaft, Leipzig 1996; and by (LJ), Herbert Eklund (HE) och Ture Mattsson (TM) talar med from a Speech by the Chairman of the Committee of Ministers then deputy Prime Minister Mieczysław F. Rakowski in Es Solidaritets ordförande Lech Walesa (LW)” [Swedish Graphic of the Council of Europe, Mr. Ola Ullsten, Swedish Minister begann in Polen: Der Anfang vom Ende des Ostblocks, Hamburg Workers’ Union delegation Lennart Johansson (LJ), Herbert for Foreign Affairs, to the Parliamentary Assembly; 13th May 1995, esp. pp. 27–59. Eklund (HE) and Ture Mattsson (TM) speak with Solidarity [1981]”, ibid. p. 34. See also “Excerpt from [a] speech by the 40 Cold War International History Project http://www.wilsoncen- President Lech Wałęsa (LW)], 2 pp., LO F26B:1, ARAB. There Foreign Minister, Mr. Ola Ullsten, at Almedalen, Visby; 28th July ter.org (-Virtual Archive 2.0, - 1980–81 Polish Crisis ). Cf. also are also audiotapes of this conversation, ARAB 2964:3:1. [1981]”, ibid, p. 38; “Excerpt from Statement of Government Paczkowski et al., From Solidarity to Martial Law. — Lech Wałęsa, telegram to the National Conference of the LO Policy made by the Prime Minister, Mr. Thorbjörn Fälldin, at 1986: Landsorganisationen i Sverige, 21:e ordinarie kongressen the Opening of the Riksdag; 6 October [1981]”, ibid, p. 47. 20–27 september 1986, protokoll, part 1, Stockholm [1987], p. 495. 29 Cryptogram Warsaw to Stockholm, 810917 (303), file 150, Hp 1 13 Ulf Asp to Gunnar Nilsson, April 30, 1981, LO F23:89, ARAB. Ep, UD¸Cryptogram Warsaw to Stockholm, 810918, (304 /595) 14 For example, “Report of visit to Warsaw and Gdansk, 10/11– Abbreviations ibid. 17/11 1980”, “Confidential”, by Bertil Frick and Ture Mattsson, 30 “Statement by Mr. Ola Ullsten, Minister of Foreign Affairs, at UD Archive of the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs GF, 6 pp., November 24, 1980, LO F26B:1, ARAB. the Thirty-Sixth Session of the UN General Assembly; 24th Sep- (at the Swedish Government Offices Records Center) 15 LO, board minutes, January 12, 1981, § 6. tember [1981]”, in Documents on Swedish Foreign Policy 1981, ARAB Labor Movement Archives and Library 16 LO F26B:2, ARAB. pp. 41–42. Cf. Överbefälhavare Lennart Ljungs tjänstedagböcker 17 Tapes of the conversation between Bogdan Lis and Rune 1984–1986 [Journals Diaries of Lennart Ljung, 1984–1986], p. Molin, February 26, 1981, at the LO building; LO F26B:2, ARAB 877 f: Samtal med Sovjets ambassadör den 24 oktober 1980 Nr 2964:1. More about this conversation in Misgeld, “Samar- [Conversations with the Soviet ambassador, October 24, 1980]. bete och missförstånd: Anteckningar kring ett samtal mellan Ljung agreed with the ambassador that there should not be Landsorganisationen i Sverige och polska Solidaritet 1981” any interference from abroad in the internal affairs of Poland. [Cooperation and misunderstanding: Notes on a conversation 31 Cryptogram Warsaw to Stockholm, 811005 (333), file 151, Hp1 between the Swedish Trade Union Confederation and Soli- Ep, UD. Cf. also Cryptogram Warsaw to Stockholm 811027 darity in 1981], in Solveig Halvorsen et al. (eds.), I politikkens (359), file 151, Hp1 Ep, UD. irrganger. Festskrift til Knut Einar Eriksen [In the labyrinths 32 Cryptogram Warsaw to Stockholm, 811009 (338), file 151, Hp 1 of politics: Festschrift for Knut Einar Eriksen], Oslo 2009, pp. E, UD. 208–223. — Interview by Stefan Ekecrantz, Klaus Misgeld, and 33 Cryptogram Warsaw to Stockholm, 811014 (341), file 151, Hp 1 E, Karl Molin (with support by Paweł Jaworski) with Bogdan Lis in UD. Gdańsk, May 27, 2009. 34 As an example of how the Swedish union contribution has 18 Molin repeated this point of view in the International Com- been ignored in the international literature, see Rebecca Gum- mittee of the LO when the military laws had been introduced brell–McCormick, “Facing New Challenges: The International as well, December 13, 1981, Minutes January 19, 1982, § 4a, LO Confederation of Free Trade Unions (1972–1990s)”, in Anthony A06:7, ARAB. Carew et al. (eds.), The International Confederation of Free Tra- 19 LO, International Committee, March 1, 1989, § 5: Poland, LO de Unions, Bern 2000, pp. 341–517; Stefan Berger, “Solidarność, A06:8, ARAB. Western Solidarity and Détente: A Transnational Approach”, 20 Tiden, vol. 74 (1982:2), pp. 74–77. European Review, vol. 16 (1:2008) pp. 75–84; Idesbald Goddee- 21 Swedish fears of a Soviet intervention are vividly expressed in ries, “The Transnational Scope of Western Labour’s Solidarity the diary of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, with Solidarność”, Labour History Review, vol. 75 (2010:1), pp. Lennart Ljung. See Lennart Ljung, Överbefälhavare Lennart 60–75. Ljungs tjänstedagböcker 1978–1983 [Journals of Supreme Com- 35 A summary concerning LO’s involvement in Solidarity, “Infor- mander Lennart Ljung, 1978–1983], Kungl. Samfundet för mation to the press”, December 14, 1981: “LOs kontakter med utgivande av handskrifter rörande Skandinaviens historia, Solidaritet i Polen” [The Swedish Trade Union Confederation’s people 17

Algirdas Brazauskas. Last meeting with a pragmatic revolutionary

ithuanian politician and ex- Committee secretary for culture and President Algirdas Brazauskas ideology, Valerijonas Baltrunas, who died on June 26, 2010, at the had for many years been active within age of 77. He was a Communist the central party apparatus in Moscow.

L pho t o: wikipedia leader, who became a reformer of con- Brazauskas sat directly across from me, siderable prominence, a Western-style Baltrunas to my right. social democrat, and finally a states- man, European-style. When I asked the new party leader My last meeting with this jovial and whether he could imagine that fully free down-to-earth politician, who alongside democratic elections for a Lithuanian his adversary (and perhaps the brother parliament could be held in the near fu- of Lithuanian History somewhere in ture, Western-style with several parties, the Phenomenology of Spirit), Vytautas he was initially silent for a while. Then Landsbergis, helped to restore this he said: country’s independence. At the same “I don’t want to answer that question time, in the spring of 2009 he and today. I know I cannot say what I really Landsbergis also helped bury Mikhail think. But come back in six months, Gorbachev’s dream of reforming the maybe a year, and maybe I can give you Soviet system while still retaining power my answer.” over a vast geographic area in Europe. “Alright”, I said. “But may I publish My intent was to follow up with a sec- this as your answer?” ond interview as part of a broader work “No, absolutely not! That is impos- on the fall of communism in Central sible!” Europe, but this was not to be. Algirdas At this point, Valerijonas Baltrunas, Brazauskas passed away in his home who had already been constantly after a long battle with cancer. scraping his feet under the table in disapproval of Brazauskas’s simple The Lithuanian revolution began in ear- and straightforward answers to my nest in the summer of 1988 at a general questions, suddenly interrupted the meeting of the Academy of Sciences interview. on June 3, when 36 people, all but one Algirdas Brazauskas leaned back, belonging to the intelligentsia, were laughed loudly in the characteristic pendent state in March 1990, which at After the victory, Algirdas Braza- appointed to spearhead a movement in manner I later came to know, threw that time was acknowledged in the West uskas became the Lithuanian man support of Gorbachev’s reforms. both arms out across the table and said: only by Iceland. of the people — even more so than The movement soon became known “Mr. Editor! Publish it!” Final approval of this liberation Vytautas Landsbergis. In 1993, he was by its abbreviation, “Sąjūdis”. The came when Boris Yeltsin, the morning elected president of the country by a group included Landsbergis, as well At this point I realized that the Lith- after he stopped the coup in Moscow wide margin and during his five years as 17 members of the Lithuanian Com- uanian Communist Party had a leader in August 1991, telephoned Vytautas as prime minister, from 2001 to 2006, munist Party. who was more than just another party Landsbergis and informed him that he led Lithuania into both NATO and the In the summer of 1988, Lithuania’s satrap in the Soviet Empire. had given orders to suspend the new European Union. Communist Party was led by old-school Valerijonas Baltrunas had begun troop movements toward the Baltic About Algirdas Brazauskas’s role politician Ringaudas Songaila. As his Communist career as head of the states. in Lithuanian history, Vytautas V. dictated by Soviet tradition, he was Lithuanian Komsomol. When Braza- Landsbergis, musician, author, and son flanked by a second secretary sent from uskas took over as leader of the Com- From the summer of 1988 until Yeltsin of Vytautas Landsbergis, stated: “There Moscow, Nikolai Mitkin, who was even munist Party, the young Algirdas Kumza assumed power, the Lithuanian revo- would have been no success in the fight more dogmatic than Songaila. sat as leader of the Lithuanian Young lution, led by its two foremost propo- for independence of Lithuania if not for At a meeting of the Party’s Central Communists and was soon included in nents, Vytautas Landsbergis and Algir- the actions of my father, leader of the Committee in October of that year, sup- the political circle. I met Kumza for the das Brazauskas, was under way. national movement Vytautas Landsber- porters of reform within the party made first time the day after my first meeting The former was a romantic and hard- gis, and Algirdas Brazauskas. The lack of their move. Songaila was deposed and with Brazauskas. core principled revolutionary, while one of them would have been deadly for soon thereafter Mitkin was forced to “I am occupying this chair for one the latter was a pragmatist who realized the independence fight.”≈ return home. Fifty-six-year-old Algirdas reason only,” Algirdas Kumza said to that Lithuanian history had caught up Brazauskas was named the new leader me. “To do everything I can to make with modern times, and was therefore peter johnsson of the party. sure this reprehensible political system able to free himself from his political The first time I met Brazauskas goes to hell. I hate it. ” past as a high functionary of the Com- was a few months after he took office To this day, Algirdas Kumza belongs munist Party, realign himself, in his own Note. The author’s last inteview with as First Secretary of the Communist to my circle of Lithuanian friends. His way, in the spirit of the revolution, and Brauzauskas is published in full at Party. Mitkin was already gone. The signature appears with those of Algirdas aided by his party’s withdrawal from www.balticworlds.com. interview was held at the Vilnius Party Brazauskas and Vytautas Landsbergis the all-Soviet Communist Party, sever Central. Also present was the Central on the document declaring an inde- ties to Moscow with a final bloody blow.

When the romantic and the pragmatist meet, a wonderful dialectic arises – Hegelian? research

Pomerania. In the borderlands between Germany and Poland

omerania is a historic region along the southern Baltic coast. The geography of P the area is characterized by land relatively favorable to farming. Today, Pomerania is divided between Germany and Poland, but the German and Polish populations have few factors in common that might serve to unify them. Nevertheless, in some respects the region is gradually becoming more interwoven. After World War II, most of the Ger- man population was largely relocated from the former East German regions — including Pomerania — to Germany. Others fled from the Red Army and thus ended up in Germany. These Germans left the homes they had lived in for generations, and Poles moved in. Some of the people driven from what is cur- rently Polish Pomerania settled in Ger- man Pomerania (Vorpommern). Poles are also traveling to the German series of interviews is being conducted appears at first glance to be unex- Today 200,000–250,000 people reside side. One trend is for more and more as part of a research project (which pectedly strong on both sides of the on the German side of the border and young middle-class families to sell their involves professor Thomas Lundén, border. The insight that both regions 600,000–700,000 on the Polish side. apartments in the city of Szczecin and professor Anders Mellbourn, Joachim play a highly peripheral role within Szczecin, the historic center of Pome- move to nearby German villages, where von Wedel, PhD, and the author of their own national systems may to rania, lies on the Polish side 12 km from they can buy a house and have access to this article) that includes various local some extent explain this situation. the border and has a population of ne- German childcare and schools for their researchers and educators, as well as Further collaboration may combine arly half a million inhabitants. children. people in administration and the me- the potential of Szczecin, a large city, The German part of Pomerania is Interestingly, this border region ex- dia. The cross-border flows could lead with Vorpommern, a mostly empty hardly a thriving region. Unemploy- hibits exactly the opposite relationship to the creation of a model like the one and dilapidated agricultural region. ment and depopulation are high and between Germany and Poland than that found in Strasbourg, Basel, and Geneva. In theory, this is also consistent with right-wing extremists have a foothold which prevails at the national level — an Similar trends can be found in Trieste, geographer Walter Christaller’s Cen- here. The flow from the German side asymmetrical relationship where Ger- Bratislava, and Oradea. tral PlaceTheory. The above scenario to the Polish side is mainly a matter of many has the stronger economy and is not entirely uncontroversial (as is short shopping trips, sometimes just possibly even a stronger administrative Arguably, the intensity of cross- the reference to Pomerania, the name to the bazaars right across the bound- capacity. The relationship is also asym- border contacts will also depend on of a German-dominated historical ary. Also popular is a form of nostalgia metrical in Pomerania, but to Poland’s push-pull factors, which is how interest province), but strong historical tourism by the Germans and their de- advantage, even though the Polish part became focused on Szczecin. The out- awareness must be weighed in light of scendants with roots in the region, who of Pomerania is not a strong region come, or rather process, is of course contemporary reality and the poten- visit their old homes and childhood within Poland as a whole. not solely influenced by factors such tial impact of close cooperation. ≈ environments. Many Germans from as geographic location and transport the former eastern parts of the country Despite historical tensions between infrastructure, but also by softer, more péter balogh have formed associations to preserve Germans and Poles in Pomerania, for- elusive factors such as local and regio- and strengthen their common identity, ces and movements are at work that nal identity. Ethnic identities are often PhD student in human geograhpy, history, and traditions. They see them- point toward integration. Already in more accentuated, especially in border Södertörn University selves as displaced and are directly and 1991 a German-Polish Gymnasium (ap- areas, where they transition between indirectly represented even politically proximately secondary school level) a bridging “hybrid” mentality and a through their ties to the Christian was established on the German side in protective “border guard” mentality. Democrats (CDU), and through lob- Löcknitz. A rather revolutionary step Examples typifying the former may be bying (up until 1990 even against Ger- was taken through the completion of a found in Schleswig/Slesvig or Opole/Op- many’s final recognition of its eastern short railway track by a German natio- peln, and the latter in Saarland or Lu- borders). nal railway company-affiliate into Polish buskie — although the picture is never Świnoujście in 2008. black and white, as evidenced by West Such identity-preserving measures While that entire city is situated on Pomerania. can hardly be found on the Polish side, one side of the border, the suburbs where identity is rooted in being Polish straddle both sides. To study the devel- As our ongoing research shows, and Catholic. However, more and more opment of these cross-border flows, a consensus on the need to cooperate

The Baltic Sea region is rich in sister cities. And divorcee cities. music 19

The Baltic Sea Festival. Bridging East and West, North and South

he eleven-day Baltic Sea the dark secrets of the castle. Lilli Paa- Pärt, 75, and Veljo Tormis, 80. Tormis’s At a discussion in connection with Festival in Stockholm was sikivi and Gábor Betz were completely Latvian runic songs in particular crea- one of the festival’s concerts, Salonen perhaps the perfect prelude immersed in this absorbing drama, per- ted a fascinating proximity to a distant also spoke of the practical and ideologi- T to the reset of urban cultural formed in Hungarian. past. The choir is his medium; his cal difficulties that a young Finnish life as late summer faded into fall. Eight “Reminiscentiae” for orchestra — Stock- musician encountered in attempts to years have now passed since some of Eight mostly young women compo- holm Sinfonietta in Gustav Vasa Church achieve an open cultural exchange with the world’s foremost conductors, with sers from the Baltic Sea region were — seemed less timeless. nearby Leningrad. In the same discus- roots in the Baltic Sea region, brought presented, in part with commissioned sion, author Per Olov Enquist mainly the idea of the festival to life. Two of works. The programmatic feature was The festival itself, as artistic director focused on the lack of interest in the them, Esa-Pekka Salonen and Valery striking, as expressed in Swedish-Russi- Esa-Pekka Salonen noted, is an indica- Baltic States from the West and espe- Gergiev, continue to be active driving an Victoria Borisova-Olla’s bell-chiming tor of a new political situation. Even cially Sweden as one reason there was forces for the event, though Gergiev Munich portrait “Angelus” and Swedish in the 1980s, Soviet composer Alfred so little contact during the Cold War was actually born in Moscow and grew Katarina Leymann’s “Solar Flares” with Schnittke was chaperoned by a “trench- years. For various reasons this seemed up in Ossetia. a weightless yet energetic treatment coat” from the KGB at the Helsinki Fes- particularly true of literature. But many of large orchestral sound. Catherine tival, but was able to sneak away for a will surely recall the significant inter- Berwaldhallen, the center of the fes- Palmer’s “Dona Nobis Pacem” was pre- brief conversation at the hotel breakfast est generated in the West in economic tival, has played a special role for both miered by the Latvian Radio Choir and table before being forced to leave the reform in Eastern Europe during the of them: for Salonen during his years evoked, unimpeded by any program- festival the following day. Some vocal 1960s and the rather generally inclusive as principal conductor of the Swedish matic ambitions, an image of Vilnius: soloists from the Estonia Theatre’s convergence theory, which envisioned Radio Symphony Orchestra and for Ger- southern European roots in the text guest appearance in Stockholm gath- a synthesis of various systems. From giev who had his international break- — Francis of Assisi — and a tonal langu- ered after the final performance at the a different perspective — Tartu in the through with that same orchestra when age with a remote northern European home of a Swedish-Estonian architect 1980s — Janika Soovere Sjöquist (teacher conducting Mahler’s Symphony No. 6. accent. in Stockholm’s Old Town without per- at the Estonian School in Stockholm, The Stockholm Opera is no longer mission, a gathering depicted in the born in Tartu) related how her image included among the festival’s venues. The Latvian Radio Choir, under the Soviet Estonian press as a kidnapping of the distance to the West was charac- However, Gergiev brought the Mariin- direction of Tonu Kaljuste and Sigvard by exiled Estonians. Arvo Pärt was able terized by the official portrayal of the sky Theater Orchestra with him from Klava, also included a theme in its pro- to leave Estonia because he had a wife capitalist world. St. Petersburg for a performance of gram that neatly fit within the Baltic with a Jewish background, a population Shostakovich’s Symphony No. 14 with framework, especially with two vete- group that the authorities at the time The ability of music to build bridges a spartan orchestral crew and solos rans present: Estonian composers Arvo preferred to see emigrate. where language and words fail is an old throughout for soprano and bass — Olga idea — in part a cliché, but with a grain Sergeyeva and Sergei Aleksashkin — set of truth that Salonen emphasized. He to the Russian translation of poems by pointed out that the Anglo-Saxon domi- Lorca, Appolinaire, Küchelbeker, and nation of literature, television, and film Rilke on the theme of death and transi- does not hold for music. This point was ence. The naked sorrow and darkness also underscored during the festival in a of the piece seemed to have left their performance of Mendelssohn’s oratorio mark on the overflowing audience exit- “Elijah” by the Swedish Radio Choir ing the hall after the performance. The and the Mahler Chamber Orchestra, symphony was written shortly after the where conductor Daniel Harding again fall of Khrushchev, the Soviet transition showed his deep understanding of the from thaw to frost, and the composer’s German Romantic repertoire and bari- difficulties with the previous symphony, tone Thomas Quasthoff, among others, “Babi Yar”. provided the work with dramatic color. In Brahms’ “Ein deutsches Requiem” Esa-Pekka Salonen directed the Swe- with Riccardo Muti as conductor, the dish Radio Symphony Orchestra with Swedish Radio Choir and the Bavarian choirs and Finnish alto soloist Monica Radio Choir were able to demonstrate Groop in Gustav Mahler’s ninety-minute that cultural relations during the Baltic long Symphony No. 3. Many details Sea Festival flow in many directions, not in the Mahlerian landscape emerged just between East and West. ≈ with amazing clarity, but they were far too often just episodes in the slow and hans wolf not always fully concentrated whole of the performance. When Salonen Senior music critic at returned in Béla Bartók’s one-act opera Dagens Nyheter (Stockholm) “Bluebeard’s Castle” with the Helsinki from 1974 to 2004 Philharmonic Orchestra, the intensity was palpable: an increasingly claustro-

phobic enclosure on the path through p ho t o: joh a n ljun gst röm

Orders tend not to be given in the form of a symphony. Die Macht der Musik. culture

