EPP Party Barometer August 2020

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

EPP Party Barometer August 2020 EPP Party Barometer August 2020 The Situation of the European People’s Party in the EU (as of: 12 August 2020) prepared by Dr Olaf Wientzek (Graphic template: Janine www.kas.de Höhle, HA Kommunikation, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung) Summary and latest developments • In national polls, the EPP is the strongest political family in 11 countries (including the Hungarian Fidesz), the socialist political family in 6, the liberals/Renew in 3, far-right populists (ID) in 2, the Eurosceptic/national conservative ECR in 1, and the European Left / left-wing populists in 1. Added together, independent parties lead in Latvia. Slovakia is a special case: depending on where the Slovakian ‘Ordinary People’ party, represented in the EPP Group but not belonging to the EPP, is located, either the Independents or the EPP get another country added. No (parliamentary) polls/elections have taken place in France since the EP elections • The picture is similar if we look at the strongest single party and not the largest party family (Slide 5): Then the EPP leads in 11–12 countries (including Fidesz), the Socialists in 6–7 (in Latvia the EPP and Socialists are equal), Liberals in 3, right-wing populists (ID) in 2, EKR and European Left / left-wing populists in 1 each. See above re: Slovakia. • 10 (9 without Orban) of the 27 Heads of State and Government in the European Council currently belong to the EPP family, 7 to the Liberals/Renew, 6 to the Social Democrats / Socialists, 1 to the Eurosceptic conservatives, and 2 are formally independent. The Slovakian Head of Government’s party belongs to the EPP bloc but does not belong to the EPP as a party. • In many countries the lead is extremely narrow, or in some polls another party family is ahead (especially Sweden, Finland, Lithuania, Latvia, Ireland, Belgium, Poland). Picture credits: fotolia.com Strongest political family in national polls (August 2020) Sweden Finland EPP family (shaded: membership suspended) PES/S&D Family (Social Democrats, Socialists) ACRE/ECR Family (Eurosceptic Conservatives) Estonia ALDE + Renew Family (Liberals) Far-right populists (ID et al.) Latvia Misc. populists Denmark GUE/NGL (far-left populists) Lithuania The Greens/EFA Ireland Netherlands Independents Poland: Scenario which presumes that former presidential candidate No polls since Poland Holownia runs with his new movement the EP election Germany Slovakia Belgium Czech Republic Luxembourg Hungary* 4. Romania France Slovenia Italy Croatia Bulgaria 2. 1. Austria Portugal Spain Greece Cyprus Malta Created by: Olaf Wientzek Picture credits: fotolia.com Strongest single party in national polls (August 2020) Sweden Finland EPP Family PES/S&D Family (Social Democrats, Socialists) ACRE/ECR Family (Eurosceptic Conservatives) Estonia ALDE + Renew Family (Liberals) Far-right populists (ID et al.) Latvia Misc. populists Denmark GUE/NGL (far-left populists) Lithuania The Greens/EFA Ireland Netherlands Independents Poland Germany Slovakia Belgium Czech Republic Luxembourg Hungary 4. Romania France Slovenia Italy Croatia Bulgaria 2. 1. Austria Portugal Spain Greece Cyprus Malta Created by: Olaf Wientzek Strength of the EPP family in EU member states Picture credits: fotolia.com Cumulated election results of all EPP parties at the last national parliamentary elections as a percentage/initials of the strongest EPP party in the polls Sweden in bold & brackets//ratings of parties belonging to the EPP bloc 26.16 but not to the party shown as numerical value in brackets Legend Finland 20.90 0 – 5% 5 – 10% Estonia 10 – 15% 11.41 15 – 20% Latvia 20 – 25% 6.69 25 – 30% Denmark Lithuania 30 – 35% 8.30 Ireland 22.63 35 – 40% 20.90 Netherlands 40 – 50% 12.40 (18.80) Poland > 50% United Kingdom 35.95 Germany 0.00 Slovakia 32.90 11.11 (16.41) 14.08 (39.10) Belgium Czech Republic 12.59 Luxembourg 28.31 Hungary 4. 