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Introduction: Social Dimensions of Food Originalveröffentlichung in: Maria Ivanova, Bogdan Athanassov, Vanya Petrova, Desislava Takorova and Philipp W. Stockhammer (Hg.), Social dimensions of food in the prehistoric Balkans, Oxford; Philadelphia 2018, S. VII-XVII Introduction: Social dimensions of food Philipp W. Stockhammer, Bogdan Athanassov and Maria Ivanova What shall we eat? This basic question guides our everyday life when buying food, choosing cooking recipes, or sitting in a restaurant in front of the menu. Without any doubt, this question has successfully been resolved since the beginning of human existence, although the availability of food sometimes gave a quick answer to the question. In this introduction to the volume, we wish to very briefl y refl ect on approaches within archaeology as well as in Food Studies that have been applied in answering this question, for past and present humankind. We wish to further stimulate the integration of past and present studies on food so that both disciplines – archaeology and Food Studies – can profi t from each other. The case studies presented in this volume should service as an inspiration in this respect. Our region of focus, the Balkans, has played a crucial role in the dissemination and translation of food practices from the Mediterranean, the Near East, and the Eurasian Steppes towards Central Europe, and vice versa, and is, therefore, essential for a deep historical perspective on Asian and European food practices. However, the available archaeological data has hardly been published in such a way that it could fi nd the interest of the thriving discipline of Food Studies. Moreover, Balkan archaeology could benefi t a lot from a novel perspective on food practices in prehistory, as we argue below. In the end, it is our aim to move away from traditional approaches to food, which see the Balkans as either a ‘bridge’ between the Orient and Europe or as a ‘buff er’ consisting of hostile entities lacking inter-regional cooperation (cf. Tringham 2000 for an overview). We want to implement a transcultural archaeology that integrates an archaeology of the senses, practice-oriented approaches, and cutting-edge scientifi c techniques. In our view, Food Studies can also benefi t from Balkan prehistory. This area offers a unique geographical setting with alternating environments (ranging viii Philipp W. Stockhammer, Bogdan Athanassov and Maria Ivanova from Mediterranean via mountainous to steppe-like environments at rather short distances), heterogeneous research traditions, and cultural milieus, as well as an interesting mosaic of appropriation and rejection of food and related practices guided by the strong identity politics of territorial entities. Therefore, we hope that this volume inspires and entangles both of the above: Food Studies and the prehistoric archaeology of the Balkans. Archaeological approaches to the study of food The topic of food has been at the centre of archaeological interest for a long time. In our understanding, it comprises all processes and practices of production and consumption of edible and drinkable substances by human beings. The central role of food-related practices for human development has already been of central importance for Vere Gordon Childe (2003 [1936]) in his defi nition of the Neolithic Revolution, as he took the change of subsistence strategies as a basis for defi ning the new epoch. Due to the notion that human past existence was a permanent struggle for survival, archaeological research has often focused on food from a functionalist perspective. In this line of thought, the consumption of food was generally reduced to the consumption of calories without taking a multisensorial perception of food into consideration. Human caloric requirements could easily be calculated for the present day and were understood as a timeless constant. Moreover, it was assumed that current calorifi c values of particular types of food are also valid for the past. These reference numbers, therefore, enabled an easy approach to the study of prehistoric food production and consumption. Following these approaches, past subsistence strategies were mostly seen through the lens of the meat output of herding strategies as well as the nutritional value of crops and their suitability to the respective climatic and soil condition. Subsistence strategies were mostly linked to the notion of maximum nutritional output. We would like to call this functionalist line of thought the ‘calorifi c approach’ to past consumption. It fl ourished in the Golden Age of processual archaeology (cf. Twiss 2007, 4–5 for an overview) and has remained popular until the present day – probably due to the fact that present-day people in the ‘western hemisphere’ are used to thinking about calorifi c values and calculating calories in their daily lives – so why not also calculate them for the past? Moreover, modern agrarian strategies are optimised for soil and climatic conditions in order to achieve maximum output – so why should humans have behaved diff erently in the past? Last but not least, calorifi c values and requirements have provided