ArtPole. Interactive relaxation and music festival by the Black Sea

elaxing is perhaps not what lasts an entire week, the concerts are one associates with a festival scheduled in the evenings, and there is — at least not if the festival in only one stage. The area is small, having R question is Roskilde or Glas- just a few thousand visitors, which adds tonbury. But outside Odessa in Ukraine, to the feeling of communion. Tickets there is actually the opportunity to purchased in advance only cost € 15 for enjoy both music and a spa vacation at the whole week, a price that presents the same time. The festival known as no serious obstacle for those interested ArtPole is located next to the legendary in attending. and ramshackle sanitarium Kuyalnik at Kuyalnytsky Liman, a bacteria-rich hy- persaline clay lake. My Ukrainian friend The ArtPole festival has become described the place as a “populated one of the most well known festivals in Chernobyl”, a place where time has Ukraine over the course of its five-year stood still in recent decades. The place history. Although I lived in Kiev and certainly has its charms, with remnants traveled extensively within the country from medieval monuments and 19th from 2007 to 2008, this is the first time century baths intertwined with Soviet I’ve attended a music festival outside concrete. the capital. Maybe it’s not so strange that I felt drawn to this particular fes- tival just this year, since the program In addition to its attractive proxim- represented a daring departure from ity to healing mud and bacteria, ArtPole earlier years, experimenting with new offers an airy festival program that musical styles. In the past the festival leaves time for excursions to the Black exclusively featured traditional Ukrai- Sea, just three kilometers away, or to nian folk music as it developed and the vacation metropolis of Odessa. flourished during the last decade; now Those who choose to stay in the area the focus is on what may be called the can enjoy an eating experience that new urban folk music. A few warbling includes cold rice, buckwheat, oatmeal, babushkas still carry on at a highly ap- a refreshing glass of kvass (a fermented preciated singing workshop every day. beverage made from black or regular But the stage is dominated by musicians rye bread), or just a lukewarm cup who have managed to create their own of tea. Those seeking to learn some- style by experimenting with the tradi- thing new can attend one of the many tional while drawing inspiration from workshops offered each day involving outside sources. activities such as fire theater, contact Three groups from Belarus have improvisation, pantomime theater, succeeded in doing just this. Owing to wire butterfly crafts, the chorus “We the political situation in their home- sing as well as we can,” morning exer- land, they have become better known describe as, Roma music influenced by digeridoo, trombone, and many other cise (“good morning body”), and so on. internationally than at home, and they klezmer, samba, and surf rock. instruments. They combine evocative At its core are playfulness and interac- tour much of Ukraine, Poland, Rus- Aleksey Vorsoba of Port Mone ex- and innovative oriental rhythms with tion, which I have never experienced sia, France, and Belgium. The music plains that the situation in Belarus has the unique way of singing traditio- at any other festival. Everyone joins of Gurzuf and Port Mone is primarily intensified their focus — they realize nal Ukrainian folk music: high notes in, participates, and has fun — and fun instrumental. Their arrangements are that the only way to achieve recognition straight from the throat. Their megastar it is! The day I manage to drag myself for percussion and accordion, in the is to be really good. And in my conversa- status is evident from the huge ovation out of bed for the morning exercise at 9 case of Port Mone with the addition tion with Yuri Naumenko, bass player in with which the audience, myself very a.m., a worn-out festival participant lies of an electric bass. Gurzuf’s show is the Malanka Orchestra, I hear a similar much included, greets them. snoring under the trees where we are multifaceted without losing its cohesive- interpretation of the situation. He tells The presence of just one DJ on the supposed to wake our bodies up. The ness. The set list features sophisticated me that in Belarus, only by entering the program does not matter much to us instructor has to roll him out of the way, compositions, but the last piece is a unconstrained world of music can com- dance fanatics since the DJ happened whereupon he awakes beneath the gaze cocky French rap by drummer Artem plete freedom be experienced. to be Badian Sauna System from Kiev. of 40 pairs of eyes. After gathering him- Zalessky. They convey incredible en- During his travels to India, Badian col- self together for a couple of seconds, ergy that engages the crowd in a danc- lected bhangra beats, which he mixes he decides to join the exercise session. ing frenzy, while Port Mone transfixes Friday’s big event is performed by with unique Ukrainian folk music re- The instructor points out that he has a the audience as they experience the the Ukrainian experimental folk group cordings. This symbiosis releases tre- mustache painted on his upper lip, but incredible pain of the wailing accordion DakhaBrakha (which means “give and mendous energy and although the hour he just calmly replies “I know, it’s cool” while enjoying the beautiful melodies. take”), comprising one man and three is late when Badian sets free the first and concentrated on the exercises. The Malanka Orchestra conveys joy and seated women wearing wedding dres- notes, the entire field is soon undulating It is easy to relax and experience a quirky approach to music with their ses and huge black Cossack hats. They with dancing festival visitors. only the best acts (all), since the festival highly intense, what they themselves sing and play the djembe drum, cello, As for the Western European ele- 21 a d i m Kul ik o v aka B ia n S un Sy st em Pho t o: V

ments, Italian energy à la Gattamolesta festival, and though I had been there for 15 hours after returning home, and offeres sure-fire high-quality Balkan for five days, I still hadn’t had time for for days I felt enveloped in a world of sounds and cries, while Di Grin Kuizine a mud bath in the healing Kuyalnytsky invigorating memories. Pack clothing from Germany delivered fast Ukrainian Liman. The day after the festival’s final (and swim gear!) for 35-degree heat and folk music, in Ukrainian, much to the night I wade out into the 7.5 percent sali- join me next year! ≈ joy of the audience. ne water. While I had never dreamed of hanna söderbaum taking a mud bath, after seeing Aleksey Vorsoba’s (Port Mone) blissful expres- Also on-stage are those festival- sion and hearing his high praise, even Fan of Ukraine and dancing cos- goers who participated and rehearsed I finally take the plunge — completely mopolitan. Project coordinator for during the week with the chorus “We black and enjoying every moment. the compilation CD Messages from sing as well as we can.” Three composi- The spa experience for both body Belarus (2009) released by the Swedish tions are showcased in what resembled and soul culminated in peaceful sleep Initiative for Democracy and Human a school commencement exercise on the open sleeping car to Kiev after Rights (Östgruppen för demokrati och delivered with a comfortable, casual ap- making the acquaintance of 88-year-old mänskliga rättigheter). PhD student in proach. Foreigners can, in addition to war veteran Lyuba. She baked bread for economic history, Uppsala University. enjoying the great tunes, practice pro- the army during World War II and now I nouncing some of the difficult Russian found her in one of Odessa’s cozy court- Links to the music: and Ukrainian vowel sounds. yards while waiting for the train. www.balticworlds.com I sacrifice my train ticket back to Despite the healing bath and relaxed Kiev because, like so many others, I schedule, the new acquaintances and thoroughly enjoy the culmination of the many experiences caused me to sleep illustration: R agni svensson illustration:

gorbachevAND PERESTRO IKA essay 23

ust after Mikhail Gorbachev was chosen as interest in such institutional arrangements as checks But his earlier backing for Gorbachev had helped to en- General Secretary of the Central Committee of and balances or separation of powers. They believed, sure that when Chernenko died only thirteen months J the Soviet Communist Party in March 1985, the rather, in replacing the absolute power of the Commu- after becoming party leader, Gorbachev, as second sec- question was asked in Moscow: “How much support nists by the absolute power of the “democrats”.1 retary, was indeed in a position to seize the initiative. has Gorbachev got in the Kremlin?” The answer was: In spite of the failures and problems of the unre- He convened and chaired a meeting of the Politburo “None. He can walk entirely unaided.” formed Soviet system, there was nothing inevitable on the same evening that Chernenko expired and was, After three Soviet leaders in succession had found it about radical change being inaugurated in the second in effect, pre-selected as general secretary there and difficult to move without support, the joke was under- half of the 1980s. It is too easy to find a variety of rea- then, being chosen to chair his predecessor’s funeral standable. But less than seven years later, the question sons why such change was “bound” to happen, bring- commission. The following afternoon he was formally, was far from funny. Gorbachev’s support within the ing a retrospective determinism to a complex reality in and unanimously, nominated as General Secretary by Kremlin itself was shaky (his own chief-of-staff, Valery which there was chance and choice. If, heaven forbid, the Politburo and equally unanimously elected by the Boldin, joined the coup against him in August 1991) and Gorbachev (rather than Dmitriy Ustinov) had died in Central Committee. there was bitter opposition to his policies from conser- December 1984, the history of the last quarter of a cen- So it is a myth that Gorbachev was chosen because vative forces within the party apparatus, the ministeri- tury would surely have been very different. We know he was a reformer. It is also a myth that the leader- al bureaucracy, the military, and the KGB. And that was the views of all the voting members of the Politburo in ship had no option but to adopt the policies they did just the opposition on one side. On the other side were March 1985 — from transcripts of Politburo meetings because of the condition of the Soviet economy. And nationalist movements in the Baltic States, the Cauca- now available, from interviews they subsequently gave, it is certainly a myth that Ronald Reagan’s military sus and western Ukraine as well as radical “democrats”, and from the memoirs some of them wrote. There was build-up, including his Strategic Defence Initiative, left although some of the self-styled democrats were much only one reformer by disposition within their ranks, the Soviet Union no alternative but to sue for peace in less tolerant and more absolutist in style than was Gor- and that was Gorbachev. the Cold War. The economy was stagnating,4 but there bachev. Alexander Lukin, who published a scholarly It is quite evident, therefore, that Gorbachev was was no economic crisis in 1985, still less a political cri- book on the belief systems of democratic activists dur- not selected as General Secretary because he was a re- sis. The Communist system had a sophisticated array ing perestroika, found that many of them had very little former. In the first place, his views in 1985 were not as of rewards for conformist behavior and a hierarchy radical as they became in 1988, but he did, at the time of sanctions and punishments for political deviance. he became party leader, believe both that the system The overt dissident movement was actually weaker in was reformable and that it must be reformed. He did 1985 than it had been ten or twenty years earlier. An not, however, reveal the full extent of his existing re- unreconstructed command economy can survive for formism on the eve of perestroika. One of the Politburo decades longer than it deserves to when it is accompa- members at that time, Heidar Aliev, said in a 1990 in- nied by an equally unreconstructed Communist politi- terview that none of them knew that Gorbachev would cal system. Communist systems performing far worse be a reformer. If they had read more carefully a speech than did the Soviet economy in 1985 can continue to ex- Gorbachev gave in December 1984 to a conference ist by using all the instruments of political, social, and on ideology, they should have had some idea.2 Aliev, siloviki control at the disposal of the ruling party. North gorbachev though, was correct when he added that not only was Korea is today a tragic case in point. Cuba presents a PERESTRO Gorbachev the youngest among them all (which had at more mixed picture, but it is certainly not an economic last become an advantage), but also “he was the second success story. (China, of course, has taken a quite dif- person in the party; power, so to speak, was already in ferent route, retaining a command polity while having his hands”.3 long abandoned a command economy. Of the five Com- munist, or quasi-Communist, states still in existence, the two remaining ones, Vietnam and Laos, appear to Yuriy Andropov had so extended Gorbachev’s be following the economically pragmatic Chinese ex- powers and responsibilities that he was the obvious ample.) IKA successor to Chernenko as second secretary of the Then there is the argument that the correlation of party when Andropov himself died and was succeeded military forces had turned against the Soviet Union, a twenty-fifth as party leader by Chernenko. Thus, Andropov played making a transformation of policy unavoidable. The anniversary an important part in Gorbachev’s advance. He appreci- fact is that the United States was much stronger vis-à-vis ated his energy and abilities, although he, too, had no the Soviet Union in the 1950s and the 1960s than it was perspective inkling of how far Gorbachev would depart from the in 1985. But the Soviet response then was to continue BY ARCHIE BROWN norms, ideology, and institutions of the Soviet system. and even accelerate the build-up of its military strength

Modern version of the cunning of history: the reformer acquires breathing room by being selected without promises of reform. 24 essay

and to suppress any movement for change in East-Cen- So it does not really help us to understand why Com- damaging both for his leadership and for perestroika tral Europe, as the invasion of Czechoslovakia in August munist systems ended — in Europe, at any rate — when as a transformational project. In an article he wrote for 1968 made only too clear. By the early 1970s the Soviet they did. The error of the doctrine lay not only in its The New York Times twenty-five years to the month af- Union acquired an approximate military parity with the construction of a fanciful future but also in its refusal ter the launch of perestroika, he said: “In the heat of US. In the 1980s, each side had the weaponry capable of to acknowledge the legitimacy of political opposition, political battles we lost sight of the economy, and peo- utterly annihilating the other — and, indeed, of destroy- the refusal to countenance independent social organi- ple never forgave us for the shortages of everyday items ing life on Earth. Even on Reagan’s own optimistic as- zations, the rejection of a rule of law, and the lack of a and the lines for essential goods.”9 Gorbachev, in that sessment, “SDI might take decades to develop”.5 place within the ideology for institutionalizing political article and elsewhere, has mentioned some of the spe- accountability. While there is no doubt that Marxism- cial difficulties in the way of economic reform. One fac- Leninism contained fundamental flaws even in theory, tor, however, on which he does not focus, but which is The Reagan Administration sent out very mixed and while the doctrine became a rationalization of au- also extremely important, is the numerical strength of signals, and these included the statements at different thoritarian (at times totalitarian) repression in practice, veto players within the economic system. A huge num- times of President Reagan himself. When he combined these flaws do very little to explain why fundamental ber of people were responsible for the implementation his most belligerent rhetoric with increased military reform was undertaken in the Soviet Union after 1985 of economic policy. Their resistance, or sheer bureau- expenditure, this consolidated a hard line within the and why Communism was consigned to the dustbin of cratic inertia, could make economic reform especially Soviet leadership, as we can see from the transcripts of history there and, still more suddenly, in Eastern Eu- difficult to implement. If we compare foreign policy Politburo meetings in 1983 and 1984.6 As the long-serv- rope at the end of the 1980s. and economic policy, we can count on the fingers of ing Soviet Ambassador to Washington (and later head For Gorbachev, the slowdown to a virtual halt in one hand the number of personnel changes needed to of the International Department of the Central Com- the rate of economic growth in the Soviet Union was make a fundamental difference to international policy mittee), Anatoly Dobrynin, observed: “The impact of undoubtedly one of the stimuli to reform, as was the — first of all, and most crucially, the change of General the American hard line on the internal debates of the wasteful and dangerous military competition with the Secretary, then the Foreign Minister, then the heads of Politburo and the attitudes of the Soviet leadership al- United States. But the conclusions he drew from this, the International Department and the Socialist Coun- most always turned out to be just the opposite of the in terms of policy objectives and institutional reforms, tries Department of the Central Committee, plus the one intended in Washington.”7 Reagan did play a signif- constituted an unprecedentedly radical break with chief foreign policy adviser of the General Secretary. icant role in ending the Cold War, but, as Jack Matlock Soviet policy up until 1985. Any idea that the Soviet Gorbachev had made those changes within a year of and others have pointed out, it was not the Reagan of elite as a whole had been convinced of the need for becoming Soviet party leader. In contrast, half of the popular mythology who did so. The Reagan who made radical change is wrong. Moreover, change can be in departments of the Central Committee were economic this contribution was ready for dialogue if he could find more than one direction. There were neo-Stalinist and departments (until Gorbachev abolished nearly all of a Soviet leader to negotiate with — a Reagan who shared Russian nationalist tendencies within the ruling Com- them in the autumn of 1988) and there were scores of with Gorbachev an aspiration to banish nuclear weap- munist Party as well as social democratic and liberal economic and industrial ministries. There were also ons from the face of the Earth — rather than the Reagan orientations. The elite were deeply divided and those factory managers all over the country with a stake in of Western triumphalist accounts.8 within the party and state apparatus who favored fun- the existing system, and, even more consequentially, At a February 2010 conference at Columbia Univer- damental reform of the political system of a Western- regional party secretaries whose co-ordinating role in sity, New York, in which I participated, Adam Michnik, izing type were in a minority. They were, however, a the command economy was one of the justifications for who for many years was a leading figure in the oppo- minority, after March 1985, with a singular advantage: their existence. sition to Communist rule in Poland, was asked why they had the General Secretary of the Central Commit- If economic stagnation and military superpower Communism ended. He replied: “Because it was false.” tee of the CPSU on their side. pressures are insufficient explanations of the launch Ideas were, indeed, important in the demise of Com- The argument that the driving force of reform in and development of perestroika, that leaves open the munism, just as they were in its rise. The belief that the second half of the 1980s was the condition of the question of how we should, then, explain the trans- capitalism would inevitably be succeeded by socialism economy is hard to reconcile with the clear priority formation of the Soviet Union in the second half of the which, in due course, would usher in the final stage which Gorbachev gave to political over economic re- 1980s. There are clearly a great many factors, both long- of human development — a classless, stateless society form. That was in spite of the fact that radical reform term and short-term, which are part of the explanation — turned out to be a utopian illusion, no matter how of the political system removed many traditional levers of change.10 But there are three points that go a long much the Communist founding fathers, Marx, Engels of power. Chinese Communist Party leaders have been way towards explaining why such far-reaching change and Lenin, criticized utopian socialists. The notion that much more fearful of that kind of reform than of mar- was able to take place when it did. the Communist Party had a right to rule because it was ketizing measures which, so far, they have survived The first is the power and authority that was con- able to guide less advanced citizens to the goal of com- quite comfortably. centrated in the position of General Secretary of the munism was untenable for many reasons, but first and Central Committee of the Communist Party of the foremost because this supposedly final stage of social Soviet Union. That concentration of power, while not development was a wholly imaginary construct. While not at all regretting those measures which absolute in the post-Stalin era, was sufficiently great as The problem with Michnik’s answer, however, is liberalized the Soviet system and went a long way to- to raise the possibility of far-reaching change, should a that Communist ideology was no less “false” in earlier wards democratizing it, Gorbachev has acknowledged serious reformer ever be elevated to this post. Khrush- decades of Communist rule than it was in the 1980s. that the lack of sustained focus on economic issues was chev was a reformer up to a point, although he was a

gorANDbachev PERESTROika 25

highly erratic and inconsistent one. He played a his- that the Soviet system could never be the same again by constitute, then, the first toric role in exposing at least some of the many crimes coaxing the delegates into voting for the imminent in- and most important ex- of Stalin. By so doing, and more inadvertently, he also troduction of contested elections for a legislature with planation of why the punctured the myth of the infallibility of the party. real power. peaceful dismantling Although Khrushchev himself did not raise the issue, of a Communist sys- in the minds of more reflective citizens the question tem occurred when it arose: what kind of political system was it that allowed What the archival evidence we now have avail- did. The second point, its leader to get away with mass murder? able shows is that Gorbachev was consistently more which is often overlooked, radical than a majority of the Politburo, even after the is that even a radically re- composition of that body had changed considerably as formist General Secretary would Yet, both within and outside the Soviet Union, it compared with March 1985.13 The report he made to the have been unable to introduce fundamental change was widely argued that no one willing to look critically Central Committee on the Seventieth Anniversary of had there not been a constituency supportive of such at the fundamentals of the system could ever attain the the Bolshevik Revolution in 1987, which did contain sig- change within the ruling party. Behind its monolithic post of General Secretary. It is true that if Gorbachev’s nificant innovation, would have been more radical still façade, the CPSU contained people whose private views had been as radical in 1985 as they were by 1988, had it not been watered down in the Politburo. There views differed radically. They included conservatives, and if those views were known to his colleagues, he were objections to his use of the term “socialist plural- Stalinists, nationalists, social democrats and liberals, to would certainly not have been elevated to the party’s ism”. “Pluralism’, Aliev said, was an “alien concept”.14 mention only the most important political tendencies. position of greatest power. But, as I have already not- Anatoliy Luk’yanov, the Secretary of the Central Com- The party intelligentsia, in particular, contained ed, even the extent of Gorbachev’s existing reformist mittee, who at that time was supervising the KGB and people ready to respond to encouragement to think the views was inadequately understood in the Politburo in the military, said he could accept the word “pluralism” unthinkable — and, still more significantly, to publish it. March 1985, and Gorbachev himself did not know then only if it were rephrased as a “socialist pluralism of Those who were ready to embrace radical change were how far the subsequent evolution of his ideas would opinion in society”. But he would not accept “social- never more than a minority within the party appara- take him. As long ago as June 1979, someone who was a ist pluralism” without that qualification, for it would tus, but they constituted a larger proportion within the close friend of Gorbachev when they studied together be taken in the West to mean a “pluralism of power”. party intelligentsia. Supporters of transformational from 1950 to 1955 in the Law Faculty of Moscow Uni- But “we, Communists, the party”, said Luk’yanov, change were to be found especially in the research in- versity, Zdenĕk Mlynář (who later became a leading “will not divide power with anyone”.15 (Less than four stitutes that studied international affairs and political Prague Spring reformer), described Gorbachev to years later Luk’yanov was to be complicit in the coup and economic developments in other countries. The me as “open-minded, intelligent, and anti-Stalinist”.11 against Gorbachev.) In the draft report which Gor- Brezhnev era was the golden age of the Soviet bureau- All three of these attributes were important and the bachev brought to that same Politburo meeting on 15 crat, but perestroika was the golden age of the institut- combination of them made Gorbachev unique among October 1987 was the statement that “an authoritarian- chiki.19 Supporters of far-reaching change were also to members of Brezhnev’s top leadership team. Of the bureaucratic model of socialism” had been built in the be found among some of the best-educated members of three, none was more consequential than a mind open Soviet Union. This was strongly criticized, not least by the Central Committee apparatus. It is no accident that to new experiences and new ideas. the KGB Chairman Viktor Chebrikov, who said it was it was from the department that knew more than the What turned out to be especially significant was Gor- a Western formula. Gorbachev had to make a tactical others about the outside world — the International De- bachev’s intellectual and political boldness combined and partial retreat, conceding that the word “model” partment of the Central Committee — that Gorbachev with tactical finesse. When he met with resistance to could be replaced by “methods” or “means”.16 What was to recruit some of his most enlightened advisers. political reform, he sometimes made tactical retreats was already evident from the public record, but has be- They included his principal foreign policy aide, Ana- and, especially in the later years of perestroika, there come still clearer with the benefit of access to archival toliy Chernyaev. were zig-zags, some of which were counter-productive. documents, is that as early as 1987 Gorbachev had bro- But it was precisely in the early part of 1988, when the ken with the past ideologically. opposition to radical reform became stronger and The meaning of the ambiguous term perestroika That point links up with the third very important more overt, that Gorbachev moved from liberalization changed quite rapidly over time. Rather than amount- contributory factor to the change that occurred in the of the system to democratization. The “theses” for the ing to just a restructuring of the existing building, it Soviet Union in the second half of the 1980s: the effects Nineteenth Party Conference, held at the end of June came to mean — by 1988 — that the system should be of societal and cultural contacts between the Soviet 1988, were published over a month earlier, shortly constructed anew from its very foundation. This was, Union and the West. Groucho Marx (not Karl) once before Ronald Reagan arrived in the Soviet Union for as a number of authors have observed, a “revolution asked: “Who are you going to believe? Me, or your own his historic Moscow summit meeting. The “theses” from above”.17 Or, as Andrei Sakharov remarked: “We eyes?” It was only a select minority of Soviet citizens contained, as Ambassador Jack Matlock told President began to create our new house, not from the basement who were able to travel to Western countries from the Reagan at the time, many fundamentally new political but from the roof.”18 When fundamental reform was pre-perestroika Soviet Union. Among them, however, ideas in the Soviet context. Matlock described them adopted in the Soviet Union, it was no accident that it were many who preferred the evidence of their own as “closer to European social democracy” than to So- came from above. The system was such that it could eyes to Soviet stereotypes and propaganda about life viet Communist documents of the past.12 In particular, come from nowhere else. Only in Poland, among all the in the West. They numbered many of the institutchiki, when the Conference took place, Gorbachev ensured European Communist states, was there a civil society who were to become influential during the second half sufficiently strong to challenge the Communist authori- of the 1980s. ties. And even in Poland, the party-state was powerful Even more significantly, they included key political enough to impose martial law in December 1981, turn- actors of the perestroika era. Aleksandr Yakovlev spent ing Solidarity from a mass movement into a weakened, ten years in dignified exile from the Central Commit- underground organization. Solidarity re-emerged as tee as Soviet ambassador to Canada. He returned to a serious force in Polish politics only after the Soviet Moscow in 1983 more critical of the Soviet system than perestroika, together with the transformation of Soviet he had been a decade earlier, in the light of this expe- foreign policy under Gorbachev, had changed the en- rience of living in a democratic and prosperous coun- tire political climate in East-Central Europe. try. Gorbachev made a number of short visits to West The power of the general secretaryship, and the sig- European countries in the 1970s, and more significant gorbachev nificance of a serious reformer acquiring the power and ones (involving high-level meetings with Western poli- authority (including ideological authority) it bestowed, ticians) to Canada, Italy and Great Britain in 1983 and

Gorbachev leaned on a scholarly intelligentsia, not party bureaucrats. Under Yeltsin PERESTROika bureaucrats became oligarchs. 26 essay