49.27 Romania France* 31.58 22.23 Italy 15.72 Croatia 37.26 Bulgaria 2. 35.71 1. Austria Portugal Spain 37.46 32.00 Greece 20.82 Slovenia 39.85 34.70 Cyprus Malta 30.69 43.68 Created by: Olaf Wientzek Picture credits: fotolia.com Cumulated poll ratings of all EPP parties in national polls as of: August 2020 as a percentage/initials of the strongest EPP party in the polls in bold & brackets//ratings of parties belonging to the EPP bloc Sweden (2022) but not to the party shown as numerical value in brackets 27.20 Legend Finland (2023) 0 – 5% 20.90 5 – 10% 10 – 15% Estonia (2023) 15 – 20% 6.40 20 – 25% Latvia (2022) The Latvian JKP announced in the European Parliament that it wanted to join 16.00 25 – 30% the EPP bloc but is not yet part of the EPP. It is currently on 11% in the polls Denmark (2023) 30 – 35% Lithuania (2020) 9.50 35 – 40% Ireland (2025) 22.84 29.00 Netherlands (2021) 40 – 50% Poland: Scenario which presumes 11.30 (16.64) that former presidential candidate > 50% Poland (2023) Holownia runs with his new 34.09 movement Germany (2021) Slovakia (2024) 38.00 10.00 (16.00) 8.70 (32.20) Belgium*** (2019) Czech Republic (2021) 10.22 Luxembourg*** (2023) *Fidesz’s membership of the EPP was 27.50 Hungary* (2022) suspended by both the EPP and 4. 51.00 Romania(2020) Fidesz on 20 March 2019 France (2022) 42.90 Italy (2023) Croatia (2024) 7.00 Bulgaria (2021) 2. 39.00 1. Austria (2024) Portugal (2023) Spain (2023) 41.00 28.80 Greece (2023) 25.20 Slovenia (2022) 46.50 37.57 Cyprus (2021) Malta 38.90 Created by: Olaf Wientzek 41.00 Picture credits: fotolia.com Comparison of August 2020 poll results of all EPP parties compared to last national elections (cumulative) Sweden as a percentage +1.04 Legend Finland -10 to - 20% +-0 - 5 to - 10% - 1 to - 5% Estonia - 1 to + 1% -5.01 + 1 to + 5% Latvia +9.31 + 5 to + 10% Denmark Above + 10% Lithuania +1.20 +0.21 No polls since Ireland election or election +8.10 Netherlands took place fewer -1.10 (-2.16) Poland: Scenario which presumes than six weeks ago that former presidential candidate Poland Holownia runs with his new -1.86 movement Germany Slovakia +5.10 Belgium*** Czech Republic -5.38 (-6.90) +2.37 -1.11 (-0.41) Luxembourg *Fidesz’s membership of the EPP was -0.81 Hungary* suspended by both the EPP and 4. +1.73 Romania Fidesz on 20 March 2019 France +11.32 Italy Croatia -8.72 Bulgaria 2. +3.29 1. Austria Portugal Spain +3.54 -3.20 +4.38 Greece Slovenia +6.65 +2.87 Cyprus Malta +8.21 Created by: Olaf Wientzek -2.68 Will the “corona crisis effect” continue? Will the “corona crisis effect” continue? • Short answer: For the most part yes, but not to the same extent as in May • Long answer: In 16 of the 27 EU countries, the party of the incumbent head of state or government can report a significant boost in support compared to March 2020 (in the case of France, only support for the president can be measured), so one can to a certain extent speak of a solidarity effect – In only a few countries has the largest ruling party lost support • Romania (although coming from a very high level), Slovakia (although the government only took office until March), Bulgaria (current protests are focussed on non-corona issues) – It is evident that the corona crisis boost is already subsiding in some countries. This is also happening in countries where this effect is still persisting – but now to a lesser extent than in May – in Germany, the increase in support for the larger governing party is – in comparison to other European countries – very pronounced – Junior coalition partners profit much less frequently from the COVID-19 solidarity effect – In some countries with a low polling frequency (Cyprus, Luxembourg, Belgium), the term “corona crisis effect” should be used with great caution. – In general, changes in the polls may also involve aspects that are NOT related to corona Picture