relatively safe grounds for further argumentation and comprehensive statistical calculations. The main challenges encountered in this approach are mostly due to two rather problematic presuppositions: fi rstly, past humans are reduced to rational decision makers who only thought about calories; secondly, present-day scholars project modern knowledge of soil climatic conditions as well as our concepts of nutrition and nutritional value into the past and suppose their timeless validity. Introduction: Social dimensions of food ix At least since the 1980s, postmodern thinking has become more and more infl uential not only in Food Studies. Thus, voices became louder and fi nally dominant, which emphasized that food and food related practices could obtain a broad range of functions and meanings. This attitude became very prominent in one of the major publications of this period: Jack Goody’s book Cooking, Cuisine and Class. A Study in Comparative Sociology from 1982. There he defi nes eating as ‘a way of placing oneself in relation to others’ (Goody 1982, 37). Food and food related practices were now seen as means of symbolic communication in order to express individual or group identities. Food as a symbolic marker of identity has since then been of major interest within the fi eld of Food Studies, which started being institutionalised in the late 20th century at universities worldwide (cf. Hamada et al. 2015). In this line of thought, anthropologists have been trying either to identify and understand the particular food practices of a given group of actors with a joint identity or – in contrast – to relate a certain way of food production or consumption to a particular kind of human identity. Since the advent of postmodernity, semiotic perspectives on food have also been very popular in prehistoric archaeology (Furholt and Stockhammer 2008) – also with regard to the interpretation of past foodways (Twiss 2007). It has been possible to identify local or regional patterns of food production and consumption, which were then explained as the expression of local or regional identities and as means of creating ethnic groups and related boundaries. This understanding of food as a means of sending messages in a conscious and/or unconscious way may be called the ‘semiotic approach’ to food in archaeology. For many archaeologists, food seemed to be one of the last stable grounds upon which to identify ethnic groups in the archaeological record. A very prominent example of this approach is found in the discussion about the pork-eating Philistines versus the pork-rejecting Israelite population at the Southern Levant in the Early Iron Age (Bunimovitz and Lederman 2008, 25). However, archaeological studies on food have mostly not been able to shed light on individual practices of food preparation (e.g. practices of cooking and spicing) or individual diets. This problem has been partially solved by the third, most recent perspective on food in archaeology, which one could call the ‘scientifi c approach’ (cf. Stockhammer 2016). This approach has gained more and more momentum since the 1990s, with the rise of scientifi c analyses that have enabled us to shed a completely new light on past culinary practices. The analyses of stable isotopes in bone material and of organic residues – especially diff erent fats – in vessels have been established for more than a decade now (e.g. Heron and Evershed 1993; Evershed et al. 2008; Cramp and Evershed 2015). More recent analytical approaches are focusing on food remains in human dental calculus (Warinner et al. 2014; Warinner, Speller and Collins 2014). These studies were able to determine individual practices of consumption far beyond what had previously been conceivable. Defi ning three diff erent approaches in archaeology towards food consumption naturally runs the risk of oversimplifying archaeology’s broad and dynamic perspective on food. Nevertheless, we are convinced that this rather simplifi ed picture x Philipp W. Stockhammer, Bogdan Athanassov and Maria Ivanova helps to better understand the potentials and problems of current archaeological approaches to food. In our view, archaeologists could furthermore profi t by integrating insights from the thriving young discipline of Food Studies, which has become established in its own right just in the last decades and is considered to be a nexus between approaches to the study of food from formerly separated fi elds like anthropology, history, life sciences, and economy. Approaches of the current fi eld of Food Studies We have already mentioned that both the calorifi c approach and the semiotic approach in archaeology went hand in hand with contemporaneous perspectives in cultural and social sciences. However, the very vibrant and successful scientifi c approach does not fi nd an equivalent in the current fi eld of Food Studies. This discipline is much more related to current discussions in the cultural and social sciences. Moreover, Food Studies are still marked by their heterogeneity with regard to the scientifi c background of the scholars, the institutional background, and the array of approaches (Hamada et al.
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