1984. Even his earlier visits led »» The introduction of genuinely competitive elections references him to ask himself, “Why do for a legislature with real power. 1 we live worse than in other »» The development of civil society — a result of per- Alexander Lukin, The Political Culture of the Russian “Demo- crats”, Oxford 2000, especially p. 298. developed countries?” and estroika, not (as some people imagine) a precursor 2 M. S. Gorbachev, Zhivoe tvorchestvo naroda, Moscow 1984. — I to a questioning, as he put it of it. paid substantial attention to this major speech by Gorbachev (in the language of the time), »» Progress toward a rule of law, subjecting the Com- in an article I published shortly after the leadership change in of his “a priori faith in the ad- munist Party to the law, and moving supreme pow- the Soviet Union: Archie Brown, “Gorbachev: New Man in the vantages of socialist over bour- er from party to state institutions. Kremlin”, Problems of Communism, Vol. 34: 3, May—June 1985. It geois democracy”.20 »» Replacing Leninism and dogma with a commitment is republished as chapter 2 of my book Seven Years that Changed to pluralism and free intellectual inquiry. the World: Perestroika in Perspective, Oxford 2007, pp. 29—67. 3 Andrey Karaulov (ed.), Vokrug kremlya, Moscow 1990, p. 267. »» The ending of Soviet military intervention in Af- 4 Official figures showed a rate of growth of 2.7 per cent in 1984. The part played by Western democracies in fos- ghanistan and the withdrawal of the last Soviet CIA as well as unofficial Soviet estimate suggested the growth tering change in the Communist world did not lie pri- troops from that country by February 1989. rate was closer to zero. See, for example, Philip Hanson, The marily in their military alliance. It was through simply »» Allowing the East European countries to become Rise and Fall of the Soviet Economy: An Economic History of the being there as a better alternative to Communist rule independent and non-Communist. USSR from 1945, London 2003, pp. 174—175. that democracies prevailed in the battle of ideas. We »» Consenting to, and negotiating, the peaceful reuni- 5 Ronald Reagan, An American Life, New York 1990, p. 608. hardly need to be reminded of our own problems and fication of Germany. 6 Many of the Politburo minutes for those years are available in faults. If we needed such a reminder, the global eco- »» Underpinning these last three foreign policy deci- the declassified Fond 89 in the Russian State Archive of Con- temporary History (RGANI) and in microfilm in a number of nomic crisis that began in 2008, and whose effects are sions was a fundamental re-evaluation of world pol- major Western libraries. I have used the catalogued collection still with us, provided it. However, it was of huge im- itics which Gorbachev encouraged and embraced. at the Hoover Institution Archives at Stanford University. Other portance that Western democracies provided an exam- He rejected the notion of East-West relations as a Politburo transcripts are available in the Volkogonov Papers ple of greater tolerance, of free elections, accountable zero-sum game and endorsed the idea that there which are also available in several Western libraries, including government, and respect for human rights, in addition were universal values and universal interests. By the National Security Archive, Washington, DC, where I acces- to substantially higher living standards. Thinking that doing so, already by 1988, he demolished the ideo- sed them. 7 was radically new in the Soviet context was, in part at logical foundation of the Cold War. In 1989, when Anatoly Dobrynin, In Confidence: Moscow’s Ambassador to America’s Six Cold War Presidents (1962—1986), New York 1995, least, based on better knowledge of the outside world. Gorbachev’s actions and non-actions reflected this p. 544. Michnik is right. Ideas matter. But ideas, if they are to New Thinking, the Cold War ended on the ground. 8 See, especially, Jack F. Matlock, Jr, Reagan and Gorbachev: How have an impact on policy, require institutional bearers the Cold War Ended, New York 2004, and Matlock, Superpower Il- — especially in a consolidated Communist system. So lusions: How Myths and False Ideologies Led America Astray — and it remains the case that nothing was more important To those who still see perestroika as an overall How to Return to Reality, New Haven 2010. See also James Mann, for the liberalization and partial democratization of the failure, I would ask: which of these twelve achieve- The Rebellion of Ronald Reagan: A History of the End of the Cold Soviet system in the second half of the 1980s than the ments do they regard as inconsequential? Gorbachev War, New York 2009, and Beth A. Fischer, “American Foreign coming together of fresh ideas, innovative leadership, sacrificed the boundless authority, the unquestion- Policy under Reagan and Bush”, in Melvyn P. Leffler & Odd Arne Westad (eds.), The Cambridge History of the Cold War, Volume III: and institutional power. That is the lasting significance ing obedience, and the orchestrated public adulation Endings, Cambridge 2010, pp. 267—288. of the choice of Gorbachev as General Secretary of the which he could have continued to enjoy for as long as 9 New York Times, March 13, 2010. Central Committee of the CPSU twenty-five years ago. he played by the rules of the traditional Soviet game. 10 For a detailed analysis — relating to Communism worldwide, For those who want to call perestroika “katastroika” He broke with those norms in the attempt to create a and not only in the Soviet context — see Archie Brown, The Rise and who see it as a calamitous failure, I shall end by better system and society than that which he inherited. and Fall of Communism, London 2009. just listing, without elaboration, twelve fundamen- Although the democratic shortcomings of post-Soviet 11 For the context, see Archie Brown, ”Introduction”, to Mikhail tal achievements of Gorbachev and perestroika. In Russia are evident, they have occurred, it is worth re- Gorbachev & Zdenĕk Mlynář, Conversations with Gorbachev: On Perestroika, the Prague Spring, and the Crossroads of Socialism, several of these spheres a majority of the successor minding ourselves, during years in which Gorbachev New York 2002, pp. vii—xxiii,­ at p. xiii. states to the USSR have gone backwards, rather than has wielded no power. What seems to me incontrovert- 12  Jack F. Matlock, Jr, Autopsy on an Empire: The American forwards, in the years since 1991. (That includes Rus- ible is that the country Gorbachev bequeathed to his Ambassador’s Account of the Collapse of the Soviet Union, New sia, although to nothing like the same extent as the successors was freer than at any time in Russian histo- York 1995, pp. 121—123. Central Asian republics.) These, then, are twelve ba- ry. Even today Russia remains vastly freer than Brezh- 13 Much of that evidence is to be found in the official record of sic achievements of perestroika (not in any particu- nev’s Soviet Union. In less than seven years perestroika Politburo meetings, contained, inter alia, in Fond 89. It is to lar order of importance, for they are all important): changed the world for the better. However, the use that be found also in the notes, taken at Politburo meetings, by has been made of the opportunities it offered has fallen Gorbachev’s closest associates. A substantial proportion of the latter have been published. See V Politbyuro TsK KPSS…Po »» The introduction of glasnost and its development far short of the vision of a peaceful and more equitable zapisyam Anatoliya Chernyaeva, Vadima Medvedeva, Georgiya into freedom of speech and publication. world of those who attempted to reconstruct the Soviet Shakhnazarova (1985—1991), Moscow, 2nd ed., 2008. »» The release of dissidents from prison and exile and system and the international system on new founda- 14 “Zasedanie Politbyuro TsK KPSS, 15 Okyabrya 1987 goda”, the resumption of rehabilitations of those unjustly tions. ≈ Volkogonov Collection, National Security Archive, Washington, repressed in the past. DC, p. 155. »» Freedom of religious observation and the end of 15 Ibid., p. 176. 16 persecution of the churches. Note. — This article is a slightly expanded version of Ibid., pp. 149—150. 17 See, for example, Gordon Hahn, Russia’s Revolution from Above: »» Freedom of communication across frontiers, in- the keynote address which Professor Brown gave at Reform, Transition, and Revolution in the Fall of the Soviet Com- the opening session of the ICCEES VIII World Con- cluding freedom to travel and an end to the jam- munist Regime, New Brunswick 2002. ming of foreign broadcasts. gress in Stockholm on July 26, 2010. 18 As cited by his widow Elena Bonner in Andrei Grachev, Chiara Blengino & Rossella Stievano (eds.), 1985—2005: Twenty Years that Changed the World, World Political Forum, Turin, and Edi- tori Laterza 2005, p. 175. 19 I have argued this case at length in my chapter “Institutional Amphibiousness or Civil Society? The Origins and Development of Perestroika”, in Brown, Seven Years that Changed the World, pp. 157—189. gorbachev 20 Mikhail Gorbachev, Zhizn’ i reformy, Vol. 1, Moscow 1995, p. 169. education 27

New forms of Baltic collaboration. A medical profession sees the light of day

nga-Britt Lindström takes con- chairperson Inga-Britt Lindström. After doctors, found it difficult to keep up siderable pride in stating that the due consideration and discussion they with their studies since they generally four-year occupational therapy agreed to launch a two-year project to held down two jobs in order to be able I education program at Tallinn train a number of Latvian doctors in to support themselves.” Health Care College was one of the few occupational therapy and rehabilita- In addition, a fundamental change programs audited at institutions of tion. The idea was that some of them occurred during the course of the pro- higher learning in 2005 to receive top would become the teaching base for a ject, when plans to implement occu- marks. Just a few years earlier, in 2002, domestic four-year occupational thera- pational therapy as a medical specialty the program found itself in an acute py education program, while others were abandoned. Currently, discus- crisis. Due to internal conflicts, the two would start an occupational therapy sions are underway about initiating a entering classes that had already begun department that would serve as a five-year occupational therapy educa- the newly started program had no model for further expansion of occupa- tion program. teacher in occupational therapy. tional therapy in the country. In order Inga-Britt Lindström. “SIDA’s evaluations of the project Lindström, who was then chairper- to carry out the project, they applied state that we should have terminated son of the Swedish Association of Oc- for financing from the Eastern Europe “When we practiced driving wheel- the project earlier. We did not quite cupational Therapists (FSA), was called Committee, which was founded in 1992 chairs, the students never wanted to understand just how complicated and in to save the day. With the help of the to assist Sweden’s Baltic neighbors, with practice in public. People with disabi- difficult it was to influence the Russian FSA network of contacts in Sweden and support from agencies such as SIDA, lities were not well accepted in Soviet education and health care systems”, financial support from the Swedish Eas- Swedish International Development society, regardless of whether they had says Lindström. tern Europe Committee, a two-year res- Cooperation Agency, in their endeavor a congenital disease or an acquired FSA has terminated its formal com- cue plan was launched. In sum, a hand- to reform their healthcare and medical condition such as a stroke or mental mitments in St. Petersburg, though it ful of experienced Estonian doctors services after independence. illness. People with disabilities were to continues to maintain relations with returned to the classroom together with be hidden away, either by the family or, colleagues there. Nevertheless, local the students, where Swedish university Several examples can be found of where the family was unable to cope, in activity continues. instructors taught them about occupa- how, once the Baltic countries achieved an institution somewhere. Initially we “Our Russian colleagues hold cour- tional therapy. The idea was that these independence, academic institutions in devoted a considerable amount of time ses on people with disabilities and doctors would then take responsibility Sweden helped to support and develop to ethical principles and knowledge participate in international rehabilita- for the occupational therapy education higher education in the Baltic states; the about disabilities. The Latvian doctors tion conferences, while continuing the program. Stockholm School of Economics in Riga also did a ten-week rotation in Sweden struggle to establish a university educa- is perhaps the most well known. This where they learned how we work with tion program in occupational therapy The plan was a success, and in 2004 the case was unusual because its Swedish occupational therapy at Swedish hos- back home.” first class of occupational therapists in partners were the presidents of various pitals.” Estonia graduated. Today the education universities and a professional organi- According to Lindström, one reason program, which is approved by the zation — which, according to Lindström, In 1996, the permanent four-year that the program was more successful World Federation of Occupational Ther- constituted a great advantage. university education program in occu- in Estonia and Latvia than in Russia is apists, stands on its own feet. However, “We were able to use all of Sweden as pational therapy was launched in Riga that these small countries had to fight the story of how the FSA came to be the a resource base. Had the collaboration as planned. And in 2000 the first gradu- for their independence. mentor for the occupational therapy involved only a single university, we ating class of Latvian occupational “For them, in addition to the human education programs in three Baltic would have been limited to the exper- therapists had earned their degrees. To side of the equation there is also an eco- countries does not begin in Estonia, but tise available at that particular univer- date, 135 people have received degrees nomic aspect. They can ill afford to have nine years earlier with its neighbor to sity. Instead, we had the entire corps in occupational therapy in Latvia. Many people sitting in institutions; they have the south. The dean of Riga’s Medical of occupational therapy teachers and of them are professionally active in oc- rather an interest in seeing as many of School, Rīga Stradiņš University, and instructors from all over Sweden at our cupational therapy, a discipline that is their citizens as possible managing on the head of Vaivari, the national reha- disposal and could choose from among steadily growing in the country. their own.” bilitation center, visited Sweden in 1993 those most qualified both academically The collaborative endeavor that FSA Lindström feels that another impor- to seek assistance in building a Western- and clinically, as well as those with ex- launched in 1999 in St. Petersburg, whe- tant factor underlying the success of style rehabilitation program in Latvia. perience of working in other cultures.” re the president of the St. Petersburg the project was that high goals were set “Rehabilitation in the modern sense The project was launched in 1994 State Medical Academy had heard about from the start. was an unknown concept during the So- with twelve physicians, most of whom the Riga project, did not quite meet “We were adamant that the pro- viet period. Available programs at that were women, representing various spe- with the same success as its counter- grams meet the high standards for time typically involved physical training cialties. Initially, the cultural barriers parts in Riga and Tallinn. The goal was approval set by the World Federation for patients with war injuries. After were formidable, according to Lind- to give occupational therapy in Russia of Occupational Therapists; otherwise independence from the Soviet Union, ström. For example, the Latvians, who the same status as a medical specialty as we would not have ventured into the people realized that there was a serious placed didactic emphasis on memori- physical therapy. The project involved project. At the same time, we learned shortage of rehabilitation services for zation and recitation, found pedagogy four two-year courses, where Russians that such ambitious projects take time. various disabilities, including mental based on student participation through would gradually assume more of the re- Despite the many hurdles, you can disabilities, the kind of rehabilitation dialog and reflection to be a foreign sponsibility for the training program. never give up.” ≈ program that focuses on enabling indi- concept. “But the newly trained Russians, michael lövtrup viduals to develop their capacity so they However, the most striking dif- who lacked the authority of their can lead as independent a lifestyle as ference was a legacy from the Soviet Swedish teachers, found it difficult to possible.” period regarding views of people with educate their colleagues. Another pro- Reporter at Läkartidningen, the journal The Latvians were referred to FSA disabilities. blem was that the students, who were of the Swedish Medical Association

The Soviet Union was a society with a high density of physicians. Still, rehabilitation was at best a secondary matter. 28 story

My mother, the red countess 29

Using diaries, letters, interviews, and research, historian Yvonne Hirdman has pieced together her mother’s European history.

ere I stand, like a frightened child, help- And this is how I began. But the contents of the lessly holding her big, pink, ugly under- green boxes were more abundant than I had imagi- pants in my hands — di d she actually wear ned. underpants like these?! Beautiful, slender, well-dressed mama, with her And suddenly there was a wealth of material: I found scent of Chanel No. 5, her well-manicured nails, and the little diary belonging to my grandmother, Emi- the most beautiful round knees I ever saw on a wo- lie Redard; no covers, but the ink still black against man. And then these dreadful underpants? Oh well, cream-colored paper. Found my grandfather Fritz at least no elastic around the legs — but still, a crude Schledt’s draft for his memoirs. Found one thing after garment. Maybe she suffered from urinary tract infec- another. Found stacks of letters. Found documents. tions; women sometimes get that during menopause Poems. Notes. Photos! — what do I know? And then I began to search. I searched online — this I know nothing … I’m standing here with my blessing that allows me to view the various scenes mother’s underpants and this oppressive thought: where this family and she who became my mother mama is dead, but they’re still here. once lived their lives. Bucharest 1900, Dorpat 1906, Bukovina, Berlin, etc. It must have been cold and wintry outside. She died in I found many eyewitness accounts, both online and February 1966, I can never remember dates. in good old-fashioned books, describing her milieu, and a few that actually described her. There were But I did not forget my mother. You never forget your books and memoirs by Alexander Stenbock-Fermor mother. She continues to haunt me, lives in my dre- and Margarete Buber-Neumann, but also others that ams, assumes grotesque proportions, transforms into gave an unexpected tiny glimpse, a remnant, a vague Charlotte, 17 years old a loaf of bread, a scent, sometimes a comfort — a sha- shadow of her and all her friends. dow. And so I make up my mind. Now is the time. The time to write about mama. So with all this it really became a history — with mama. Papa is dead and will not be hurt. Now we’re all so However, mama became something greater. So much old, I think to myself — my sister Eili and brother Sven, so that she became more nuanced with contours, old, white-haired, and reconciled with life and our more than just a gestalt occupying a corner. A chill childhood, of course we are? Now I am going to do it. creeps over me as I realize that I have created — not But I know nothing? I only have a rough idea of whe- fabricated! — a mother for myself. What would she have re she was born, how she moved around, and there thought about this? was a count, and there was a communist, and there was Moscow, and then she came to Sweden at the last There is a clipping tucked into her diary from Paris — moment, almost a little too late, because World War II it’s autumn, the year is 1938, life is lived on the edge. had already begun. A friend, apparently fascinated by her life story, sits Memories of old nursery rhymes: Ins Bett, ins Bett, beside her at some small bistro where they are drin- wer Liebchen hätt’, wer keiner hätt’ geht auch ins Bett. king wine, probably, and smoking and smoking and Memories of the food she cooked — hash with garlic the friend says she is going to write a book about her, and tomato paste. Memories of the cigarette dangling Charlotte. Her sole terse reply: glaube kaum, daß sie es between her prominent front teeth, bending over the fertig bringt. Doubt she can pull it off. pot on the stove — the ash lengthening by the minute. But I can. Mama! Memories of the hoarse voices from their seats at the kitchen table, she and papa, before they go to bed and she drinks her black currant schnapps. Comrade Stenbock Memories are but fragile fragments that turn to Moscow 1934—1937 Count Alexander Stenbock-Fermor with fiancée Miss dust and vanish if dwelled on too long. The year the snare pulls tight. The year of the first Charlotte Schledt. But later I think, this much I do know, that her fate Moscow show trials. The year when terror became in- is a European fate: born in 1906 in Tartu, which was creasingly tangible, faces paler, speech more muffled, Russian at the time, experienced the war, the “big” visits sparser, when Müller and Brückmann had more one, the First World War as a child in Bukovina, which and more to do, when countless secret collaborators, then was part of the great Austro-Hungarian Empire, seksots, known by names such as “Doppelgänger” danced around Berlin in the enlightened Weimar Era and “Doina” and “Hans”, look for and find Trotskyite with her count, Alexander Stenbock-Fermor, fled counterrevolutionaries and Fascist spies everywhere Hitler’s Germany, lived in Moscow with a communist, among the foreign communists who were active in met papa in France, and came here, just in the nick of the Comintern apparatus — translators, interpreters, time. teachers — the year when old feuds were converted I think to myself, I can write a European story, where into counterrevolutionary documents, never forgiven. mama stands in a little corner, looking exciting and Apocalyptic. beautiful, not in the middle, at the center of the story. The Soviet cleansing of its own cadre, against its It’s my only choice, really; what’s left of letters and dia- own old warriors begins to intensify. In July 1934 a ries isn’t enough to do otherwise. And fabricate myself People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs is formed a mother — no, never! and now the logic of terror is fortified in an institutio- 30 story

AUTHOR nal framework, now (1935) when little Jazov — whom was terribly afraid. I tried to sleep. It was impossible. PRESENTATION Stalin biographer Montefiore fingers as a kind of pure Slowly dawn began to break. The train stopped. evil — becomes secretary of the CPSU, takes the reins — I first realized we were at the Soviet border when yvonne hirdman and directs the terror against their own ranks. In his a Soviet official opened the compartment door to famous 1956 speech about the cult of the personality return my passport. From that moment on I had to Among Swedish historians, Yvonne Hirdman and its victims, Nikita Khrushchev asserted that of the gather all my strength, so that no one would notice is one of the ”calli-graphers” – those who 1,966 delegates elected to the 1934 party congress, how much I was trembling. [Grete’s story makes no write history beautifully. Her dissertation was 1,108 did not survive — in other words, only 858 of mention of the ring.] The train continued onward political-historical in the traditional sense, and these delegates did survive. through some kind of no man’s land, stopped again, dealt with the Swedish Communist Party during Foreigners, emigrants and refugees everywhere, and Latvian officials checked passports, tickets, and World War II. Then came a distinguished work also came under scrutiny, those who lived their lives at baggage. Everything went smoothly. That’s when I on social engineering in Sweden during the Hotel Lux, Hotel Sojuznaja. The entire vast Comintern noticed the name on the sign at the railway station: thirties and forties in the context of state com- apparatus is under suspicion — a separate commission Kaunata. Instantly my misery vanished. My inner be- mittee work, the so-called Maktutredningen is appointed to deal with the matter in January 1936. ing rejoiced. A free country! (a study of democracy and power in Sweden — And once in Libau, a clean, pretty hotel. Decent — literally “The Power Commission”) in the On May 25, 1937, Kurella is ousted from the Comintern. people. A room with a bath. It may sound strange: for late 1980s. As a gender historian, she has In June his request to travel to France on business for the first time in weeks I slept peacefully though the emphatically turned against the kind of thinking the Communist Party of Germany is denied. In July — night. Yes, this is what people are like … that regards women as a particular, special date unknown — he is arrested. Under torture, he ad- — In Libau my fate was set. The day after my arrival, category. Her double biography of the couple mits to being a Gestapo agent, provocateur, and mem- when I went to the harbor office, I was told that the Alva and Gunnar Myrdal pointed to inequalities ber of the anti-Soviet, anti-Comintern organization, boat to Copenhagen could not sail because the harbor in that modern — internationally known — ideal and is sentenced on October 28, 1937 to death and was frozen over. The passengers would have to wait marriage and at the same time highlighted executed by firing squad that same day at the NKVD a couple of days. And then what? For me, it didn’t Alva’s intellectual contribution to Gunnar’s work execution site, Butovo-Kunarka. Heinrich Kurella was matter. I strolled through the city’s streets with the on race in the United States. 32 years old. beautiful old houses, the small shops, where anything could be purchased, enjoyed the abundance of color It is a great pleasure for BW to be able to after the gray gloom of Moscow and against all com- publish excerpts from Yvonne Hirdman’s The Pieces of the Puzzle mon sense — was able to look forward to the future, latest book, which is a biography of a mother Copenhagen – Paris filled with hope; I painted a scene for myself of how who, for various reasons, spent time in many – Pontigny 1937-1939 life would be when I would be living once again with countries, finally ending up in Sweden. The I wonder when it was she actually told what little she Heinrich in Switzerland. biography has considerable literary qualities said about her life, these vague shadows, these frag- — Day after day I would return to the harbor of- and manifests a sophisticated technique. The ments that mean I “know” — that she loved Heinrich fice. After a week had passed, and there was still no story takes place in a Europe where citizen- Kurella, that he was the one who gave her the ring, that prospect of leaving since the ice remained, I started to ship in a state and membership in a language she chose that sunset ring when she reached the Soviet become nervous. My passport would soon expire and community presented no serious obstacles to border and the border guards checked the papers and my funds were quickly running out. On day ten, panic the possibility of moving across borders. World said there should only be two rings here, or however it struck. Who could I turn to in this foreign city?! In my wars hampered such movement and the Cold was, and how she pulls a more expensive ring off her hour of need, I remembered that Alexander [. . .] spo- War made two camps out of one continent finger and keeps his. And how she reached Copenha- ke of relatives in Latvia. Perhaps he had some in Libau that had created a muddle of opposites. This gen and how she gave herself away and was incapable too? I searched the telephone book and found several is the world the mother encounters, a world of being a spy — and this is the point where papa beco- Stenbock-Fermors. under the constant threat of dissolution. The mes agitated and starts talking about something else or — I quickly settled on a number, called, and intro- daughter’s reconstruction of a human life in laughs it all off and the plastic table-cloth is green with duced myself as Count Alexander Stenbock-Fermor’s the shadow of the many power plays links two white polka dots and the dishes have yellow stripes wife, traveling through Libau. These unknown ‘rela- world-historic eras with each other. crossed with black lines and mama gets up to fetch the tives’ were thrilled, immediately invited me to their kettle of potatoes and outside it is a dreary gray Novem- home, assuring me how delighted they were to get to ber and the kitchen in Hökarängen is dark and Eili and know me. But what was I to tell them?! How could I I begin thinking about our paper dolls and whatever explain why I was in Libau? Sven is thinking about I have no idea. — I decided on the sob story about the unfaithful Or was it something she whispered to us in German adulteress who met with misfortune and was dragged while changing our diapers, or when nursing us, or along to Moscow by her lover and now with the help at some point when she sat alone with one of us or at of the German ambassador … Well, you know … They our bedside where all three of us children were lying, believed every word. When I mentioned in passing oto: lotta t h örnrot p h oto: lotta though I don’t think so, because as far as I can remem- that my passport was about to expire, they immedia- ber she never told us stories and she was never home tely knew what to do, since the Stenbocks were good and I don’t remember anything and this was no fairy friends with the German consul in Libau. Without tale. hesitation he extended my passport by 14 days and Though in Grete’s tale of the beautiful, innocent provided me with funds to continue my journey. Two “Bourguikan” and her fate, it seems like a fairy tale: days later the ship was able to sail. An icebreaker had — I had a place in the mezjdunarodnyj wagon, the cleared a lane through the ice. carriage for international travelers, highly exclusive, — And in Copenhagen you quit, didn’t you? The in first class. Sat alone in the compartment, heart question comes from Grete. aching, filled with guilt, because I thought about your — You don’t know me. fate, on the eve of our farewell in Sojuznaja, about that The answer comes from mama. Full of shame. last night with Heinrich. — That’s what you should have done. But I, in my “He’s the only one I ever loved … Five happy years. weakness … Darkness fell. The train traveled into the night and I No, she didn’t quit. She went to the hotel as instruc- 31