credits: fotolia.com Comparison of the poll ratings of the head of state/government’s party or the largest governing party (IT, LIT), March vs. August 2020 A number of polls were considered here. Ratings prior to the coronavirus and current poll ratings are compared. Shaded: Polls Sweden exhibit a mixed picture Legend Finland Very negative (losses of more than 10%) Negative (losses of 5 to 10%) Lower losses (2 to 5%) Estonia No significant change or contradictory results Slightly positive (up to 5%) Latvia Positive (+ 5 to + 10%) Denmark Extremely positive (gains Lithuania*** of more than 10%) Unknown/ / Ireland (only based on FG) *No polls since the beginning of the corona crisis No polls since Netherlands **As no up-to-date polls are available election or from France, the comparison only election took Poland relates to the regularly surveyed place fewer than popularity of the president six weeks ago Germany Slovakia *** The prime ministers of Italy and Lithuania are independent. In this Czech Republic case, the poll ratings relate to the Belgium largest governing party or the party the prime ministers belonged to Luxembourg previously Hungary 4. Romania France** Italy*** Croatia Bulgaria* 2. 1. Austria Portugal Spain Greece Slovenia Cyprus Malta Created by: Olaf Wientzek The EPP family’s participation in government Picture credits: fotolia.com The participation of EPP family parties in government, as of 12 August 2020 Sweden ₁ Finland Government without the participation of an EPP party, but with a representative in the European Council belonging to the EPP family Estonia Parties in the EPP family involved in government (shaded top left to bottom right: Latvia outgoing government; participation unclear) Head of state/government belongs to EPP family Denmark Lithuania Ireland Netherlands Poland United Kingdom Germany Slovakia** **The party to which Slovakia’s head of government belongs is part of the EPP Group in the European Parliament but Belgium Czech Republic is not part of the EPP party Luxembourg *Fidesz’s membership of the EPP was Hungary* suspended by both the EPP and 4.
Recommended publications
  • Brochure: Ireland's Meps 2019-2024 (EN) (Pdf 2341KB)
    Clare Daly Deirdre Clune Luke Ming Flanagan Frances Fitzgerald Chris MacManus Seán Kelly Mick Wallace Colm Markey NON-ALIGNED Maria Walsh 27MEPs 40MEPs 18MEPs7 62MEPs 70MEPs5 76MEPs 14MEPs8 67MEPs 97MEPs Ciarán Cuffe Barry Andrews Grace O’Sullivan Billy Kelleher HHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHH Printed in November 2020 in November Printed MIDLANDS-NORTH-WEST DUBLIN SOUTH Luke Ming Flanagan Chris MacManus Colm Markey Group of the European United Left - Group of the European United Left - Group of the European People’s Nordic Green Left Nordic Green Left Party (Christian Democrats) National party: Sinn Féin National party: Independent Nat ional party: Fine Gael COMMITTEES: COMMITTEES: COMMITTEES: • Budgetary Control • Agriculture and Rural Development • Agriculture and Rural Development • Agriculture and Rural Development • Economic and Monetary Affairs (substitute member) • Transport and Tourism Midlands - North - West West Midlands - North - • International Trade (substitute member) • Fisheries (substitute member) Barry Andrews Ciarán Cuffe Clare Daly Renew Europe Group Group of the Greens / Group of the European United Left - National party: Fianna Fáil European Free Alliance Nordic Green Left National party: Green Party National party: Independents Dublin COMMITTEES: COMMITTEES: COMMITTEES: for change • International Trade • Industry, Research and Energy • Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs • Development (substitute member) • Transport and Tourism • International Trade (substitute member) • Foreign Interference in all Democratic •
    [Show full text]
  • Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
    Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996).