ted by Moscow, where she sat waiting for her contact. lived with Uncle Otto at Sierichstraße 54? And then — But why didn’t you quit? That’s what you wanted? what? An assignment to relay information about these — Did I really? You know, deep inside I feared that military facilities to the Russians? Mama — Mata Hari … by doing so I would lose Heinrich forever and maybe I And father smiles and mama fetches the kettle of po- would also create an incident, something that the Na- tatoes and Eili and I think about our paper dolls and zis could exploit or if you will, “class enemy”… what Sven is thinking about I haven’t a clue. — But, Charlotte! How could you ever think like that after all you saw and heard in Moscow?! But is Grete’s story true? — Don’t be so hard on me. What did I know, me, bourguikan, who really wasn’t one of you! And re- No, she certainly didn’t tell Grete everything. She does member that Heinrich still worked in the Comintern not mention that her special assignment (probably) when I left. He was a communist, critical to be sure, or from the State Political Directorate (GPU) was to in- oppositional as it were, but for him Soviet Russia was filtrate refugee circles in Copenhagen, to be a Trojan still the only force opposing Fascism. What you and horse among exiled German communists, those who Heinz really thought back then, you never told me. Up could be found among the intellectual emigrants at to the very end you thought I was unreliable … “Emiheim” in Copenhagen. Dr. Berendsohn was a — No, not unreliable, Grete protested, but we wan- German Jew, researcher, and Germanist from Ham- ted to protect you. burg, who emigrated in 1933 and fled to Sweden in But Charlotte hardly heard her and continued: 1940. And the Trotskyite Schirren — I never did suc- Heini Kurella joins the Kommunistischer Jugendverband — And then I also thought that the arrests and the ceed in finding out who he was. Anna, Michael, and Deutschlands at the age of 19. He is in Moscow during mock trials — I’m sorry, forgive me — but I thought Riva could only be agent names. Money and the GPU the NEP period. that the accused possible were guilty anyway. One can be found in various constellations. alone was innocent, that much I knew, Heinrich was And then the dramatic figure Niels Bohr — will she innocent. try to infiltrate his inner circle too?! At that time he was — Oh, Charlotte, millions of others were just as in- the world’s foremost atomic physicist; he had already nocent as he was, all those who died in the camps. received the Nobel Prize in 1922 and was to become — Well, you would know, since you have first-hand one of those who create the atomic bomb, which tor- experience. But I, I came through it unscathed. Show mented him, if his biographer is to be believed. And some kindness and don’t judge me, have some under- why not? Bohr was a left-wing intellectual who, ever standing for my unfathomable ignorance. since Hitler’s rise to power, actively and dedicatedly attempted to help refugee researchers and colleagues She seeks out the heads of emigration of the German to come to Copenhagen and who fled the country in Communist Party in order to apply. She finally finds 1943 because of the German occupation of Denmark. them at a café. They look at her with suspicion. Viktor Weiskopf was a physicist, but I have had no — We can’t help you. clues in my attempts to identify Blatjek (point 76). Yet. And she is sitting there, broken-hearted, thinking: No, she definitely was not telling Grete everything. so this is the way I am treated by my communist com- When I once again browse through Soviet document patriots . . . . 6433, I find —how could I have forgotten this? — a fla- But how can she think that, after what she had expe- grant affirmation that she works for “them” as late rienced in Moscow with the comrades!? Here we return as July 23, 1937, just a few days before she travels to once again to that irritating lack of distinction between Paris. A small typewritten sheet of paper, left margin Everything falls apart – love and the political. total naïve innocence and conscious awareness and illegible — for some reason it was trimmed or cut away. once again it is the creation of Grete’s tale. Or the shift But what remains is more than enough. between various points in time, I think, the time then — naïve, and later — aware. There she sits at the police precinct København, Instead of help, two days later she — Charlotte — Fremmedafdelingen; it is Thursday, February 18, and gets a visit from the police who arrive at the hotel and please have a seat, Fräulein, excuse me, Frau Gräfin take her to the police station and my dear Countess Stenbock-Fermor, could you please tell us who you are Stenbock, what are you doing here?! How did you get and what you are doing here? here?! And Charlotte relates the story of her life in brief And she unfolds more or less the same sob story, re- summary — there is Dorpat, Oxford, Radautz, Wei- lates her suffering in Moscow, how they had made her mar, Jena, Berlin with work at the Lorentz publishing go to the German consul there. They do not believe house, work for Philips radio, there is a trip abroad in her, but allow her to choose a country of asylum and March 1933 to Zurich — there — and there she graceful- she contacts Tania, Heini’s sister, who lives in Paris ly skips over her arrest and deportation in June 1934, and Tania guarantees her passage on a ship that takes and instead asserts that she is already in Moscow in her to France. June 1934, that she worked at the printer Funken der — But, Grete finally asks, what did the NKVD want Revolution in Moscow (Iskra) until 1936. And then she you to do, why did they choose you in particular? mentions what is news to me: that in 1936 she served — Well, she says. I didn’t exactly tell you everything as secretary for various businessmen and that during then, in Sojuznaja. But that man asked about one of her final days in Moscow she worked for German emi- my uncles, who lives in Hamburg where he had a con- grant author Ernst Ottwalt, who in the meantime was struction firm. I recently learned that this uncle had arrested in November 1936 — no, she doesn’t know been commissioned by the Nazi regime to build mili- why. tary facilities on the West Frisian Islands. And this is followed by her sob story — that part of And Grete’s story ends right here. With these very Grete’s tale is undoubtedly correct. She no longer felt Mama was able to relax in Paris. A short idyllic period in words. Should she actually have traveled to Hamburg, comfortable in Russia and when she also quarreled Pontigny in 1938. 32 story

with Kurella she decided to leave. In December she course, that’s exactly what happened.” While I may be went to the German ambassador in Moscow to obtain missing the details, the broad picture is clear. She has a new passport (the old one has expired in 1935). The her meetings, not just with Wiedbrecht and Jensen, reply came that she could not immediately be issued but with someone else, too — maybe the person hol- a new passport, without writing to Germany first. In ding the camera? Someone with whom she is trying to January 1937 she was issued a conditional passport, be honest, from whom she seeks consolation for the which was valid for her return trip to Germany over gossip and insecurity? Tilsit and which would expire on February 5 1937. It — I can understand why you lied to Grete. How should be added, that in front of the number “5” is a could you look her in the eye and tell her the whole thin vertical ink line, so it could easily be read as Fe- messy, ugly truth about how you worked for ‘them,’ bruary 15. tell Grete who had been locked away in the camps by She explained that the line was in the passport both Stalin and Hitler. I believe that you tried to tell as when she received it, but that she had been told the much of the truth as you could. I judge you not — how passport was only valid until February 5, 1937. in the world would I be able to judge? I have never And she fixes her gaze on Jensen, her clear and been abroad, homeless, leaving my beloved in the credible gray-blue eyes looking into his, while she imposing gray prison that Moscow was, the city you perhaps removes a cigarette and he bends forward to left in bad conscience — with the feeling that you had light it and she returns a smile of gratitude. She inhales made an unjust escape, right? deeply and explains that at the same time that she I would probably have done exactly as you, denied received the passport it had been explained to her that the imposing gray, lied even to myself about the fact she was the object of a thorough investigation in Ger- that he actually, truly was in mortal danger, dissolve Stroll during the slippery, “spring of readiness” of 1941. many and that it might therefore be dangerous for her the threats, believed in — faith. What you had in com- Eili in the wagon, Sven in the sled. to return home. I gaze out through the window. Does mon. Faith that I’m helping him by co-operating? she mean that the German ambassador in Moscow Could he even have been the one who tipped off his would have warned her not to return?! Does she be- friends in Comintern about you, that you could be lieve they’ll fall for anything? Or were they clumsy in “used” because of your language skills, your charm, reproducing her words; did she instead try to convey your beauty? To get you out of the country … But to that she had received the passport and a veiled threat you, on that last night in Sojuznaja, he would have pre- at the same time. Here is your passport, gnädige Frau, sented it as a great adventure, a blow against Fascism, but you should know that … and he would follow later? And in that cold pre-war world — where could you Indeed, now I know for certain that she was lying have gone? You could not have returned home to Ger- to Grete. She didn’t wander around the streets of many — that would have put you in mortal danger. And Libau, in growing despair until being rescued by the the Nordic countries, bound together in isolation, did Stenbock family and a kind German consul — arriving not allow a soul to cross over the bridge; well, perhaps two weeks too late for her secret mission. She went to a few, hand-picked and then exclusively and prefera- Riga. Perhaps she intended to take the boat according bly — and obviously — social democrats. to plan A, but the sea really was frozen solid. Perhaps But importing communists, or Jews! it was completely according to plan B to instead tra- — But whom did you trust? Who is “Anna”, “Micka- vel via Estonia, Finland, and Sweden. And arrive as el”, who is no. 87 “Riva”? Who do you meet just as of- agreed. Or did she? With a clumsily forged passport? ten as you go to Fremmedafdelingen? Who knows just Without being exposed in Estonia, Finland, or Swe- as much about your movements in Copenhagen as the den? A German countess is not checked too thorough- police — even more? Is it true that your German com- ly? And her fear, loneliness, relief? rades handed you over to the police? Was that part — What are your plans now? inquires police officer of the plan? Would you have done just what you did: Mama turns her head. Who is holding the camera? Who O. C. K. Jensen. sought them out, played dumb and ignorant about is comforting her? What happens next? the simple ABCs of conspiracy — told them about the Just as well tell him, she thinks: Well, she was depor- terrible Moscow, the awful Stalin, about the arrests of ted from Switzerland, she says. For political activities. innocents, about the witch trials? As a means of expo- But since then — 1934 — she has not been involved in sing potential Trotskyites? What names do you name politics. Her departure from Russia had nothing to do in your “Berichte” ? with politics, she says, and was solely because Kurella She averts her gaze. ≈ had broken off their relationship, her nerves are on edge, all she wants is to stay in this country until she recovers and she has already paid for food and lodging until March 12 and has enough money to stay an addi- tional month. After that she can probably finance her stay with funding from her parents in Germany (is that so, I think) or from her aunt, Charlotte Bentley (oho), who lives in London.

I feel like I’m in the middle of a 1940s mystery: there should be a glass of whiskey next to me, preferably a cigarette too, I should be at least twenty years younger, or be a man. And I would look up from my Excerpts from Den röda grevinnan: En europeisk papers, my gaze focused on something far away while historia [The Red Countess: A European history], I mumbled to myself, nodding: “Right, that’s right, of Ordfront förlag, Stockholm 2010. essay 33

To the most “Gracious Mother” of them all A joyous yet ambiguous celebration in Berlin, October 2010 by Thorsten Nybom

In 1910, with due pomp and circumstance, die königli- which, especially for the city of Berlin, its inhabitants, richtung der Universität Berlin Juli 1809. These few che Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Berlin celebrated and its universities was marked by rapid expansion, and scattered pages, written in clear, un-bureaucratic its first century of existence. Apart from the obvious great turbulence, ultimate cataclysm, noticeable con- German, have set off an almost innumerable number chauvinistic bombast that characterized and even poi- traction, and sudden rebirth. Thus, it is high time for of more or less qualified books, essays, references, soned this and similar events, it is nevertheless fair to another celebration. In my view, however, there are and reflections during the last 200 years. Thus, in say that when the undisputed “Center of Excellence” some problems connected with celebrating the jubi- the last 25 years there has probably not been even and “Model University” of its day with well-founded lees of the present Humboldt University — or of any one academic Festrede that did not mention either pride and bristling self-confidence solemnized its cen- Berlin university, for that matter. Because what you Wilhelm von Humboldt or the “Humboldtian Idea of tennial, the tradition of university jubilees had found are celebrating to a very high degree determines the the University”.3 its remaining formula and its two main purposes.1 number of celebratory years. Thus, I maintain that die To no small degree because of its powerful intel- The first main objective was — and is —internal Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin in October 2010 could, lectual appeal and “open-endedness”, the concept and is primarily about what could be labeled identity simultaneously, be commemorating its 200, its 100, “Humboldtian University” is — and has always been — formation, where the socio-cultural solidarity or unity and its 20 years of existence.2 used and abused, not only as an unproblematic analy- of the institution is strengthened. By reminiscing and tical and descriptive tool: it has also been used as a celebrating gallantly and victoriously fought historic potent ideological and political instrument to promote battles in the holy name of science and scholarship or prevent the implementation of certain policies. — often against ignorant enemies in an overwhelm- Hence, if one wants to understand the arguments for ingly hostile world — these jubilees are expected to institutional and ideological change propagated today, strengthen and deepen the feeling of a common insti- a closer study of the developments during the “long tutional heritage and even a common “destiny” in the 19th century” is crucial, simply because this particular joint service of enlightenment and truth-seeking. period in the history of higher learning continues to The second main objective is external. There the A 200-yearI anniversary play a central role in the ongoing discussions on the crucial target-groups are the “owners”, the possible The research university as idea and future of the European university — Wilhelm Freiherr patrons/sponsors, and the presumptive students. It is, moral-philosophical concept von Humboldt certainly casts a very long shadow. plainly speaking, all about what we in our anglophile In some curious way the central question then be- days would give the comprehensive label “branding”: In intellectual history, certain artifacts acquire an comes not Wilhelm von Humboldt’s actual proposals i.e. the overall goal is not only to increase the medial “afterlife” that makes them significant far beyond but rather why these ideas have come to play such an exposure and presence of the institution but also to the times in which they were created and sometimes exceptional role during two centuries, regardless, it make the name of the university be almost automati- for reasons far different from those the author would seem, of how far from his original thoughts the cally associated with a number of certain central aca- probably envisioned. This is probably the case with European university systems have moved. One tenta- demic and even societal values and qualities. It is fair Wilhelm von Humboldt’s two short “white papers”: tive answer would be that Humboldt was not only able to say that in this dual ambition the Berlin University Über die innere und äußere Organisation der höheren to formulate a comprehensive idea of higher learning was exceedingly successful in 1910. Wissenschaftlichen Anstalten in Berlin: Unvollendete and what the systematic pursuit of knowledge should And now yet another century has passed, a century Denkschrift, and, his final proposal,Antrag auf Ein- be, but he was also able to convincingly argue why it 34

must be considered as one of the central interests and rily as a means of control but in order to protect the among the reformers around Freiherr vom Stein and indeed obligations of the rising nation-state to support institutions from succumbing to the vices of internal Fürst Hardenberg that the state must be reformed and such an undisputed public good. strife and nepotism. rebuilt from within, or in the words attributed to King Thus, I am prepared to state that the seminal and Between 1810 and 1860 the “new” German univer- Friedrich Wilhelm III himself, Prussia had to “make even revolutionary importance of what happened in sity underwent a gradual institutional and professio- up in spiritual strength for the physical strength it has Berlin 1810 did not primarily concern the institutio- nal transformation, which eventually would permeate lost”.10 This included the notion or concept of national nal fabric but what occurred at the level of ideology. and influence almost all Western university systems.5 education as an absolute centerpiece, or to quote a fel- Humboldt’s actual interest in institution building From having been regarded as Trivium the Philosophi- low Humboldtianer: was secondary or at least not articulated precisely. cal Faculty was elevated to the indispensable core of The main and enduring achievement of Wilhelm von the “new” university — a revolutionary transforma- The Prussian imperial desire to strengthen Humboldt was that he, out of the almost innumerable tion, which, although it had far-reaching institutional […] the humanist-idealist demand for “na- philosophical and pedagogical neo-humanist ideas on consequences, primarily reflected the epistemological tional education”, and the reformers’ aim of knowledge and learning floating around in the late and ideological cornerstones of German Neo-Huma- having a tertiary educational institution in the 18th and early 19th centuries, was able to deduce and nist thinking. The unity of knowledge was not only a service of civilian society all came together articulate a consistent Idea of the institution he and his cognitive and epistemological pillar of German Idealis- and formed the amalgam, which ran like a red intellectual friends called the university.4 tic philosophy; it also constituted, in some respects, its thread through the university success story of Traditionally, the defining properties and basis of basic philosophical and moral foundation. This unity the 19th century … 11 the “idea” of Humboldt’s university/vision have been was primarily to be achieved and secured through the described as: reign of philosophy. This location pattern, which underlined the univer- Furthermore, the hierarchical triad of Fakultäten— sity’s standing as a central and even crucial institution Knowledge as a unified indivisible entity. Disziplinen—Lehrstühle (chairs) was formally esta- of the nation-state, was soon to be followed in other blished where the actual power rested with the full German and European states with roughly the same Einheit von Forschung und Lehre (unity of professors (die Ordinarien). Thus the European arguments. For instance, in Bavaria the old university research and teaching). university became a rule-governed community of was relocated from Landshut to Munich 1826. Like- scholars — a loosely coupled institutional framework wise, the University of Saint Petersburg was founded Primacy of Wissenschaft and research, which without an administrative center of gravity within in 1819. And in 1827 and 1829 University College and also presupposed a new institutional order which individual professors remained more or less au- King’s College in London were given their charters. and cognitive hierarchy. tonomous. In due course this institutional autonomy/ Perhaps even more significantly following the dual fragmentation would turn out to be one of more deci- principles laid down in Berlin were the architecture The individual and common pursuit of sive institutional differences between the European and placement of the two Nordic national universities “truth” in Einsamkeit und Freiheit (solitude university and its rapidly expanding North American in Oslo in 1811 and Helsinki in 1829. The list could be and freedom). sisters.6 When it comes to pedagogical change the in- extended. troduction of the seminar could be seen as an attempt Lehr- und Lern-Freiheit (freedom in teaching to establish an ideal-typical form of free, discursive, and learning) and common scientific inquiry of professors and stu- dents. The creation of a unified national culture with On the professional level it has been convincingly Wissenschaft and the university as the center- argued that this period also signified the emergence piece: Bildung. of the modern academic career system and conse- quently also the establishment of an informal but Wissenschaft and (higher) education as the nevertheless obvious institutional hierarchy. In the second categorical imperative of the second half of the 19th century Germany had become a 100-yearII Anniversary central state beside national defense: as the national academic labor market where professors pur- The Establishment of the Modern Research University basis of a modern Kulturstaat. sued highly competitive academic careers. It was also as Institutional Reality and of Wilhelm von Humboldt now that the Berlin University definitely established it- as “Gründer-Vater” Eventually, the Humboldtian initiatives also had far- self as the pinnacle of academic excellence and fame.7 reaching institutional consequences. As regards Wil- Simultaneously, the university professors advanced It must be pointed out that the driving-force behind helm von Humboldt himself his main constitutional markedly in social status until they, eventually, in the the massive international impact of the German dilemma and concern could be formulated as follows: imperial era, attained a mandarin-like position — or university in the second half of the 19th century was How is it possible to establish a socially integrated yet in the words of Jürgen Mittelstrass: “What God was not primarily a matter of formal organization or autonomous institutional order for qualified scientific among the angels, the learned man should be among institution building but rather an effect of an almost training? An institutional order which, at the same his fellow men.”8 exceptional expansion of scholarly and scientific time, could guarantee an optimal and perpetual But also in another respect, namely by its physical creativity in Germany in practically all academic growth in knowledge but also provide a dimension of location, did the newly established Berlin university fields.12 And since “nothing succeeds like success”, Sittlichkeit (virtue) to the individual? probably become somewhat of a role model. The main in academia as well, in less than half a century the Wilhelm von Humboldt’s pragmatic solution — or reasons to locate the university in the state capital Friedrich- Wilhelms-Universität zu Berlin became the even historical compromise — was: The regally (state-) were two. First, it was argued that it would be sensible undisputed exemplar of an institution. protected and fully endowed Ivory Tower combined with and rational to use and further expand the already This gradually led to the second “institutional an elitist and gate-keeping Gymnasium/Abitur. The existing and superior scientific and learned infrastruc- revolution”: the emergence of the modern research creation of an Ivory Tower was precisely what he was ture, which Berlin with its museums, libraries, col- university, which in reality brought about a restruc- striving to achieve ultimately. Accordingly, the state lections, and personalities possessed. Secondly, and turing of practically all university systems, at least in must be persuaded that it was in its own well-founded, certainly no less important, beside the argument of the so-called Western world. With Berlin University as long-term interest to optimally promote the expansion a superior “critical mass”, the decision to locate the the prime mover and ideal-type, the transformation of scientific and scholarly knowledge, and this could new university in the capital also reflected the central gradually took place in the period between 1860 and only be accomplished by securing the freedom of the strategic position of the university in the reorgani- the outbreak of the World War I. As already indica- individual scholar. Reciprocally, the king should keep zation of the Prussian nation-state.9 After the defeat ted, the driving forces behind these fundamental the prerogative of appointing professors — not prima- in the Napoleonic war it became a deep conviction changes came to no small extent from within science essay 35

and scientific theory itself. With the emergence of institutional founding-father of the German (Euro- blishment of Berlin as the European intellectual and the post-Newtonian natural sciences and with their pean) university. It is in connection with the centen- scholarly center the city and its universities had — and gradually demonstrated industrial potential it became nial anniversary in 1910 that Wilhelm von Humboldt’s still have every potential to become. Let us hope that virtually impossible to define the scientific endeavor ideas and ghost were transformed into some kind of the jubilee(s) in 2010 will eventually result in a similar and the academic profession as “the pursuit of curi- “universal weapon” (Allzweckwaffe) in the German qualitative leap forward as it undoubtedly did in 1910. ous individual gentlemen of ingenious minds”. After and gradually also the international debate on higher Having said this, one should at the same time pray that Justus Liebing, Herman von Helmholtz, Robert Koch, education institution building and policy-making.16 the future societal and political context in which Hum- Rudolf Virchow, etc. (laboratory), Albert Einstein, During the entire 19th century Wilhelm von Hum- boldt University is embedded is totally different from Max Planck, etc. (theory), but also Carl Bosch, Fritz boldt was hardly a reference point, or even mentio- the political and moral abyss it — with some interludes Haber etc. (application) the pursuit of knowledge had ned, in the university policy discussion. Instead the — was part and parcel of during 75 years — 1914–1989. become a central concern for almost every sector of von Humboldt that indeed was often referred to was modern society. Hence, the combined effects of the his younger brother Alexander, whose crucial im- Concluding reflections and caveats fundamental revolutions on the scientific-cognitive le- portance regarding the development of the sciences in vel and the demonstrated and potential impact on the Germany was frequently emphasized.17 Thus, it is per- Coming back to the two “Humboldt revolutions” of macro-economic and eventually also political level, haps interesting to note that even if the two brothers 1810 and 1910, I would like to point to the fact that suc- had thorough-going ideological, professional, institu- in the last 100 years have remained equally illustrious cessful transformations in higher education are not tional and policy consequences, which in many ways and been constantly referred to, each epoch of Ger- always — and have seldom been — about the expansion collided with the basic Humboldtian ideas and ideals. man history has crafted its very own Alexander — and of the tasks and obligations performed by the univer- sometimes (1949—1989) even more than one — while sity. I have, however, the slightly worrying impression First, science had turned into a collective task Wilhelm, on the other hand, seems to have always re- that, being caught in a curious type of simplistic or “intellectual industry”, which demanded mained the unchangeable “neo-humanist genius and analogy-thinking, the universities have a tendency to scale, organization and, perhaps above all, university-builder”! believe that the expansionism of the 1960—1970s is for- money, and where the notion of Einsamkeit Accordingly, it is typical that when the prime intel- ever relevant. In short, whenever the universities are und Freiheit seemed to be utterly obsolete. lectual and bureaucratic movers, the theologian Adolf being told to respond to “new challenges” or are asked von Harnack and the almighty Ministerial-Direktor to “reformulate their mission”, they tend to conclude Second, and for more or less the same rea- Friedrich Althoff,18 instigated the institutional revolu- that they must take on any new task or responsibility sons, the goal of amalgamating Forschung and tion of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Institute, they were never- vested interests in “society”, on an almost daily basis, Lehre gradually became almost impossible.13 theless very keen to use and stress all the supportive are trying to shift on to them. This is a grave mistake, The most striking illustration and manifesta- arguments they could possibly find in Wilhelm von simply because, when it comes to knowledge and tion of this fact became the establishment of Humboldt’s recently rediscovered and immediately research, “society” very seldom actually knows what the Kaiser-Wilhelm- Gesellschaft and its string canonized Denkschrift.19 Luckily enough for Harnack it really needs in fifteen years time! of more or less autonomous research insti- and Althoff, in his deliberations Humboldt had indica- The two Berlin-based “revolutions”, which tutes in 1910/1911. It was, perhaps, also the ted that a complete science organization should have thoroughly rejuvenated the Euro-American research ultimate indication of the deplorable fact that three major institutional components or levels: beside universities and turned them into the real intellectual “excellence” had actually started its gradual the free academy and the university, there should also and economic power houses they became for almost exodus from Humboldt University. be “Hilfs-Institute”. But with these “leblose (life-less) two centuries, had very little to do with expansion. On Institute” Humboldt had hardly meant the powerful the contrary! Wilhelm von Humboldt’s exceptionally Third, the steadily growing costs and societal centers of excellence that now were established.20 successful ideological reforms of 1810 in fact meant impact of research not only led to institution- retraction and “purification”. The establishment of al changes but also to innovations in research the modern US research university at the turn of the policy and (targeted) funding, which had previous century also meant that the universities consequences for the autonomy of the institu- defined their core mission in a much more restricted tion.14 way than they had previously done. So, when we, today, are discussing how to respond to the “new chal- Fourth, and perhaps, even more seminal, lenges and demands” and to “redefine our mission” in modern science finally and irrevocably society, we should also perhaps try to remember that crushed the illusion of the “unity of knowl- TheIII 20th Anniversary: all great universities always have, at the same time, edge under benevolent aegis of philosophy” Celebration of a most remarkable historical event been institutionally adaptive, intellectually creative, and was gradually superseded by the idea of Or Alma Mater Berolinensis Rediviva and ideologically conservative institutions.22 two distinct scientific “cultures”. Significantly If the other important university ideologue of the enough, it was in Germany that this distinc- Regarding the driving forces — beside the well known 19th century, John Henry Cardinal Newman, who in- tion between Natur- und Geisteswissenschaf- international political upheavals — and the actual cidentally formulated his vision of the university in ten was discussed and philosophically codi- course of events that eventually led to the restoration direct opposition to the German/ Humboldtian Wis- fied in the second half of the 19th century by of the present Humboldt University in 1989—90, these senschafts-Universität, could be said to have taken an scholars, such as Wilhelm Dilthey, Heinrich still remain to be elucidated and historically ana- existing formal institutional order, Oxford University, Rickert, and Max Weber, while it was also dis- lyzed.21 My only personal comment, not simply in my and transformed it into an Idea of a University,23 then cussed by intellectual industrialists, such as role as a “participating observer” in the 1990s, might Wilhelm Freiherr von Humboldt’s major achievement Werner von Siemens.15 be that it probably would be almost futile to try to de- was to synthesize a number of ideas on science, Bildung, tect any form of conscious and articulated university and learning, which 100 years later were transformed, However, in our context it is equally interesting that or research policy in this process. Instead, there was, or elevated, or perhaps even perverted into an insti- this process of cognitive and institutional disintegra- in substance, a simplistic politically determined insti- tution soon to be decreed as the university. From this tion, which in many respects signified a fundamental tutional reorganization, which meant that the present saga we may learn that not only “institutions and mo- break with the original Humboldtian ideals, was not Humboldt University was simply integrated into the ney matter”. This is equally true of ideas. only explicitly presented as the ultimate fulfillment existing, not-too-well-functioning — “West German” So, Vivat Academia Berolinensis — whichever anni- of Humboldtian dreams, it also, ironically enough, university and research system. versary You are celebrating in 2010! ≈ marked the reinvention and even canonization of In so doing, both Berlin and Germany, in my view, Wilhelm von Humboldt as the spiritual and practical missed a historic opportunity to kick-start the reesta- 36

references from Agardh to Schück] , Lund 1992. 6 Roger Geiger, To Advance Knowledge: The Growth of American 1 To illustrate the self-understanding and the almost Research Universities, 1900–1940, Oxford 1986, and Roger unbounded self-confidence of the German professoriate Geiger, Research and Relevant Knowledge: American Research as early as 1869, one can quote from a speech, “Über Universities since World War II, Oxford 1993; also Nybom, in Universitätseinrichtungen”, by the Rector of Friedrich- Maassen-Olsen (2007). Wilhelms-Universität, Emil Du Bois-Reymond: “It is 7 Marita Baumgartner, “Professoren- und Universitätsprofile im reasonable to maintain that in the field of higher learning ‘Humboldt’schen Modell’ 1810–1914”, in Schwinges (2001), pp. the German universities are superior to those of any other 105–129. country. Indeed, given the fact that none of man’s works is 8 Jürgen Mittelstrass, Die unzeitgemässe Universität, Frankfurt perfect, the German universities have such an institutional am M., 1994, p. 83. 9 Rüdiger von Bruch, “Die Gründung der strength that they could only have been created by an act Berliner Universität”, in Schwinges (2001), p. 59. of the most fundamental legislative wisdom”, in Emil Du 10 Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte, Vol. 3: Bois-Reymond, Biographie, Wissenschaft, Ansprachen, 2. 1849–1918, München 1987, p. 473. Issue, Leipzig 1887, p. 337. As an illustration of the profound 11 Bernd Henningsen, “A Joyful Good-Bye to Wilhelm von and long-term international impact one can quote Abraham Humboldt”, in Guy Neave, Thorsten Nybom & Kjell Blückert Flexner’s “self-evident” introduction to the German chapter in (eds.), The European Research University: An Historical his famous book Universities: American–English–German, New Parenthesis? New York 2006, p. 95; see also Wehler (1987), York 1930 (1962): “Of the countries dealt with in this volume, pp. 405–485, and Helmuth Schelsky, Einsamkeit und Freiheit: Germany has in theory and practice come nearest to giving Idee und Gestalt der deutschen Universität und ihrer Reformer, higher education its due position.” (p. 305) Reinbek bei Hamburg 1963. 2 If the sister in Dahlhem was allowed to participate in the 12 I think Noel Annan has quite correctly called this eruption celebrations, which could certainly be considered quite of intellectual creativity in the 18th and 19th centuries as appropriate, one would have to add an additional 62 Years’ the “German renaissance”; see Noel Annan, Our Age: The Anniversary; see “Der Malteser Kreis – Humboldt stand Generation that Made Post-War Britain, London, pp. 335–355. drauf, das Gegenteil war drin”, in Tagesspiegel, May 31, 13 For instance, when Albert Einstein was called to Berlin in 1913 2010. And it certainly would be even more controversial he had no teaching obligations, and he was not the only one; and almost bewildering if one celebrated the present name see Rudolf Vierhaus, “Wilhelm von Humboldt”, in Wolfgang of the Humboldt-Universität, which was officially decreed Treue & Karlfried Gründer (Hg.), Berlinische Lebensbilder: on October 26, 1949; see John Connelly, “Humboldt im Wissenschaftspolitik in Berlin. Minister, Beamte, Ratgeber, Staatsdienst. Ostdeutsche Universitäten 1945–1989”, in (Hg.), Berlin 1987, p. 73; also Fritz Stern, Einstein’s German World, Mythos Humboldt: Vergangenheit und Zukunft der deutschen Princeton, NJ, 1999, pp. 59–164, esp. p. 112. Universitäten, Wien 1999, p. 80) 14 Bernhard vom Brocke, “Von der Wissenschaftsverwaltung 3 Wilhelm von Humboldt, “Ueber die innere und äussere zur Wissenschaftspolitik: Friedrich Althoff”, inBerichte zur Organisation der höheren wissenschaftlichen Anstalten” Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 1, 1988, pp. 1–26. (Original 1810), in Werke in fünf Bänden. Andreas Fleitner u& 15 Rüdiger von Bruch, “Langsamer Abschied von Humboldt? Klaus Giel (Hg.). Bd. 4, Stuttgart 1964, pp. 255–266; Wilhelm Etappen deutscher Universitätsgeschichte 1810–1945”, in Ash von Humboldt, “Antrag auf Errichtung der Universität Berlin” (1999), p. 46. (vom 24. Juli 1809), in Werke in fünf Bänden. Andreas Fleitner & 16 Sylvia Paletschek, “Verbreitete sich‚ ein Humboldt’sches Klaus Giel (Hg.). Bd. 5. Darmstadt 1964, pp. 113–120. Modell’ an den deutschen Universitäten im 19. Jahrhundert?”, 3 The Humboldt literature has, especially in the last few in Schwinges (2001), p. 103. years, become almost boundless. For an overview and 17 Paletschek, in Schwinges (2001), pp. 98–104. references, see Thorsten Nybom, “The Humboldt Legacy: 18 On Althoff’s central position in research and university policy- Reflections on the Past, Present and Future of European making, see also vom Brocke, “Friedrich Althoff”, inTreue & Higher Education”, in Higher Education Policy 16:2003; Olaf Gründer (1987), pp. 195–214. Bartz, “Bundesrepublikanische Universitätsbilder: Blüte 19 The seminal Memorandum was not found until 1900 by the und Zerfall des Humboldtianismus”, in Die Hochschule. historian Bruno Gebhardt when he was writing a biography Journal für Wissenschaft und Bildung, 2:2005, pp. 99–133; of Wilhelm von Humboldt; see Bruno Gebhardt (ed.), Wilhelm and not least Ash (1999), and Rainer Christoph Schwinges von Humboldts Politische Denkschriften 1800–1810. Bd. 1, (Hg.), Humboldt International: Der Export des deutschen Berlin 1903, and Bruno Gebhardt, Wilhelm von Humboldt als Universitätsmodells im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Basel 2001. Staatsmann. I–II, Stuttgart 1896–1899. — For a more extended analysis and discussion on my own 20 On Althoff’s central position in research and university policy- part, see “A Rule- Governed Community of Scholars: The making, see also vom Brocke, “Friedrich Althoff”, inTreue & Humboldt Vision in the History of the European University”, Gründer (1987), pp. 195–214. in Peter Maassen & Johan P. Olsen (eds.), University Dynamics 21 For some preliminary studies see Friedhelm Neidhardt, and European Integration, Dordrecht 2007, pp. 55–79, and “Konflikte und Balancen: Die Umwandlung der Humboldt- “Humboldts Vermächtnis. Betrachtungen zu Vergangenheit, Universität zu Berlin”, in R. Mayntz (Hg.), Aufbruch Gegenwart und Zukunft des europäischen Hochschulwesens”, und Reform von Oben: Ostdeutsche Universitäten im in Bernd Henningsen (Hg.), Humboldts Zukunft: Das Projekt Transformationsprozess, Frankfurt am Main 1994, pp. Reformuniversität, Berlin 2008, pp. 297–323. 32–60, and Thomas Raiser, Schicksalsjahre einer Universität: 4 The participants in this intense and extensive debate between Die strukturelle und personelle Neuordnung der Humboldt- 1790 and 1820 included almost every notable German Universität zu Berlin 1989–1994, Berlin 1998. intellectual and academic of the day. The theoretical and 22 For and equally comprehensive and illuminating analysis of ideological starting point for these discussions was Immanuel the success of the US research universities in the last century Kant’s essay of 1798, Streit der Fakultäten. — For an overview of see Jonathan R. Cole, The Great American University: Its Rise to the central contributions, see Ernst Müller (Hg.), Gelegentliche Preeminence—Its Indispensable National Role—Why It Must be Gedanken über Universitäten von Engel– Erhard–Wolf–Fichte– Protected, New York 2009. Schleiermacher–Savigny–von Humboldt–Hegel, Leipzig 1990, 23 Noel Annan, The Dons: Mentors, Eccentrics, and Geniuses, and Ludwig Fertig (Hg.), Bildungsgang und Lebensplan: Briefe London 1999, pp. 39–60. — For a penetrating analysis of über Erziehung von 1750 bis 1900, Darmstadt 1991. Newman’s The Idea of a University (1852), see Sheldon 5 The statutes of Uppsala University from 1852 could serve as Rothblatt, The Modern University and its Discontents, a typical example; see Göran Blomquist, Elfenbenstorn eller Cambridge 1997. statsskepp? Stat, universitet och akademisk frihet i vardag och vision från Agardh till Schück [Ivory tower or ship of state? State, university, and academic freedom in daily life and vision essay 33

To the most “Gracious Mother” of them all A joyous yet ambiguous celebration in Berlin, October 2010 by Thorsten Nybom

In 1910, with due pomp and circumstance, die königli- which, especially for the city of Berlin, its inhabitants, richtung der Universität Berlin Juli 1809. These few che Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Berlin celebrated and its universities was marked by rapid expansion, and scattered pages, written in clear, un-bureaucratic its first century of existence. Apart from the obvious great turbulence, ultimate cataclysm, noticeable con- German, have set off an almost innumerable number chauvinistic bombast that characterized and even poi- traction, and sudden rebirth. Thus, it is high time for of more or less qualified books, essays, references, soned this and similar events, it is nevertheless fair to another celebration. In my view, however, there are and reflections during the last 200 years. Thus, in say that when the undisputed “Center of Excellence” some problems connected with celebrating the jubi- the last 25 years there has probably not been even and “Model University” of its day with well-founded lees of the present Humboldt University — or of any one academic Festrede that did not mention either pride and bristling self-confidence solemnized its cen- Berlin university, for that matter. Because what you Wilhelm von Humboldt or the “Humboldtian Idea of tennial, the tradition of university jubilees had found are celebrating to a very high degree determines the the University”.3 its remaining formula and its two main purposes.1 number of celebratory years. Thus, I maintain that die To no small degree because of its powerful intel- The first main objective was — and is —internal Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin in October 2010 could, lectual appeal and “open-endedness”, the concept and is primarily about what could be labeled identity simultaneously, be commemorating its 200, its 100, “Humboldtian University” is — and has always been — formation, where the socio-cultural solidarity or unity and its 20 years of existence.2 used and abused, not only as an unproblematic analy- of the institution is strengthened. By reminiscing and tical and descriptive tool: it has also been used as a celebrating gallantly and victoriously fought historic potent ideological and political instrument to promote battles in the holy name of science and scholarship or prevent the implementation of certain policies. — often against ignorant enemies in an overwhelm- Hence, if one wants to understand the arguments for ingly hostile world — these jubilees are expected to institutional and ideological change propagated today, strengthen and deepen the feeling of a common insti- a closer study of the developments during the “long tutional heritage and even a common “destiny” in the 19th century” is crucial, simply because this particular joint service of enlightenment and truth-seeking. period in the history of higher learning continues to The second main objective is external. There the A 200-yearI anniversary play a central role in the ongoing discussions on the crucial target-groups are the “owners”, the possible The research university as idea and future of the European university — Wilhelm Freiherr patrons/sponsors, and the presumptive students. It is, moral-philosophical concept von Humboldt certainly casts a very long shadow. plainly speaking, all about what we in our anglophile In some curious way the central question then be- days would give the comprehensive label “branding”: In intellectual history, certain artifacts acquire an comes not Wilhelm von Humboldt’s actual proposals i.e. the overall goal is not only to increase the medial “afterlife” that makes them significant far beyond but rather why these ideas have come to play such an exposure and presence of the institution but also to the times in which they were created and sometimes exceptional role during two centuries, regardless, it make the name of the university be almost automati- for reasons far different from those the author would seem, of how far from his original thoughts the cally associated with a number of certain central aca- probably envisioned. This is probably the case with European university systems have moved. One tenta- demic and even societal values and qualities. It is fair Wilhelm von Humboldt’s two short “white papers”: tive answer would be that Humboldt was not only able to say that in this dual ambition the Berlin University Über die innere und äußere Organisation der höheren to formulate a comprehensive idea of higher learning was exceedingly successful in 1910. Wissenschaftlichen Anstalten in Berlin: Unvollendete and what the systematic pursuit of knowledge should And now yet another century has passed, a century Denkschrift, and, his final proposal,Antrag auf Ein- be, but he was also able to convincingly argue why it 34

must be considered as one of the central interests and rily as a means of control but in order to protect the among the reformers around Freiherr vom Stein and indeed obligations of the rising nation-state to support institutions from succumbing to the vices of internal Fürst Hardenberg that the state must be reformed and such an undisputed public good. strife and nepotism. rebuilt from within, or in the words attributed to King Thus, I am prepared to state that the seminal and Between 1810 and 1860 the “new” German univer- Friedrich Wilhelm III himself, Prussia had to “make even revolutionary importance of what happened in sity underwent a gradual institutional and professio- up in spiritual strength for the physical strength it has Berlin 1810 did not primarily concern the institutio- nal transformation, which eventually would permeate lost”.10 This included the notion or concept of national nal fabric but what occurred at the level of ideology. and influence almost all Western university systems.5 education as an absolute centerpiece, or to quote a fel- Humboldt’s actual interest in institution building From having been regarded as Trivium the Philosophi- low Humboldtianer: was secondary or at least not articulated precisely. cal Faculty was elevated to the indispensable core of The main and enduring achievement of Wilhelm von the “new” university — a revolutionary transforma- The Prussian imperial desire to strengthen Humboldt was that he, out of the almost innumerable tion, which, although it had far-reaching institutional […] the humanist-idealist demand for “na- philosophical and pedagogical neo-humanist ideas on consequences, primarily reflected the epistemological tional education”, and the reformers’ aim of knowledge and learning floating around in the late and ideological cornerstones of German Neo-Huma- having a tertiary educational institution in the 18th and early 19th centuries, was able to deduce and nist thinking. The unity of knowledge was not only a service of civilian society all came together articulate a consistent Idea of the institution he and his cognitive and epistemological pillar of German Idealis- and formed the amalgam, which ran like a red intellectual friends called the university.4 tic philosophy; it also constituted, in some respects, its thread through the university success story of Traditionally, the defining properties and basis of basic philosophical and moral foundation. This unity the 19th century … 11 the “idea” of Humboldt’s university/vision have been was primarily to be achieved and secured through the described as: reign of philosophy. This location pattern, which underlined the univer- Furthermore, the hierarchical triad of Fakultäten— sity’s standing as a central and even crucial institution Knowledge as a unified indivisible entity. Disziplinen—Lehrstühle (chairs) was formally esta- of the nation-state, was soon to be followed in other blished where the actual power rested with the full German and European states with roughly the same Einheit von Forschung und Lehre (unity of professors (die Ordinarien). Thus the European arguments. For instance, in Bavaria the old university research and teaching). university became a rule-governed community of was relocated from Landshut to Munich 1826. Like- scholars — a loosely coupled institutional framework wise, the University of Saint Petersburg was founded Primacy of Wissenschaft and research, which without an administrative center of gravity within in 1819. And in 1827 and 1829 University College and also presupposed a new institutional order which individual professors remained more or less au- King’s College in London were given their charters. and cognitive hierarchy. tonomous. In due course this institutional autonomy/ Perhaps even more significantly following the dual fragmentation would turn out to be one of more deci- principles laid down in Berlin were the architecture The individual and common pursuit of sive institutional differences between the European and placement of the two Nordic national universities “truth” in Einsamkeit und Freiheit (solitude university and its rapidly expanding North American in Oslo in 1811 and Helsinki in 1829. The list could be and freedom). sisters.6 When it comes to pedagogical change the in- extended. troduction of the seminar could be seen as an attempt Lehr- und Lern-Freiheit (freedom in teaching to establish an ideal-typical form of free, discursive, and learning) and common scientific inquiry of professors and stu- dents. The creation of a unified national culture with On the professional level it has been convincingly Wissenschaft and the university as the center- argued that this period also signified the emergence piece: Bildung. of the modern academic career system and conse- quently also the establishment of an informal but Wissenschaft and (higher) education as the nevertheless obvious institutional hierarchy. In the second categorical imperative of the second half of the 19th century Germany had become a 100-yearII Anniversary central state beside national defense: as the national academic labor market where professors pur- The Establishment of the Modern Research University basis of a modern Kulturstaat. sued highly competitive academic careers. It was also as Institutional Reality and of Wilhelm von Humboldt now that the Berlin University definitely established it- as “Gründer-Vater” Eventually, the Humboldtian initiatives also had far- self as the pinnacle of academic excellence and fame.7 reaching institutional consequences. As regards Wil- Simultaneously, the university professors advanced It must be pointed out that the driving-force behind helm von Humboldt himself his main constitutional markedly in social status until they, eventually, in the the massive international impact of the German dilemma and concern could be formulated as follows: imperial era, attained a mandarin-like position — or university in the second half of the 19th century was How is it possible to establish a socially integrated yet in the words of Jürgen Mittelstrass: “What God was not primarily a matter of formal organization or autonomous institutional order for qualified scientific among the angels, the learned man should be among institution building but rather an effect of an almost training? An institutional order which, at the same his fellow men.”8 exceptional expansion of scholarly and scientific time, could guarantee an optimal and perpetual But also in another respect, namely by its physical creativity in Germany in practically all academic growth in knowledge but also provide a dimension of location, did the newly established Berlin university fields.12 And since “nothing succeeds like success”, Sittlichkeit (virtue) to the individual? probably become somewhat of a role model. The main in academia as well, in less than half a century the Wilhelm von Humboldt’s pragmatic solution — or reasons to locate the university in the state capital Friedrich- Wilhelms-Universität zu Berlin became the even historical compromise — was: The regally (state-) were two. First, it was argued that it would be sensible undisputed exemplar of an institution. protected and fully endowed Ivory Tower combined with and rational to use and further expand the already This gradually led to the second “institutional an elitist and gate-keeping Gymnasium/Abitur. The existing and superior scientific and learned infrastruc- revolution”: the emergence of the modern research creation of an Ivory Tower was precisely what he was ture, which Berlin with its museums, libraries, col- university, which in reality brought about a restruc- striving to achieve ultimately. Accordingly, the state lections, and personalities possessed. Secondly, and turing of practically all university systems, at least in must be persuaded that it was in its own well-founded, certainly no less important, beside the argument of the so-called Western world. With Berlin University as long-term interest to optimally promote the expansion a superior “critical mass”, the decision to locate the the prime mover and ideal-type, the transformation of scientific and scholarly knowledge, and this could new university in the capital also reflected the central gradually took place in the period between 1860 and only be accomplished by securing the freedom of the strategic position of the university in the reorgani- the outbreak of the World War I. As already indica- individual scholar. Reciprocally, the king should keep zation of the Prussian nation-state.9 After the defeat ted, the driving forces behind these fundamental the prerogative of appointing professors — not prima- in the Napoleonic war it became a deep conviction changes came to no small extent from within science essay 35