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Liberties 1/7 (1=Most Free, 7=Least Free)
    Ireland | Freedom House Page 1 of 13 Freedom in the World 2018 Ireland Profile FREEDOM Freedom in the World STATUS: Scores Quick Facts FREE Freedom Rating 1/7 Political Rights 1/7 Civil Liberties 1/7 (1=Most Free, 7=Least Free) Aggregate Score: 96/100 (0=Least Free, 100=Most Free) Overview: Ireland is a stable democracy. Political rights and civil liberties are robust, although the government suffers from some incidence of corruption. There is some limited societal discrimination, especially against the traditionally nomadic Irish Travellers. Key Developments in 2017: https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2018/ireland 9/21/2018 Ireland | Freedom House Page 2 of 13 • Leo Varadkar—the son of an Indian immigrant, Dàil as the youngest Prime Minister (Taoiseach) ever, following the decision by Enda Kenny to step down after six years. • In July, the Council of Europe criticized the Irish government for failing to uphold its commitments to implementing anticorruption measures. • In March, the country was shocked by the discovery of a mass grave of babies and children at the site of the former Bon Secours Mother and Baby Home in Tuam, Galway. The facility had housed orphaned children and the children of unwed mothers, and closed in 1961. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: POLITICAL RIGHTS: 39 / 40 A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 12 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2018/ireland 9/21/2018 Ireland | Freedom House Page 3 of 13 president. Thus, the legitimacy of the prime minister is largely dependent on the conduct of Dàil elections, which historically have free and fair.
    [Show full text]
  • IRLAND Minister of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science
    IRLAND Minister of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science Simon HARRIS Born on 17. October 1986 in Greystones He was appointed as Minister of Further and Higher Education, Innovation and Science in June 2020. He is a native of County Wicklow and has been involved in the community all his life. He first became involved in politics through his work as a disability advocate. Before entering politics, Simon established the Wicklow Triple A Alliance, a charity to support children and families affected by Autism. He was first elected to Dáil Éireann in the 2011 General Election and was the youngest member of the 31st Dáil. During that Dail term, Simon served as a member of the Public Accounts Committee, Oireachtas Committee on Finance, Public Expenditure and Reform, Secretary of the Fine Gael Parliamentary Party and Co-Convenor of the Oireachtas Cross Party Group on Mental Health, before being appointed in July 2014 as Minister of State in the Departments of Finance, Public Expenditure and Reform and the Department of the Taoiseach with Special Responsibility for OPW, Public Procurement and International Banking (including IFSC). He was re-elected as TD for Wicklow and East Carlow in the February 2016 General Election and subsequently appointed Minister for Health. Prior to his election to Dáil Éireann, Simon was a member of both Wicklow County Council and Greystones Town Council, having been elected in the 2009 Local Elections with the highest percentage vote of any candidate in the country. He has also served his community as Chairperson of the County Wicklow Policing Committee, Chairperson of the Dublin-Mid Leinster Regional Health Forum, Board Member of Wicklow Tourism and Member of Wicklow Vocational Educational Committee.
    [Show full text]
  • Preventing the Spread of Violent Nationalism
    ODUMUNC 2019 Issue Brief UN Security Council Addressing the Spread of Violent Nationalism ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction on international cooperation but differentiation, deliberately choosing conflict over consensus. The rising global appeal of nationalism is a The difficulty comes because of the great public challenge to the ability of the United Nations to appeal of nationalism. Emphasizing the solve problems. When Member States choose uniqueness and superiority of each nation, polices based on national superiority instead of nationalism often is the easiest way to unite the global cooperation, the UN loses the consensus largest number of people in a country’s borders. it requires to act effectively. Yet a growing It has enormous appeal to rising leaders in number of leaders find the political rewards of democracies especially, but also can be useful enhancing nationalism hard to resist. With for leaders of authoritarian governments, stronger nationalism comes a not just less ability seeking a way to enhance the legitimacy of their to solve international problems, but greater risk power. In every case, nationalism often is the of conflict and war. For the UN Security easiest way to strengthen a government, to win Council, coping with the rise of nationalism may elections and unify an electoral majority of the be essential to remaining relevant and effective. people. But it is possible? Nationalism has the advantage of unifying most The nationalism problem raises s fundamental or many of the people in a territory, making difficulties for the UN. The United Nations is them willing to sacrifice together on behalf of based on conflicting principles.