and scientific theory itself. With the emergence of institutional founding-father of the German (Euro- blishment of Berlin as the European intellectual and the post-Newtonian natural sciences and with their pean) university. It is in connection with the centen- scholarly center the city and its universities had — and gradually demonstrated industrial potential it became nial anniversary in 1910 that Wilhelm von Humboldt’s still have every potential to become. Let us hope that virtually impossible to define the scientific endeavor ideas and ghost were transformed into some kind of the jubilee(s) in 2010 will eventually result in a similar and the academic profession as “the pursuit of curi- “universal weapon” (Allzweckwaffe) in the German qualitative leap forward as it undoubtedly did in 1910. ous individual gentlemen of ingenious minds”. After and gradually also the international debate on higher Having said this, one should at the same time pray that Justus Liebing, Herman von Helmholtz, Robert Koch, education institution building and policy-making.16 the future societal and political context in which Hum- Rudolf Virchow, etc. (laboratory), Albert Einstein, During the entire 19th century Wilhelm von Hum- boldt University is embedded is totally different from Max Planck, etc. (theory), but also Carl Bosch, Fritz boldt was hardly a reference point, or even mentio- the political and moral abyss it — with some interludes Haber etc. (application) the pursuit of knowledge had ned, in the university policy discussion. Instead the — was part and parcel of during 75 years — 1914–1989. become a central concern for almost every sector of von Humboldt that indeed was often referred to was modern society. Hence, the combined effects of the his younger brother Alexander, whose crucial im- Concluding reflections and caveats fundamental revolutions on the scientific-cognitive le- portance regarding the development of the sciences in vel and the demonstrated and potential impact on the Germany was frequently emphasized.17 Thus, it is per- Coming back to the two “Humboldt revolutions” of macro-economic and eventually also political level, haps interesting to note that even if the two brothers 1810 and 1910, I would like to point to the fact that suc- had thorough-going ideological, professional, institu- in the last 100 years have remained equally illustrious cessful transformations in higher education are not tional and policy consequences, which in many ways and been constantly referred to, each epoch of Ger- always — and have seldom been — about the expansion collided with the basic Humboldtian ideas and ideals. man history has crafted its very own Alexander — and of the tasks and obligations performed by the univer- sometimes (1949—1989) even more than one — while sity. I have, however, the slightly worrying impression First, science had turned into a collective task Wilhelm, on the other hand, seems to have always re- that, being caught in a curious type of simplistic or “intellectual industry”, which demanded mained the unchangeable “neo-humanist genius and analogy-thinking, the universities have a tendency to scale, organization and, perhaps above all, university-builder”! believe that the expansionism of the 1960—1970s is for- money, and where the notion of Einsamkeit Accordingly, it is typical that when the prime intel- ever relevant. In short, whenever the universities are und Freiheit seemed to be utterly obsolete. lectual and bureaucratic movers, the theologian Adolf being told to respond to “new challenges” or are asked von Harnack and the almighty Ministerial-Direktor to “reformulate their mission”, they tend to conclude Second, and for more or less the same rea- Friedrich Althoff,18 instigated the institutional revolu- that they must take on any new task or responsibility sons, the goal of amalgamating Forschung and tion of the Kaiser-Wilhelm-Institute, they were never- vested interests in “society”, on an almost daily basis, Lehre gradually became almost impossible.13 theless very keen to use and stress all the supportive are trying to shift on to them. This is a grave mistake, The most striking illustration and manifesta- arguments they could possibly find in Wilhelm von simply because, when it comes to knowledge and tion of this fact became the establishment of Humboldt’s recently rediscovered and immediately research, “society” very seldom actually knows what the Kaiser-Wilhelm- Gesellschaft and its string canonized Denkschrift.19 Luckily enough for Harnack it really needs in fifteen years time! of more or less autonomous research insti- and Althoff, in his deliberations Humboldt had indica- The two Berlin-based “revolutions”, which tutes in 1910/1911. It was, perhaps, also the ted that a complete science organization should have thoroughly rejuvenated the Euro-American research ultimate indication of the deplorable fact that three major institutional components or levels: beside universities and turned them into the real intellectual “excellence” had actually started its gradual the free academy and the university, there should also and economic power houses they became for almost exodus from Humboldt University. be “Hilfs-Institute”. But with these “leblose (life-less) two centuries, had very little to do with expansion. On Institute” Humboldt had hardly meant the powerful the contrary! Wilhelm von Humboldt’s exceptionally Third, the steadily growing costs and societal centers of excellence that now were established.20 successful ideological reforms of 1810 in fact meant impact of research not only led to institution- retraction and “purification”. The establishment of al changes but also to innovations in research the modern US research university at the turn of the policy and (targeted) funding, which had previous century also meant that the universities consequences for the autonomy of the institu- defined their core mission in a much more restricted tion.14 way than they had previously done. So, when we, today, are discussing how to respond to the “new chal- Fourth, and perhaps, even more seminal, lenges and demands” and to “redefine our mission” in modern science finally and irrevocably society, we should also perhaps try to remember that crushed the illusion of the “unity of knowl- TheIII 20th Anniversary: all great universities always have, at the same time, edge under benevolent aegis of philosophy” Celebration of a most remarkable historical event been institutionally adaptive, intellectually creative, and was gradually superseded by the idea of Or Alma Mater Berolinensis Rediviva and ideologically conservative institutions.22 two distinct scientific “cultures”. Significantly If the other important university ideologue of the enough, it was in Germany that this distinc- Regarding the driving forces — beside the well known 19th century, John Henry Cardinal Newman, who in- tion between Natur- und Geisteswissenschaf- international political upheavals — and the actual cidentally formulated his vision of the university in ten was discussed and philosophically codi- course of events that eventually led to the restoration direct opposition to the German/ Humboldtian Wis- fied in the second half of the 19th century by of the present Humboldt University in 1989—90, these senschafts-Universität, could be said to have taken an scholars, such as Wilhelm Dilthey, Heinrich still remain to be elucidated and historically ana- existing formal institutional order, Oxford University, Rickert, and Max Weber, while it was also dis- lyzed.21 My only personal comment, not simply in my and transformed it into an Idea of a University,23 then cussed by intellectual industrialists, such as role as a “participating observer” in the 1990s, might Wilhelm Freiherr von Humboldt’s major achievement Werner von Siemens.15 be that it probably would be almost futile to try to de- was to synthesize a number of ideas on science, Bildung, tect any form of conscious and articulated university and learning, which 100 years later were transformed, However, in our context it is equally interesting that or research policy in this process. Instead, there was, or elevated, or perhaps even perverted into an insti- this process of cognitive and institutional disintegra- in substance, a simplistic politically determined insti- tution soon to be decreed as the university. From this tion, which in many respects signified a fundamental tutional reorganization, which meant that the present saga we may learn that not only “institutions and mo- break with the original Humboldtian ideals, was not Humboldt University was simply integrated into the ney matter”. This is equally true of ideas. only explicitly presented as the ultimate fulfillment existing, not-too-well-functioning — “West German” So, Vivat Academia Berolinensis — whichever anni- of Humboldtian dreams, it also, ironically enough, university and research system. versary You are celebrating in 2010! ≈ marked the reinvention and even canonization of In so doing, both Berlin and Germany, in my view, Wilhelm von Humboldt as the spiritual and practical missed a historic opportunity to kick-start the reesta- 36

references from Agardh to Schück] , Lund 1992. 6 Roger Geiger, To Advance Knowledge: The Growth of American 1 To illustrate the self-understanding and the almost Research Universities, 1900–1940, Oxford 1986, and Roger unbounded self-confidence of the German professoriate Geiger, Research and Relevant Knowledge: American Research as early as 1869, one can quote from a speech, “Über Universities since World War II, Oxford 1993; also Nybom, in Universitätseinrichtungen”, by the Rector of Friedrich- Maassen-Olsen (2007). Wilhelms-Universität, Emil Du Bois-Reymond: “It is 7 Marita Baumgartner, “Professoren- und Universitätsprofile im reasonable to maintain that in the field of higher learning ‘Humboldt’schen Modell’ 1810–1914”, in Schwinges (2001), pp. the German universities are superior to those of any other 105–129. country. Indeed, given the fact that none of man’s works is 8 Jürgen Mittelstrass, Die unzeitgemässe Universität, Frankfurt perfect, the German universities have such an institutional am M., 1994, p. 83. 9 Rüdiger von Bruch, “Die Gründung der strength that they could only have been created by an act Berliner Universität”, in Schwinges (2001), p. 59. of the most fundamental legislative wisdom”, in Emil Du 10 Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte, Vol. 3: Bois-Reymond, Biographie, Wissenschaft, Ansprachen, 2. 1849–1918, München 1987, p. 473. Issue, Leipzig 1887, p. 337. As an illustration of the profound 11 Bernd Henningsen, “A Joyful Good-Bye to Wilhelm von and long-term international impact one can quote Abraham Humboldt”, in Guy Neave, Thorsten Nybom & Kjell Blückert Flexner’s “self-evident” introduction to the German chapter in (eds.), The European Research University: An Historical his famous book Universities: American–English–German, New Parenthesis? New York 2006, p. 95; see also Wehler (1987), York 1930 (1962): “Of the countries dealt with in this volume, pp. 405–485, and Helmuth Schelsky, Einsamkeit und Freiheit: Germany has in theory and practice come nearest to giving Idee und Gestalt der deutschen Universität und ihrer Reformer, higher education its due position.” (p. 305) Reinbek bei Hamburg 1963. 2 If the sister in Dahlhem was allowed to participate in the 12 I think Noel Annan has quite correctly called this eruption celebrations, which could certainly be considered quite of intellectual creativity in the 18th and 19th centuries as appropriate, one would have to add an additional 62 Years’ the “German renaissance”; see Noel Annan, Our Age: The Anniversary; see “Der Malteser Kreis – Humboldt stand Generation that Made Post-War Britain, London, pp. 335–355. drauf, das Gegenteil war drin”, in Tagesspiegel, May 31, 13 For instance, when Albert Einstein was called to Berlin in 1913 2010. And it certainly would be even more controversial he had no teaching obligations, and he was not the only one; and almost bewildering if one celebrated the present name see Rudolf Vierhaus, “Wilhelm von Humboldt”, in Wolfgang of the Humboldt-Universität, which was officially decreed Treue & Karlfried Gründer (Hg.), Berlinische Lebensbilder: on October 26, 1949; see John Connelly, “Humboldt im Wissenschaftspolitik in Berlin. Minister, Beamte, Ratgeber, Staatsdienst. Ostdeutsche Universitäten 1945–1989”, in (Hg.), Berlin 1987, p. 73; also Fritz Stern, Einstein’s German World, Mythos Humboldt: Vergangenheit und Zukunft der deutschen Princeton, NJ, 1999, pp. 59–164, esp. p. 112. Universitäten, Wien 1999, p. 80) 14 Bernhard vom Brocke, “Von der Wissenschaftsverwaltung 3 Wilhelm von Humboldt, “Ueber die innere und äussere zur Wissenschaftspolitik: Friedrich Althoff”, inBerichte zur Organisation der höheren wissenschaftlichen Anstalten” Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 1, 1988, pp. 1–26. (Original 1810), in Werke in fünf Bänden. Andreas Fleitner u& 15 Rüdiger von Bruch, “Langsamer Abschied von Humboldt? Klaus Giel (Hg.). Bd. 4, Stuttgart 1964, pp. 255–266; Wilhelm Etappen deutscher Universitätsgeschichte 1810–1945”, in Ash von Humboldt, “Antrag auf Errichtung der Universität Berlin” (1999), p. 46. (vom 24. Juli 1809), in Werke in fünf Bänden. Andreas Fleitner & 16 Sylvia Paletschek, “Verbreitete sich‚ ein Humboldt’sches Klaus Giel (Hg.). Bd. 5. Darmstadt 1964, pp. 113–120. Modell’ an den deutschen Universitäten im 19. Jahrhundert?”, 3 The Humboldt literature has, especially in the last few in Schwinges (2001), p. 103. years, become almost boundless. For an overview and 17 Paletschek, in Schwinges (2001), pp. 98–104. references, see Thorsten Nybom, “The Humboldt Legacy: 18 On Althoff’s central position in research and university policy- Reflections on the Past, Present and Future of European making, see also vom Brocke, “Friedrich Althoff”, inTreue & Higher Education”, in Higher Education Policy 16:2003; Olaf Gründer (1987), pp. 195–214. Bartz, “Bundesrepublikanische Universitätsbilder: Blüte 19 The seminal Memorandum was not found until 1900 by the und Zerfall des Humboldtianismus”, in Die Hochschule. historian Bruno Gebhardt when he was writing a biography Journal für Wissenschaft und Bildung, 2:2005, pp. 99–133; of Wilhelm von Humboldt; see Bruno Gebhardt (ed.), Wilhelm and not least Ash (1999), and Rainer Christoph Schwinges von Humboldts Politische Denkschriften 1800–1810. Bd. 1, (Hg.), Humboldt International: Der Export des deutschen Berlin 1903, and Bruno Gebhardt, Wilhelm von Humboldt als Universitätsmodells im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Basel 2001. Staatsmann. I–II, Stuttgart 1896–1899. — For a more extended analysis and discussion on my own 20 On Althoff’s central position in research and university policy- part, see “A Rule- Governed Community of Scholars: The making, see also vom Brocke, “Friedrich Althoff”, inTreue & Humboldt Vision in the History of the European University”, Gründer (1987), pp. 195–214. in Peter Maassen & Johan P. Olsen (eds.), University Dynamics 21 For some preliminary studies see Friedhelm Neidhardt, and European Integration, Dordrecht 2007, pp. 55–79, and “Konflikte und Balancen: Die Umwandlung der Humboldt- “Humboldts Vermächtnis. Betrachtungen zu Vergangenheit, Universität zu Berlin”, in R. Mayntz (Hg.), Aufbruch Gegenwart und Zukunft des europäischen Hochschulwesens”, und Reform von Oben: Ostdeutsche Universitäten im in Bernd Henningsen (Hg.), Humboldts Zukunft: Das Projekt Transformationsprozess, Frankfurt am Main 1994, pp. Reformuniversität, Berlin 2008, pp. 297–323. 32–60, and Thomas Raiser, Schicksalsjahre einer Universität: 4 The participants in this intense and extensive debate between Die strukturelle und personelle Neuordnung der Humboldt- 1790 and 1820 included almost every notable German Universität zu Berlin 1989–1994, Berlin 1998. intellectual and academic of the day. The theoretical and 22 For and equally comprehensive and illuminating analysis of ideological starting point for these discussions was Immanuel the success of the US research universities in the last century Kant’s essay of 1798, Streit der Fakultäten. — For an overview of see Jonathan R. Cole, The Great American University: Its Rise to the central contributions, see Ernst Müller (Hg.), Gelegentliche Preeminence—Its Indispensable National Role—Why It Must be Gedanken über Universitäten von Engel– Erhard–Wolf–Fichte– Protected, New York 2009. Schleiermacher–Savigny–von Humboldt–Hegel, Leipzig 1990, 23 Noel Annan, The Dons: Mentors, Eccentrics, and Geniuses, and Ludwig Fertig (Hg.), Bildungsgang und Lebensplan: Briefe London 1999, pp. 39–60. — For a penetrating analysis of über Erziehung von 1750 bis 1900, Darmstadt 1991. Newman’s The Idea of a University (1852), see Sheldon 5 The statutes of Uppsala University from 1852 could serve as Rothblatt, The Modern University and its Discontents, a typical example; see Göran Blomquist, Elfenbenstorn eller Cambridge 1997. statsskepp? Stat, universitet och akademisk frihet i vardag och vision från Agardh till Schück [Ivory tower or ship of state? State, university, and academic freedom in daily life and vision reviews 37

Ethnopolitical dilemmas. Europe’s 20th century: the century of expulsions i on: Ragn s ve nsson ill ust r at

Detlef Brandes, Holm expulsions” have become established in the language Sundhausen & Stefan of politics, jurisdiction, and, last but not least, histo- Troebst (eds.) I. riography, and are investigated as both analytical and II. Lexikon der The Lexicon of Expulsions, the subject of basic concepts. The result is an extraordinarily mul- The lexicon presents a balanced view of Vertreibungen this article, is likely to become a stand- tifaceted kaleidoscope, ranging alphabetically from the results of studies (whose numbers Deportation, ard work. It was edited by three highly “Ägypter” (Egyptians) to “Zwangsassimilation” (forced have increased enormously in just the Zwangsaussiedlung regarded historians from Germany, spe- assimilation). Except for a few glances outside Europe, past two decades) investigating forced und ethnische cialists in East Central and South-East- it focuses on European history, understood in broad migrations of all types. At the same Säuberung im Europa ern European history, in cooperation geographical terms, with the Balkan wars in the 20th time, it participates in the continuing des 20. Jahrhunderts with two experts from East Central Eu- century serving as the starting and end points, thus historiographic and above all historico- rope (Kristina Kaiserová from the Czech spanning the time frame from 1912 to 1999. An index political controversies surrounding the [Lexicon of expulsions: Republic and Krzysztof Ruchniewicz of people, places, and things (pp. 744–799) makes the question of how the phenomenon of Deportation, forced from Poland), who are equally familiar voluminous work accessible. The publisher of the vol- the forcible displacement of popula- resettlement, and ethnic with this topic. The topic of expulsion is ume, Dmytro Myeshkov, did an extremely good job, tions should be incorporated into the cleansing in twentieth- covered in 308 entries. The individual and the extensive, thoroughly cross-referenced index history of the 20th century. The editors century Europe] contributions deal with various groups makes it easy for the reader not only to search specifi- make their position on these arguments In cooperation with affected by expulsions; programs that cally for individual terms, but also to browse through (which are still far from decided) clear Kristina Kaiserová und have led to mass migrations; confer- the material assembled by the more than one hundred in their preface, when they refer to the Krzysztof Ruchniewicz ences and resolutions that sanctioned authors and to make many surprising discoveries in history of the lexicon’s origins. Debates, Vienna, expulsions; key players who have had a the process. ongoing since the beginning of the 21st Cologne & Weimar significant role in bringing about expul- century, surrounding a “Center against Dmytro Meyshkov sions (to a lesser extent even people Expulsions”, which a foundation closely 2010 who were involved in relief efforts for allied with the “Association of Expel- 801 pages the victims of expulsions); and also lees” (the umbrella organization of Ger- pivotal terms that in the “century of mans expelled from Eastern and South- 38reviews

Continued Europe’s 20th century: the century of expulsions

Eastern Europe) wants to construct in and this demonstrates how dependent the respective Germany, have led to historico-political sphere of action is on its context and how people at- difficulties in Germany’s relations with tribute actions to themselves and to others. IV. its eastern neighbors. The intent of the The way the entries are put together lexicon is to counter this rejection (p. is striking: there are specific thematic 12) using the fruits of the work of an points of emphasis that result from “Ecumenical Movement of Historians” the placing of the lexicon in an abso- (and other academic disciplines); on lutely concrete historical context. For the whole this movement functions instance, the work presents a wealth extremely well, although the at-times- III. of articles relating to the politics of re- heated debates in the “national public Particularly enlightening are articles that make their membrance, which demonstrate that arena” (id.) would suggest otherwise. argument in terms of conceptual history and are the theme of expulsion has become Here, assessing the state of research in thereby able to distance themselves from the source the object not only of historiographical the form of a lexicon proves extremely language. This leads to an interesting historicization of attention but also of debates on the cul- helpful. By fanning out the topic in the discourses concerning forced migrations. It is obvious ture of remembrance and of historico- manner of a kaleidoscope into a multi- that terms formerly considered basic concepts deriv- political initiatives, and, indeed, that tude of terms, the editors can avoid the ing from the language of the sources have to some these were a significant factor in the danger of adding yet another master- extent already found their way into the language of creation of the lexicon. In West German narrative to those already in existence, international law (documents of the United Nations society there was great awareness of the some of which are hotly disputed. Nev- or protocols of the war criminals tribunals), as is the expulsion of the Germans from Eastern ertheless, when one reads the lexicon, case, for example, in the entry “Ethnic Cleansing” and South-Eastern Europe after the and particularly the editors’ preface, (pp. 229–234). Against the background of considera- Second World War, as lobby organiza- which creates a sort of narrative frame- tions of this sort that are based on conceptual history, tions (“Hometown Communities”, p. work for the entries, it becomes clear however, the limitations of the lexicon articles (which 285; “Cultural Associations for Germans that the work has a specific perspective are of necessity short) become clear: for example, Born in the Eastern Parts of the Reich”, on the topic. It points to “the numerous the demarcation attempted by the article on the term pp. 377–381; “Sudeten-German Cultural nation-building processes in multi- “genocide” (pp. 262–265) as opposed to “ethnic cleans- Association”, pp. 627–629) had ensured ethnic nineteenth-century Eastern ing” is not convincing. Indeed, many articles contrib- that these historical experiences were Europe” (p. 8) and also the “reevalu- ute more to renewed essentializing than to a lucid thematized in the public sphere ation of ethnicity as a state-building history of a term, as is the case with “Ethnopolitics” (“Monuments and Memorials of Ger- principle” (id.), thereby focusing on the (pp. 234–236); others, on the other hand, are excep- man Expellees”, pp. 114–117; “Museums nation-state and its institutions as the tional in their clarity regarding historical terms: see, and Forced Migration”, pp. 448–450). leading stakeholders. This focus is also for example, the elegant analysis of “Collaboration Since 2000 this thematization has be- clear in most of the entries, and raises with the Enemy of the Nation” (pp. 345–348). In addi- come more dynamic and international the question of further levels to be con- tion to such historico-political terms, many legal terms with the plan to erect a “Center against sidered (imperial, regional, local), as have found their way into the lexicon. These revolve Expulsions” (pp. 736–739). The setting well as stakeholder groups beneath or primarily around legal positions of those affected by up of a “Federal Foundation for Flight, beyond the level of the (nation-)state. expulsions and focus on the one hand on individual Expulsion, Reconciliation” (pp. 96–97), The gray areas of everyday life can of rights (“Human Rights”, pp. 417–418) and on the the creation of the “European Net- course only be touched on; however, other on group rights (“Protection of Minorities”, pp. work’s Remembrance and Solidarity” the questions of where perpetration 430–434) or on legal institutions that involve both in- (pp. 236–239), and the as yet unsuccess- and victimhood meet in one person dividual and group rights (“Citizenship”, pp. 619–620). ful initiative of the European Council and how individuals co-determine the Sometimes relatively narrowly defined legal terms (for to found a “Center for the Commemo- state’s actions through their attitudes is example, “Confiscation”, pp. 354–355) raise questions ration of the Peoples of Europe” (pp. of fundamental significance for the un- that pertain to broader concepts that one might have 734–735) can be seen as reactions to this derstanding of mass expulsions in the wished to see discussed in their own lexicon entry — in project. Other articles show that the 20th century. Regardless of such general connection with “confiscation” perhaps the concept “Expulsion Complex” has been the ob- considerations, however, it must be of “property”, which includes implications for both ject of increased public awareness since pointed out that the lexicon succeeds legal and experiential history. The reference system, the end of the Communist regime in in opening up long-accepted narratives typical for lexicons, brings the individual articles to- Eastern Europe, particularly in Poland to question, even though the subtitle gether as in a discussion, whereby the relative context- and the Czech Republic, and that there “Deportation, Forced Emigration, and dependence of terms relating to research and above are disputes there about “foreign” and Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century all legal terms is made clear: in this way, for example, “native” victims and also about perpe- Europe” gives the research paradigm of the term “ethnic cleansing” can be understood either tration and responsibility (“Monuments “ethnic cleansing” greater prominence.1 as a term of the “perpetrators” or as a category that and Memorials in Poland”, pp. 117–120; On the positive side, it must be noted has meanwhile found its place in documents pertain- “Monuments and Memorials in the that this does not result in a fixation on ing to international law. Czech Republic”, pp. 120–122). The particular (supposed) retrospectively post-Yugoslavian societies are still a long essentialized groups (such as, for ex- way from such analyses of the events of ample, all the Germans expelled from expulsion in terms of the culture of re- Eastern Europe, who “shared a com- membrance; in the relevant articles the mon destiny”). Rather, the articles show measures to immediately (materially) groups in varying historical contexts, overcome the consequences of expul- 39

sions still dominate, as do questions of are missing entirely; they are dealt with only under particularly of the “Harkis” in that arti- references revamping the penal system. the entry “Forced Labor” (pp. 739–744). In their case cle, momentous migrations took place; specifically (but also in the case of the Poles, victims of when we look at these, it becomes clear 1 This is also underscored two dictatorships [pp. 515–534]) it becomes clear that how concepts originally transferred to a certain extent by the it is worthwhile to consider the two sets of expulsions from the metropolises to the colonies fact that the lexicon is dedi- jointly, those caused by the National Socialists on the are now returning to impact the “moth- cated to the East European historian Hans Lemberg, one hand and those caused by Soviets and Socialist er countries”. This is merely a small, who as early as 1992 thema- states on the other. very subjective selection of suggestions tized the concept of “ethnic V. Just as such questions of weighting are open to for expanding the scope of the topic. cleansing” definitively for A strong emphasis on the German con- discussion, reading the lexicon tempts one to think Every user of the lexicon will certainly twentieth-century Europe- text is obvious in the consideration of about additional entries. One could imagine that the have different desires regarding the an history. Hans Lemberg, the different groups of expellees, as it is concept of “Ethnopolitics” (not convincingly written expansion of the topic and its in-depth “‘Ethnische Säuberung’: in the entries pertaining to the politics in any event) could lead to that of “Biopolitics” and the discussion. In light of this we must Ein Mittel zur Lösung von Nationalitätenproblemen?” of remembrance. The article under methods of violence associated with it. This would be consider whether an online version [Ethnic cleansing: a means “Germany” (pp. 197–204) begins: “In the an opportunity to set aside the focus on “ethnicity”, of the lexicon could be a reasonable of solving citizenship prob- decades of the World Wars, 1914–1945, the dominating category in the lexicon, and thus make medium, with moderated discussion of lems?], Aus Politik und Zeit- Germany was an important driver of the it possible to look at other categories that influenced the terms, and continual expansion of geschichte, vol. 46 (1992), forced migrations that took place in Eu- the introduction of social engineering by the state. the range of entries, which would make pp. 27–38. rope. Then from the end of World War Existing entries, such as “Nation-State and Ethnic Ho- possible an ongoing discussion within 2 This is the challenge given II until the present it became an impor- mogeneity” (pp. 474–477), could be supplemented by the circle of researchers working on by Michael Wildts, in light tant destination of European and global entries on empires and regions: after all, in many re- the topic of expulsion. Whether as an of the German debates about incorporating expul- refugee movements” (p. 197). While the gions where expulsions took place, imperial, national, online version or as a traditional (and, sions into a history of the first of the two sentences quoted finds and also regional and local visions of social and politi- it must be noted, exceedingly beauti- twentieth century. See an echo in relatively short articles in the cal order had an effect on the planning and carrying ful) book, the lexicon is highly topical Michael Wildts, “‘Erzwun- lexicon that describe the expulsion and out of expulsions. There is no doubt that nation-states, and is positioned right in the center of gene Wege: Flucht und extermination policies of the National nationalism, and the ethnic homogenization associ- a continuing process of discussion. It Vertreibung im Europa Socialists, there is corroboration for ated with them represent important frameworks for is a very well-informed contribution to des 20. Jahrhunderts’: the second sentence, particularly in the expulsions, but these frameworks are destroyed again the current debates and will hopefully Kronprinzenpalais Berlin, Bilder einer Ausstel- description of the numerous groups of and again. They are not the only nor the most impor- have many readers, above all from be- lung” [“‘Forced paths: German nationals who became victims tant prerequisite for political action; it can materialize yond the narrow confines of specialist Flight and expulsion in of expulsion during and especially after in other spatial contexts, too, as one entry shows: it circles. ≈ twentieth-century Europe’: World War II. At least seventy pages are presents a wholly concrete place beyond geographical Kronprinzenpalais Berlin, dedicated to just the various Germans determination — the “Concentration Camp” (pp. 373– claudia kraft pictures of an exhibition], who came from Eastern Europe, from 376). It is especially the thematization of such spaces Historische Anthropologie: “Baltic Germans” to “Germans from that tempts the reader to follow up an investigation of Kultur, Gesellschaft, Alltag, Volhynia” (pp.126–196). It is not obvious expulsions with an examination of forces of violence vol. 15 (2007), pp. 281–295. to the reader what criteria were used in Europe in general.2 in deciding which individual groups of One basic term that can be found in the sources expellees should receive more (or less) and that is missing in the lexicon is “autochthonous extensive entries. This is particularly people”. Naming (and along with that, dealing with) striking in regard to the Jewish expel- people excluded by expulsion speaks volumes about lees, for whom expulsion was the first societal and state concepts of order; these change over step to assassination, and who are dealt time, and of course have an impact on the respective with very briefly (“Jews: Deportation expulsions. Moreover, for a careful analysis in terms and Extermination”, pp. 313–315). One of conceptual history, concepts of this type, located advantage of a lexicon is that it does in the political language as well as in legal discourses, not have to get involved with the crea- such as the ambiguous “Right of Domicile”, can be tion of a hierarchy of different forms used. Even more difficult to grasp — but nevertheless i on: Ragn s ve nsson ill ust r at of forced migrations but can deal with a significant topos in the expulsion debates within the the complexity of historical contexts culture of remembrance — is the term “Home”, which simply by juxtaposing events. Even so, likewise does not as yet have its own entry. Closely we have to ask whether the fact that the connected with this term are concepts relating to expulsion and deportation of the Jews feelings, such as nostalgia, renamed “nostalgeria” (p. was then followed by genocide justifies 251), in the very informative entry “The French from the lexicon’s all-too-cursory treatment Algeria” (pp. 250–252), which tempts one to draw com- of those first events. One cannot help parisons with the way German or Polish expellees my- wondering why some groups have more thologize their references to their respective Eastern or less space devoted to them — such regions, lost after World War II. When one thinks of a as the “Gagauz from Bessarabia” (pp. possible second edition of the lexicon, which could in- 256–258) or the “Kalmuks 1943–1945” clude these additions and others, in general an expan- (pp. 326–329). Some large groups, sion of the topic to contexts outside Europe would be such as the Soviet citizens who were desirable. In the course of decolonization, as shown deported to Germany for forced labor, in the discussion of the “Algerians” (pp. 34–37) and 40reviews

Confrontation or compromise? Peasant leaders in interbellum Europe

Mark Biondich eople in most places have Stjepan Radić, the long had the goal of owning Croat Peasant Party, their own piece of land to and the Politics of P farm, so that they could feed Mass Mobilization, their families and lift themselves out 1904–1928 of poverty. Historically, the farming of private land has also been the means of Toronto giving peasants the right to participate University of Toronto in civic life and be considered full- Press 2000 fledged citizens. Demands for land have xi, 344 pages often been asserted by rural popula- tions in connection with radical social R. J. Crampton transformations, and have then served Aleksandǔr as the message around which an agrar- Stamboliĭski: Bulgaria ian movement has consolidated. Such movements are currently in evidence London among peasant workers, particularly in Haus Publishing 2009 Mexico, India and South Africa, but the xi, 192 pages notion of the farmer as the backbone of society has been espoused by politi- Daniel E. Miller cians as diverse as Thomas Jefferson Forging Political and Hugo Chávez. Compromise Even though agrarian forces have Antonín Ŝvela and the had only marginal political influence in Czechoslovak Eastern Europe and the Baltic region Republican Party, over the last two decades, agrarian par- 1918–1933 ties and movements did play a decisive role in the political developments in Pittsburgh these regions in the early 1900s. Ideo- cy based on private ownership and farming combined seldom portrayed figure. Between 1919 University of Pittsburgh logically unfettered and rooted in real- with collective processing and sales through voluntary and 1923, Stamboliĭski headed a peas- Press 1999 politik, they were able to forge alliances cooperatives. Well into the interbellum period, most ant government with an independent 323 pages on both the right and the left and, by of the parties had to concede that the land reforms majority, and succeeded during that pe- their actions, overthrow or bolster the they sought to carry out often turned out to be more riod in pushing through a host of wide- prevailing political powers. The peas- symbolic than socially transformative. The parties reaching political initiatives. A radical ants also made up the majority of the consequently sought various means of survival. The land reform was planned, and foreign population in many of these countries agrarians were also dedicated pacifists, as they real- trade in agricultural products was cen- following World War I, enabling the ized that it was they themselves, and agriculture, that tralized with a view to protecting the agrarian parties to easily amass large were hardest hit by war. peasants. The status of those living in blocs of voters. rural areas improved as the agricultural In contrast to the West European and The choices in terms of which path to take were often cooperatives were built up. Cooperative Scandinavian agrarian parties, which made by the party leaders. Their lives and political solutions were also used in the cities to were usually politicized producers’ achievements have been little delineated by academ- take over companies, and a civic duty to organizations, most of the parties in ics, whose works are all too often available only in work was introduced to dig ditches and Eastern Europe and the Baltic region their native languages. In Anglo-Saxon research, the build roads in the countryside. Heavy grew into social reform movements agrarian leaders and their parties are often viewed as blows were also directed against what that opposed the structure of the old historical footnotes that, in the worst case, paved the BANU viewed as a corrupt bureaucracy, civil society and viewed land reforms as way for populism and the disintegration of the demo- the court system, and the Church. The their primary objective. The agrarian cratic systems. However, since the Eastern European university was closed for a while so that parties favored a loose assemblage of archives became available in the 1990s, three more the students could devote themselves ideologies grounded in the family and comprehensive biographies have been published in to physical labor in the countryside. in the values of the agricultural society, English concerning, respectively, the leader of the Stamboliĭski was pushed out of power and they sought to modernize society Republican agrarian party in Czechoslovakia, Antonín and murdered in 1923 during a coup based on the needs of the peasants. Švehla (1873—1933), the leader of the Croatian agrar- d’état initiated by the army, the tradi- They wanted to offer a third way in the ian party, Stjepan Radić (1871—1928), and the leader of tional power elites, and the Macedonian political arena, that is, between the the Bulgarian agrarian party, Aleksandǔr Stamboliĭski liberation organization known as the market liberals, who were thought to (1879—1923). These three biographies not only offer Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Or- care only about economic values and to insight into the roles played by the agrarian leaders ganization (IMRO). be neglectful of the essential features of and their parties during the interbellum period, but British historian R. J. Crampton has agrarian life, and the socialists, whose also illustrate how a biography can be used to convey used Stamboliĭski as the starting point plans to collectivize the land were a historical phenomenon. for his account of Bulgaria’s turn-of-the- viewed as a threat to peasant freedom. The leader of the Bulgarian National Union (BANU), century history in general. His book With a mixture of individualism and col- Aleksandǔr Stamboliĭski, holds a special place among is part of the “Makers of the Modern lectivism, they forged an economic poli- the interbellum agrarians as a constantly quoted but World” series, which focuses on the 41

results of the Peace of Versailles for various Euro- the turn of the century in 1900. Croatia belonged to the of the power of the Church and of the pean countries. Crampton recounts the sequence of Hungarian part of the dual monarchy, and Biondich Church as an organization and, despite events in terms of foreign policy, with an emphasis touches upon Hungarian chauvinism and the tax bur- his nationalistic message, he opposed on Bulgaria’s role in both the Balkan War and World den imposed on the peasants. As one of the founders the national chauvinism of both the War I, and discusses the issue of Macedonia’s national of the party, Radić worked methodically to convince Catholic and the Orthodox churches. allegiance. The person of Stamboliĭski figures in the and win over the often illiterate peasants in the villag- Even as he fought for the rural poor, he first part of the book mainly as an agrarian ideologue, es and build a mass movement. Grassroots initiatives had very little interest in the less advan- but otherwise appears only sporadically. BANU’s path and resistance to the Hungarian authorities resulted taged urban inhabitants. Where Bell’s ri n st e m a rk i on: k at ill ust r at to power is given a convincing social explanation in in the peasants aligning themselves heavily with the book on Stamboliĭski reflects the 1970s the poverty in the Bulgarian countryside, but the agrarian party once they were given the right to vote. interest in social issues, Biondich’s personal traits that made Stamboliĭski the strongman Prior to 1918, Radić had eagerly supported the notion book can be seen as a response to the of the movement are never really made clear. He was of a shared Serbian and Croatian culture as a counter- 1990s interest in ethnic relations and certainly a gifted fellow, who left his village school weight to the Hungarians, but after 1918 his distrust radicalization. However, Biondich stays and ventured out into Europe to seek an education, was instead redirected against the Serbian rulers in within the historical realm, and with and he was clearly both charismatic and idealistic, Belgrade and the new Yugoslavian federation. Despite the nationalist message espoused by the but none of these factors fully accounts for his suc- his distrust of Serbs, Radić always championed the agrarian movement. Radić’s role as a cess. The author is fairly uncritical of Stamboliĭski’s rights of Serbs living in Croatia, and staunchly op- martyr in the Fascist Ustasha movement political achievements: how realizable were his policy posed the use of conquest and violence to advance and among Croatian nationalists in the programs, and what consequences did they have for the Croatian cause. Radić’s Pan-Slavism cooled after 1990s is touched upon only briefly. those outside the aegis of agrarian good will? Ques- the Russian Revolution, which he viewed as a political If Stamboliĭski and Radić represent tions such as these have major significance, given the mistake and a threat to the peasantry. agrarian movements with political accusations that the agrarian movements paved the The land reforms implemented in Yugoslavia or nationalist radical positions, then way for the disintegration of democracy. The groups after World War I never attained any pervasive social the reform-oriented Czechoslovakian that supported the coup included officers, academ- significance; access to land was too limited for that agrarian party under Antonín Švehla ics, bureaucrats, the Church, the court system, the to happen. The agrarian party’s key issue during the represents the opposite pole. The main monarchy, conservatives, liberals, communists, and interbellum period thus shifted from the future of agri- subject of American historian Daniel Macedonia nationalists, with all of whom BANU and culture to the future of the Croatian people. If the par- Miller’s Forging Political Compromise is Stamboliĭski had crossed swords during their four ty was skeptical of the urban population at the start of the creation of politically sustainable years in power. Crampton overlooks the importance the interbellum period, that skepticism faded with the compromises, with Švehla and politi- of foreign policy in this context. His book is conse- advent of nationalism. The party equated the Croatian cal developments in Czechoslovakia quently not coherent, nor does it provide any deeper spirit with peasant culture, out of which everything serving as the central illustrative ex- insight into Stamboliĭski or political life in Bulgaria truly Croatian had grown. Political acrimony was often ample. This is a topic of major general during the interbellum period than does his summa- directed against Jews as the primary representatives of significance in that Czechoslovakia was, rizing work on Bulgaria and its history.1 capitalism and urban decadence. along with Finland, one of only two new The foregoing is in distinct contrast to John D. Bell’s nations formed after World War I in classic 1977 study, which is another biography and Unfortunately, Radić vanishes more and more as a which democracy survived up until the social monograph in one.2 For Bell, it is in particular person in the chapters in which we follow him into Yu- outbreak of the next major war. the inability to manage foreign policy that, along with goslavian national politics. The book transitions from Švehla played a key role in the de- Stamboliĭski’s collision course with the traditional biography to political history, but without bringing the velopment of both the party organiza- power elites, explains his downfall. Crampton does entire agrarian party along, and we learn little about tion and the parliamentary system do us the service of tying Stamboliĭski into a lengthier the local party functionaries that kept the party afloat. during the first post-war decade. He historical context that includes the years both before This is regrettable, because such material could have served as Home Secretary from 1918 to and after his political career. reflected not only Radić the political entrepreneur, 1920, and as Prime Minister from 1925 but also his role as an administrator. From a broader to 1929. His ability to bring different The Croatian Stjepan Radić was among the most perspective, a more in-depth approach could have interests together had a major impact prominent peasant leaders in the Balkans. Together shed light on one of the more interesting mysteries in in terms of the political coalitions that with his more soft-spoken brother, Antun, he domi- peasant politics during the interbellum period: why governed the country and continued nated the Croat Peasant Party during the interbellum such hordes of peasants accepted the renunciation to impact its political life and culture period. Radić’s brief but intense political career has of agrarian self-interest and aligned themselves with even after his death. The introduction been outlined by Canadian historian Mark Biondich, abstract nationalism. King Alexander’s authoritarian to the book paints an excellent picture from his time as a schoolboy in a poor village and as tactics and the political intrigues within the Yugosla- of the dominant parties and political a student activist in Prague, to his further studies in vian parliament led the Croatian peasant party to em- issues in Czechoslovakia up until 1938, Russia and France, and on to his role as a leading fig- phasize its nationalistic message. Radić became more and reveals how the politics reflected ure in Croatian and Yugoslavian politics. Radić’s life and more politically radical during the last years of his the ethnic and social dividing lines in came to an abrupt end in August 1928, when he died of life, and took more and more control of the party and the country, as well as the differences complications following an assassination attempt two its politics. between the urban and rural areas. months earlier at a session of the Yugoslavian parlia- Biondich describes Radić as a man with intuitive When the agrarian party was formed in ment. His death made him into an almost mythical political gifts, and with a unique personal charm as Bohemia prior to the war, it was more symbol of Croatian nationalism, and 300,000 people both a leader and an orator: a person one would read- in the nature of a producers’ party than attended his funeral. ily associate with the Weberian concept of charismatic a land reform one. This must be viewed In the first two chapters of his book, Biondich pro- authority. But as a person, Radić also presents many as a natural consequence of the fact that vides a broad background depiction of conditions in paradoxes. He was a devout Christian but, like many Czechoslovakia was far more economi- the Balkans and Austrian-Hungarian politics around prominent agrarian leaders, also a staunch opponent cally advanced and diverse than, say, 42reviews

Furrows in the agrarian field. Leaving deep traces

Croatia or Bulgaria, and as an explanation for why the party evolved into a parliamentary party rather than a reform movement. Miller expresses great admiration for the politician, but he is by no means blind to the fact that Švehla was also a master of working behind the scenes and ex- ploiting corruption, although only to achieve political aims, not personal ones. In contrast to Stamboliĭski and Radić, Švehla was neither an outstanding orator nor a public personality, but he nevertheless earned respect in most political situations. Švehla’s successes were based on the culture of compromise that char- acterized the entire formation of Czechoslovakia as a nation. Miller offers few insights into the life that Švehla lived as a private person. As a result, this book also slowly moves away from being a biography to become an in-depth party history, with Švehla as the central figure. Despite individual differences among the portrayed agrarian leaders Stamboliĭski, Radić, and Švehla, it is the similarities between them that stay with the reader. They were all gifted sons of the peasantry who received an education, even if Švehla may be considered more trained than educated, and the tal- ents they possessed took them abroad to study. Like other contemporary agrarian leaders such as Estonia’s Konstantin Päts or Latvia’s Kārlis Ulmanis,3 they spent their young, active years educating the peasants and Grarian society is not always given the at- was used on lands where evaporation modernizing both their thinking and the agriculture tention it deserves in historical research. could exceed precipitation. Human itself. This flies somewhat in the face of Eric Wolf’s fa- For much of the 20th century, the farmer was geographer Mats Widgren also points miliar dictum that peasants need leaders from without A relatively invisible in Swedish historical re- to connections between climate history in order to be radicalized, notwithstanding that these search: themes touching on agricultural history were and agricultural history and stresses the peasant sons did receive their impulses from the non- dealt with mainly in other disciplines. The situation need for global perspectives. agrarian world.4 was different in other Nordic countries. Agricultural The editors have allowed space for The agrarian movements and their political agen- history was studied in the early 20th century in Finland methodological questions, from the das usually bore a local stamp, even though their and Norway in an attempt to write the history of the emphasis of micro-history on individual ideologies were rather similar, and even though at- common people — peasant society had to stand in for texts to readings of the landscape as tempts were made at the international level to unite the longstanding nation-state that did not exist. In both sources, from the image of the farmer in them into a common front against socialism via the countries, the scholars who set the tone were influ- the newspapers to gendered advertising so-called “Green International” in Prague, initiatives enced by historical materialism and Lamprechtian cul- for milking machines. One sees here in which all of the leaders in question were involved. tural history. Light was to be shed on the collective, and that the “cultural turn” has left deep Each of the books addressed here has difficulty lifting not the individuals. The farmers became important in traces. The anthology is diverse, yet the its perspective out of the local context, from the party the representation of national — and political — devel- reluctance of agricultural historians to it concerns, and from the country in which that party opment. stray into political history is apparent. was active. This is regrettable because, viewed in this The turning towards social history in the 1970s and Rolf Adamson is an exception: he shows light the agrarian movements appear as footnotes, 1980s brought the agrarian element into Swedish his- how grain supply and grain prices can rather than as political forces that had a major impact torical research, whose breadth and scope are borne help explain political unrest. on the development of interbellum Europe. ≈ out in a volume in honor of Janken Myrdal, professor of agricultural history at the Swedish University of Social scientific research is given johan eellend Agricultural Sciences in Uppsala. Some thirty scholars, wide scope in another book in honor Swedish and foreign, have written articles for the book. of Finnish sociologist Leo Granberg. 1 R. J. Crampton, Bulgaria, Oxford 2007. A short but clarifying Their contributions clearly show the multifaceted na- Pirjo Siiskonen describes the roots and section on Stamboliĭski’s political thinking constitutes an ex- ception. ture of current Swedish agricultural history research. formation of Finnish rural research in 2 John D. Bell, Peasants in Power: Alexander Stamboliĭski and the Bul- Reflecting the honoree’s research interests, much at- the 1970s. Disciplines such as ethnology garian Agrarian National Union, 1899–1923, Princeton, N. J., 1977. tention is devoted to the Middle Ages. In line with the and folklorism (the subjects are sepa- 3 Päts and Ulmanis have not had their political achievements deep-rooted traditions of agricultural history, the schol- rated in Finland) were built up around studied from a scholarly or otherwise critical perspective, with ars take new and intriguing approaches to technology, peasant society, but many early social the exception of Martti Turtola’s Presidentti Konstantin Päts: implements, objects, and economic questions. scientific studies, now considered clas- Viro ja Suomi eri teillä, Helsinki 2002, and Edgars Dunsdorf’s, Inspired by climate history, Carl-Johan Gadd revisits sics, were also concerned with rural Kārļa Ulmaņa dzīve: Ceļinieks, Polītiķis, Diktātors, Mockeklis, Stockholm 1978. an old question in ethnology, the prevalence of plowing communities and their problems. 4 Eric R. Wolf, Peasants, Prentice–Hall 1966. implements and distribution of the plow. Gadd believes Several contributions to the anthol- that the ard, usually understood as more ancient, ogy may be regarded as village studies, 43

Reviewers

with focus on a specific local commu- organization grew in strength, the party had a “race when many women chose to leave the nity — an important tradition within paragraph” in its platform. The author historicizes at- countryside. Finnish agrarian sociology. One article titudes and positions, but without glossing over ideas Hatje’s and Björnsson’s books are shows that local identification has that seem, to say the least, malignant. One thesis put both rich in ideas. Where essayist increased in recent decades. Agrarian forth is that it was primarily the intellectuals of the Björnsson offers a wealth of associa- sociological research in the former East- party, and not the farmer membership, who stoked tions, Hatje sheds light on several im- Claudia Kraft. ern Bloc — Hungary, Russia, and Poland the fires of race thinking. portant themes and perspectives. Both Professor of East and — is presented in other articles. The in- In contrast to agrarian parties in other countries, bring to the fore a number of aspects at Central European His- ri n st e m a rk i on: k at ill ust r at terpretation of the increasing commer- the Farmers’ League developed extensive cooperation the intersection of political history and tory at Erfurt University, cialization of agriculture in the late 19th with the workers’ movement. Nor did it drift into any agricultural history. This opens a field in 2004 senior lecturer century is the subject of one article. marked populism — here as well there are compari- that several researchers at Södertörn at Bochum University, Agricultural cooperation and collective sons to similar parties in Central and Eastern Europe. University have embarked upon by us- 2001–2004 research labor in Finland at various points in the The discussion of how the party related to progressive ing the Baltic Sea as a bridge between fellow at the German 20th century are also illuminated. ideas, with a mixture of agrarianism and conservative disparate agrarian and political sys- Historical Institute in etatism that made room for the welfare state, is par- tems. ≈ Warsaw. Main fields of Matti Peltonen, whose 1992 doctoral ticularly noteworthy. research: History of Cen- dissertation dealt with the subject of Ideologically, Swedish farmers, depicted as queru- ann-katrin östman tral and Eastern Europe Finnish crofters, analyzes the effects lous and miserly, navigated between liberalism and (especially Polish history) on rural society of the global economic socialism. The author falls back on a division of early Britt Liljewall et al. (eds.) from the 18th century until depression of the 1930s — a question agrarian parties into producer parties and land re- Agrarhistoria på många sätt today, history of gender that has remained largely unexplored. form parties. The Swedish Farmers’ League can be 28 studier om människan relations, history of The depression had a severe impact on described as conservative, and although he describes och jorden forced migrations. provinces like Ostrobothnia (Österbot- it as a producer party, Björnsson also notes elements Festskrift till Janken Myrdal på ten), where the extreme right-wing of agrarianism and reformist ideas. Here in particular hans 60-årsdag and authoritarian Lappo movement the author makes an important observation when he took shape. Agriculture functioned in a emphasizes the difficulty of fitting agricultural politics [Diverse approaches to the history of world market through the many coop- into simple descriptions. Disparate political ideas and agriculture: 28 studies of humanity and erative dairies, which were a source of strategies were also proposed within farming parties the earth: Essays in honor of Janken regular income, even as the farms were and in the name of agricultural policy. In this well- Myrdal on his 60th birthday] small and partly rooted in subsistence written book, Björnsson gives adroit and insightful de- Royal Swedish Academy of Agriculture Ann-Catrin Östman. farming. All aspects of farm finances — scriptions of the stuff of thought and movements that and Forestry 2009 Lecturer at Åbo Akademi crop farming and animal husbandry, seem difficult to label from a current perspective. 552 pages University (Turku, Fin- forestry and income earned on the land). She has written side — were hit hard by the economic Where Anders Björnsson brings racism and xenopho- Jouko Nikula (ed.) on men’s and women’s downturn. While the rural population bia to the fore, Ann-Katrin Hatje looks at destitution, Maaseutuaiheita — Rural Motifs roles in agricultural in other peripheral parts of the country poverty, and supportive measures. Agrarian history Essays in Honor of Professor societies, on national- was drawn to the political left, the farm- is not central, but is examined in a thought-provoking Leo Granberg ism and the idealization ing population here — like other more way in many of the articles that deal with the interwar of the peasantry, on the affluent areas in southwestern Finland period and early postwar era. The building of Nordic Helsinki cooperative movement in — was drawn to the Lappo movement. welfare systems has seldom been interpreted against Aleksanteri Series 5:2009 the countryside. In northern and eastern Finland, ac- an agrarian backdrop, even though several research- 237 pages cording to Peltonen, the threatening ers have shown the connections between agricultural scenario created during the depression policy and social policy. Anders Björnsson was clearer. Forestry was the most se- Agriculture went from being a primary industry to Skuggor av ett förflutet verely affected, and consequently the the recipient of supportive measures. Defense needs Bondeförbundet och trettiotalet forestry companies appeared in a nega- were often used as an argument — Hatje calls attention En idéhistorisk essä tive light. In Ostrobothnia, the cruelest to the understanding of total defense that still pre- blows came from the institutions the vailed in the period after the World War II. Agriculture [Shadows of the past: The Swedish Johan Eellend. farmers had themselves created, mainly would guarantee self-sufficiency and settlement even Farmers’ League and the nineteen- PhD in history, Södertörn the collective dairies. in the northern reaches of the country. As Hatje points thirties: An essay in intellectual history] University. His research out, agricultural policy decisions were often shaped Lund: Sekel 2009 focus is on political Anders Björnsson discusses the same corporatively, and she presents as distinctive to the 213 pages populism in the Baltic period in his book. From the perspec- Swedish model a large-scale structural transformation Sea area. In BW II:3–4 tive of intellectual history, focus is that concerned in particular agriculture, industrial Ann-Katrin Hatje he wrote on peasants in directed at race thinking. The author’s rationalization, and a large public sector. Svensk välfärd, genus och social Bolshevik Russia. subject, the Swedish Farmers’ League, The author notes a connection between corpo- rationalism under 1900-talet the former incarnation of the Center ratism and gender-formation. There was a strong Party, has been unfairly treated in the element of peasant patriarchalism: women found it [Swedish welfare, gender, and social research. The party kept a greater difficult to advance in the agrarian party. She follows rationalism in the 20th century] distance from authoritarian ideologies a woman politician — Märta Leijon — over several dec- Department of Historical, Philosophical and movements than, for example, ades. While Leijon chose to identify herself with the and Religious Studies its Finnish fraternal party. And yet, male smallholder in the 1920s, she was primarily inter- Umeå University 2009 in the 1930s, the decade when the ested in women’s situation in the 1930s — the decade 227 pages the44 sea

Trouble adapting to brackish water. Avoiding academic language pollution

he strange old Baltic, neither the coast, the saltier and greener the green and the great darkness beyond. texts attest to extensive knowledge of sea nor lake, but rather an en- water. But biological compromises can Inge Lennmark, photographer, ecology, and he offers his technical closed sack of water that is not be found throughout the inland sea. biologist, and physicist, did not want underwater photography skills with an T really acceptable as a habitat just green pictures since he knew how enthusiasm that would attract anyone for either salt- or fresh-water organisms. For decades, Inge Lennmark has been things really looked. He developed his to exploring beneath the surface of the Nevertheless, there they are, often documenting everything he has seen own unique photo-editing technique sea. It is perhaps fortunate that he did in strained situations, frequently in beneath the surface of the water, result- that allows the colors to emerge. Gaudy not live in the scientific community, miniature, like the mussels, because it ing in three heavy volumes. The first sticklebacks and red algae flanked by where books of this type would prob- is so difficult to live in water that is com- volume, from 1983, covered the western elegant greenish-brown tufts of sea- ably never be given a chance due to promised. And yet not enough time has arm of the Baltic (Kategatt and Skager- weed, stones with sparkling crystals: tight financial constraints. He chose passed for new brackish water species ack) and was entitled Kusthav [Coastal this is how the sea really looks. to make all necessary arrangements to have developed. What has happened, Sea]. The second volume, Sjö och Älv himself when publishers showed little however, is migration into the area of [Lakes and Rivers] published ten years He is no researcher, he emphasizes, interest. the tiger-striped prawn, coming from later, was about diving in fresh water. even though he once embarked upon No new brackish water species, the south. The final volume of Inge Lennmark’s tril- PhD studies in botany. The text contains we stated by way of introduction. Yet But it is not quite true that this inland ogy, Innanhav [InlandSea], addressing no Latin names of plants or animals. He maybe … Bladderwrack, a seaweed, sea is an immutable sack of water; the the Baltic coast, is now being published. was put off by bearing witness to “aca- finds it increasingly difficult to survive Baltic Sea has been in flux since 8000 The photographs in this article are from demic language pollution and intellec- the decreasing salinity, and the newly years ago, when the salty ocean last bro- that book. tualization disease.” He wanted every- discovered seaweed Fucus radicans may ke through. Before that time, the vessel I have personal experience of diving one to be able to understand his images actually be a new species that arose contained salt water alternating with the Baltic, mostly near industrial areas and texts. But he met his academic here; it is only known to be found in the fresh water for 130,000 years. Today, where everything was cloudy, gray- responsibility by including Latin names Baltic Sea.≈ the water in the Baltic is gradually be- green, and lifeless. Outside the dis- in the index, for forward and backward ann-louise martin coming fresher, especially in the north. charge areas the world first appears interpretation. All images are meti- The Gulf of Bothnia contains essentially green, but after remaining there a while culously identified by time and place to fresh water, and the color is reminiscent the eye re-interprets the green haze, and enable researchers to navigate. Limnologist, former staff member of the of the humus-filled rivers that drain the- colors emerge. However, all the images I’m not sure that I would agree Science and Research Department, re. The further you travel south along in the underwater photos show only that he is not engaged in science. The National Swedish Radio 45

The clearest waters in the sound separating Denmark from Sweden ap- pear to be turquoise green. And up through the entire Baltic and the Gulf of Bothnia, it is green. From Järnäsklubb and north, the water is clearly yellowish ” green. The water just keeps getting yellower the further north you proceed through the Gulf of Bothnia. Outside the river mouths it shifts to yellowish brown. Yellow pigments from river water do not cause clouding. Visibility in the waters of the Gulf of Bothnia is often better than in the Baltic. Diving in the crystal clear but yellow waters of the open sea may seem a bit shocking the first few times. Already at a depth of 2–3 meters, the deep blue summer skies The common prawn, which has become acclimated to the southern Baltic, where appear bright yellow!” the there is enough salt in the water (Upper left). Examples of photo-editing: the eels appear in their true colors in the lower image (Inge Lennmark, quote from Innanhav, p. 90) (Upper right). Inge Lennmark displays his equipment, constructed entirely by him (Above). 46commentary

The Hungarian counter-revolution. A flood of laws with a nationalistic, anti-liberal, anti-modern stamp

he 2010 general election in election, overthrown the old regime, After all, they have been given “the ist, anti-liberal, and yes, anti-modern Hungary ended with a lethal and decided to establish a new one. The electorate’s mandate” (in this case, the stamp. It suffices to mention a few of the victory for the Fidesz party. government allowed the parliament electorate actually refers to one third of most sensational and ominous among T The epithet is apposite in to adopt a proclamation that went like all eligible voters). them. Election law has been remodeled more than one sense: on the one hand, this: Overthrowing “the old regime” and in order to promote Fidesz’s landslide the Socialist Party, which had been in establishing a new one meant nothing victory in local elections this fall and so- power since 2002, suffered a crushing The fight of the Hungarian less than a radical break with the evolu- lidify its power for a long time to come. defeat and is in a state of impotence and nation for self-determination tion from dictatorship to democratic The selection process for justices in the disarray; on the other hand, it may very began in 1956 with a glorious state under the rule of law that had Constitutional Court has been changed well prove that Fidesz has won its own revolution that was eventually characterized the years since 1989. The so that the governing majority has sole death. drowned in blood. The strug- period between 1989 and 2010 was cer- power to appoint them (which has in- The current governing party has gle continued with the po- tainly not altogether successful: much deed already happened). The principle a more than two-thirds majority in litical pacts after the fall of had been done that was utterly wrong, that pluralism in the media must prevail Parliament. The three opposition par- Communism and led to vul- much was left undone that should has been abolished and replaced with ties — whose mutual antagonisms mean nerability instead of freedom, have been done, corruption had as- the public’s right to “accurate informa- they cannot under any circumstances indebted-ness instead of auto- sumed horrific proportions. However, tion”, which is simply aimed at domesti- offer any coordinated resistance to the nomy, poverty instead of pros- there was a democratic constitution, a cating the press and other media. A Me- government — control 122 seats in Par- perity, and a deep spiritual, freely elected parliament, a not entirely dia Council with extraordinarily wide, liament (the National Assembly), whose political, and economic crisis impotent office of the president, and not to say omnipotent powers, has been gender distribution may be worth instead of hope, optimism, a constitutional court whose justices appointed. Its chairman, who will hold studying. Less than 10 percent of the and fraternity. In the spring were appointed in consensus by the his position for nine (!) years, was per- 385 members of Parliament are women, of 2010 the Hungarian nation National Assembly. There was, in short, sonally appointed by the head of gov- with 8.5 percent for the majority parties once again summoned its vita- a balance of power and counterweights ernment and the Council is completely and just above 10 percent for the oppo- lity and brought about another to the executive branch. There was under the thumb of Fidesz. Generally sition. The situation in the government revolution in the voting boo- political freedom — most importantly speaking, the governing majority (actu- and civil service is as follows: there is ths. The National Assembly a free press — and a multiparty sys- ally the prime minister himself) has not a single woman among the eight declares its acknowledgement tem, a market economy, independent made sure to put its own men into key heads of the “highest state organs” and, and respect of this revolution courts, human rights, free citizens’ positions — not primarily professionals again, only about 10 percent of more fought within the framework initiatives: all the usual hallmarks of and especially not independent profes- than 40 under-secretaries in the Cabi- of the Constitution. working democracies in modern-day sionals — but rather party hacks who net are women. Europe. The break with the politics of are unconditionally and blindly loyal to The National Assembly decla- the past twenty years — in which Fidesz the party and the prime minister. Thus, Once the electoral victory, called res that a new social contract was a very active participant, having a top-level party official, whom many “a revolution in the voting booths” by was laid down in the April gen- held governing power between 1998 regard as a servile puppet unqualified Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, was achie- eral elections through which and 2002 — has been implemented in for the position, has been chosen as ved, it became possible to take seriously the Hungarians decided to cre- a radical way. In three months, Fidesz president of the country, while the coor- the plans for Hungary’s political future ate a new system: The National pushed through no fewer than 56 laws dination minister in the former Fidesz he had outlined in a speech in February. Cooperation System. With this (of which several were constitutional government, a man generally thought He had said that Fidesz would strive to historic act, the Hungarian amendments), and this mass-produced to lack the qualifications for the office create a system that would minimize Nation obliged the incoming legislation bears a distinctly national- prescribed by law, has been appointed a the chances of a return to Hungary of National Assembly and Go- the “dual force field” that had characte- vernment to take the helm rized politics until then, and to handle in this endeavor, resolute, political questions in a “central force uncompromising, and with field”. He believed it would now be deliberation, and control the possible for the next 15–20 years not to construction of the Nation- be determined by endless ideological al Cooperation System in quarreling that led to divisive, petty, Hungary. and extreme social consequences. Instead, an enduring, large, and stable The proclamation goes on in a simi- ruling party would be established, with lar vein. Government agencies and the capacity to formulate and govern institutions were ordered to post it in national affairs. prominent places. The President of the Republic (who was, naturally, not The new governing majority was in- re-elected) refused, as did the courts, deed not inclined to laziness; it quickly while a number of private individuals showed what “the Hungarian quality have ridiculed this turgid and menda- of existence” is when it’s at home, cious party decree. what a “central force field” means, and Consistent with its own interpreta- what the party intended to do with its tion of the election victory, Fidesz power. According to the new majority, has swung into action with stunning “the Hungarian people” had won the decisiveness, energy, and despotism.

In Hungary, the people have become the same as the majority. This sounds familiar. Who are the others? essayists

justice of the Constitutional Court. Obe- “The only real seated needs for revenge against the dient party men have been put at the conquered opponent (the enemy), bla- helm of government agencies, such as conflict of ming it not only for the past, but also for the State Audit Office and the Financial interest between what one is not going to achieve in futu- Supervisory Authority. One of the new re, going along with nationalist feelings laws makes it possible to fire state civil Fidesz and and desires, fabricating and asserting servants without the least justification Jobbik lies in for internal use their specifically Hunga- (and indeed the firings have been legion rian splendidness, flexing often non- and frequently swift and ruthless). The the fact that the existent muscles towards other nations list of this spate of legislation is a long (even if they know that the shows of Archie Brown. Emeritus professor one. governing party bravado must of necessity be followed of politics, Oxford University, and an What has happened in Hungary is does not tolera- by humiliating retreats) — all of this will Emeritus Fellow of St. Antony’s College, not a revolution, but rather a modern be accepted for a while, perhaps even a Oxford. Fellow of the British Academy form of counter-revolution, a “tyranny te the Hungarian relatively long time. But the frustration and Honorary Member of the American of the majority”, in many respects a Guard.” will inexorably come once it becomes Academy of Arts and Sciences. Among reversion to principles (“God is the apparent that no extravagant gestures, his publications are The Gorbachev master of history”) that ruled over Eu- no cocky posturing will avail against the Factor (1996) and The Rise and Fall of ropean societies well over two centuries harsh economic realities, especially in a Communism (2010). ago. regard. For the fact is, during its time country up to its ears in debt which has in opposition, the governing party, and for so long refused to look at reality, and It should come as no surprise that especially its leader, painted itself into itself, in the whites of the eyes. Serious the right-wing extremist party Jobbik a corner. It consistently and obdurately problems are legion in every area of so- is the only party with reason to beam refused to go along with any truly mea- ciety and public life, and the ultimately upon this development with approval. ningful — and thus, for the population, reactionary Fidesz is most likely desti- The main thrust of the government’s painful — reforms, which it claimed ned to fail, despite the fact that today it policy thus far has been to “domesti- were unnecessary. The party chose can flatten society like a steamroller and cate” Jobbik by implementing much of the populist path: according to Fidesz, do exactly what it wants. the latter’s agenda, albeit in a “light” Hungary could go its own way (“recap- version. For that reason, Jobbik has said ture its independence”). The latter rou- The pressing question is this: Once yes and amen to 60 percent of the new te will lead swiftly to bankruptcy, chaos, the awakening has happened, once the Karl Molin. Professor of history, Stock- laws. It is not that the party offers no re- and of course defeat for Fidesz. Of cour- waves of frustration have broken over holm University. One of the editors of sistance; it opposes things which every se the party could change its previous the manic expectations, where will the Creating Social Democracy: A Century opposition party finds unacceptable opposition to the painful reforms and voters, the populace, “the people”, of the Social Democratic Labor Party in in a country governed by an autocratic try to implement them — but like Mary’s go? Who will they turn to in a country Sweden (1992). He was a member of a majority, and it opposes the govern- little lamb, accusations of lies, betrayal, where the political alternatives (enligh- commission, appointed by the Swedish ment on issues where, in Jobbik’s esti- and treachery (“treason”) from the ex- tened conservatism, liberalism, social government, on the Swedish Security mation, the government is insufficiently treme right are sure to follow. democracy) have been shattered? In a Services. radical. The only real conflict of interest country where even the most optimistic Klaus Misgeld. Professor of history between Fidesz and Jobbik lies in the This is precisely what I mean by the dare not dream of consensus solutions? and for many years research director fact that the governing party does not phrase “won its own death”. Its regres- There is reason to take a dim and at the Labor Movement Archives and tolerate the Hungarian Guard. There is sive (in the concrete sense of the word) pessimistic view of what is happening in Library (ARAB), Stockholm. In 1984 he a dual explanation behind the dissensi- political agenda, its attitude toward Hungary. ≈ published Sozialdemokratie und Aus- on between the parties: Fidesz is aware and action against all who fail to toe the senpolitik in Schweden: Sozialistische ervin rosenberg that probably at least 15 percent of its party line, its economic policy (or more Internationale, Europapolitik und die voters agree on the whole with Jobbik’s accurately, lack of one), and the absurd Deutschlandsfrage 1945–1955. partisans, and Fidesz, understandably pretentiousness that the current go- Translator to Swedish of authors

. M ontino / flickr enough, has no wish to allow the exis- vernment is maintaining show us that it including Péter Esterhásy, David Gross- tence of any power (paramilitary orga- will not be able to lift Hungary out of the man, Imre Kertész, Péter Nádas, Amos

photo : f nization) alongside the brute force of abyss the country is in. On the contrary, Oz, and Alexis de Tocqueville the state, which it wants under its sole failure is written on the wall and Fidesz control. Otherwise, as many have found has every reason to view the future Note. A shorter version of this article over the years, the line of demarcation with trepidation. Because when a po- was published by the daily between the two parties has not always pulist party does not live up to the high Dagens Nyheter (Stockholm). been particularly clear. Nor is it clear to- expectations it has itself fomented, its day. The truth is that Fidesz, as if it were fall is usually sudden and... lethal. This still the opposition, aims most of its at- statement may seem remarkable today, tacks at the Socialist Party, even though barely six months after the triumphant Thorsten Nybom. Professor, Örebro the Socialist Party has been beaten to general election and as Fidesz’s popular University. Has published extensively on the ground and there is no indication it support remains as strong as it was in the academic world as a social system will pose any threat to Fidesz for many April. But thus far, its governance has and on research policies. Member of years to come. But Jobbik could very mainly involved what I would call the IVA, the Royal Swedish Academy of well do so; its chairman is right in that politics of spectacle: satisfying deep- Engineering Sciences.

In 1989, the age of social upheavals began in Europe. Twenty years later, neo-nationalism seems stronger than ever. A quarterly sponsored by the Foundation for Baltic and BALTIC East European Studies W O R L D S

Walls lock in or lock out. On the question of gated societies past and present

wenty years ago walls were being torn down. Hardly the first time in world history. T The walls of Jericho tumbled with a huge bang, and not many stones remain from the medieval walls of Vien- na, only Ringstrasse, which of course is not a ring at all, but straight lines drawn from one ruined bastion to the other. The wall in Berlin was unique, since its purpose was not to protect the popula- tion behind the wall from attack, but to prevent them from leaving to march off and join — what, the enemy? Or quite simply to turn their backs and start a new life. Walls surrounding prisons or facto- ries are otherwise normal phenomena in civilized society. Since early times, the fortress has served a dual purpose — a protective wall against intruders and a wall to hide the worst criminals, insurgents, and traitors, as well as the riffraff and crazies, within the confines of the dark, damp dungeon. In the me- dieval Hanseatic town of Visby, in the middle of the Baltic Sea, large parts of the surrounding ring wall remain — long a symbol of the economic and politi- cal repression wielded by the robber Model of Rublevo-Arkhangelskoe in north-western Moscow, better known as the “city of millionaires”. barons and wealthy German merchants over the Gotland peasantry. tactic for ridding itself of annoying citi- is at risk, and a contempt for those less outs — modern soldiery. So, how secure The reason why just this wall still zens by expelling them; those who were successful in the social struggle for sur- can they really be? stands is open to question. But now it expelled probably fared far better than vival — the riffraff who were previously Are such developments inevitable, contributes to the local tourism indus- those who stayed. This rarely holds locked up, but have now been left to irreversible? Of course not. The rich try. true for those deported from European their own fate in the general name of can be disarmed and reintegrated into countries. They have good reason to freedom. (And besides, it’s cheaper that the rest of society. Remember — the mistrust all talk of globalization. way.) destitute are not permitted to barricade Even the EU has been conceived, In addition, some choose to volun- themselves, or to patrol with weapons. more recently, as a fortress, albeit eco- tarily exclude the outer world — to with- Vigilantism is a red flag that something nomic in nature — a tariff wall to protect draw into a room under armed guard. The situation could possibly be is awry in society. Even in the West, in against the influx of cheap manufac- The gated communities of the American viewed as an upside-down under- the Europe of Brussels, the powerful tured goods and food from poor coun- upper class, walled-in luxury enclaves, ground phenomenon: those upstairs take the law into their own hands — and tries. The wall is still functional, to some seem to have spread like a plague go underground to conceal their activi- do so without consequences. Thus the extent even against the migration of among present-day robber barons of ties and join forces to avoid the cost of existence of walls is a persistent problem. unwanted human masses. Those who New Russia and Eastern Europe. We private militias; in other words, they Indeed. But communism fell, didn’t it? are threatened are hardly the occupants can only presume that we are witness- socialize their personal security forces. Look at it this way: if you build a fortress, within the fortress walls, but rather ing a combination of concern for their The problem is that the security com- sooner or later it will be stormed. ≈ those who manage to get there without personal wealth and ostentatious pa- panies they engage tend to attract thugs permission. Communist Russia had a latial structures, a fear that their safety to their payrolls, hormone-fueled drop-