    [Show full text]
  • November 2020
    EPP Party Barometer November 2020 The Situation of the European People’s Party in the EU (as of: 23 November 2020) Dr Olaf Wientzek (Graphic template: Janine www.kas.de Höhle, HA Kommunikation, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung) Summary & latest developments (I) • In national polls, the EPP family are the strongest political family in 12 countries (including Fidesz); the Socialist political family in 6, the Liberals/Renew in 4, far-right populists (ID) in 2, and the Eurosceptic/national conservative ECR in 1. Added together, independent parties lead in Latvia. No polls/elections have taken place in France since the EP elections. • The picture is similar if we look at the strongest single party and not the largest party family: then the EPP is ahead in 12 countries (if you include the suspended Fidesz), the Socialists in 7, the Liberals in 4, far-right populists (ID) in 2, and the ECR in one land. • 10 (9 without Orbán) of the 27 Heads of State and Government in the European Council currently belong to the EPP family, 7 to the Liberals/Renew, 6 to the Social Democrats / Socialists, 1 to the Eurosceptic conservatives, and 2 are formally independent. The party of the Slovak head of government belongs to the EPP group but not (yet) to the EPP party; if you include him in the EPP family, there would be 11 (without Orbán 10). • In many countries, the lead is extremely narrow, or, depending on the polls, another party family is ahead (including Italy, Sweden, Latvia, Belgium, Poland). Summary & latest developments (II) • In Romania, the PNL (EPP) has a good starting position for the elections (Dec.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Context of Eu Accession in Hungary
    European Programme November 2002 THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF EU ACCESSION IN HUNGARY Agnes Batory Introduction For the second time since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty – seen by many as a watershed in the history of European integration – the European Union (EU) is set to expand. Unlike in 1995, when the group joining the Union consisted of wealthy, established liberal democracies, ten of the current applicants are post-communist countries which recently completed, or are still in various stages of completing, democratic transitions and large-scale economic reconstruction. It is envisaged that the candidates furthest ahead will become members in time for their citizens to participate in the next elections to the European Parliament due in June 2004. The challenge the absorption of the central and east European countries represents for the Union has triggered a need for internal institutional reform and new thinking among the policy-makers of the existing member states. However, despite the imminence of the ‘changeover’ to a considerably larger and more heterogeneous Union, the domestic profiles of the accession countries have remained relatively little known from the west European perspective. In particular, the implications of enlargement in terms of the attitudes and preferences of the new (or soon to be) players are still, to a great extent, unclear. How will they view their rights and obligations as EU members? How committed will they be to the implementation of the acquis communautaire? In what way will they fill formal rules with practical content? BRIEFING PAPER 2 THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF EU ACCESSION IN HUNGARY Naturally, the answers to these questions can only government under the premiership of Miklós Németh be tentative at this stage.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Taking Ireland Forward Together CITYWEST HOTEL, DUBLIN 16Th – 17Th November 2018
    79th ÁRD FHEIS Taking Ireland Forward Together CITYWEST HOTEL, DUBLIN 16th – 17th November 2018 #FGAF18 CONTENTS Information Connacht/Ulster Candidates 4 17 5 Standing Orders 20 Dublin Candidates 6 What’s Happening 22 Leinster Candidates Message from the Munster Candidates 8 General Secretary 25 General Election Candidates Message from 28 9 An Taoiseach Leo VaradkarTD 30 Accounts Executive Council 10 Nominations 2018 Motions for Debate 32 11 Presidential Candidate 43 Site Maps 12 Vice Presidential Candidates Parliamentary Party Candidates 13 Council of Local Public 16 Representatives Candidates #FGAF18 ARD FHEIS 2018 // 3 INFORMATION REGISTRATION & PRE-REGISTRATION ELECTIONS & VOTING Don’t worry if you haven’t pre-registered for Voting will take place on the Ground Floor of the Árd Fheis. You can still register, but please the Convention Centre between 1.00pm and be aware that you must do so at the Citywest 4.00pm. To vote, members must produce a valid Convention Centre. Membership Card (2018/19) and a Delegate Card and will be asked to produce photo I.D. Registration will take place from 4.00pm to The following are entitled to vote: all Public 8.00pm on Friday and 9.00am to 5.00pm on Representatives, members of Executive Council, Saturday. Constituency and District Officers and five Delegates will be required to produce their delegates per Branch. membership card and photo I.D. Travelling companions will have to be vouched for by a VOTING APPEALS member. The Ethics Committee (Gerry O’Connell, Eileen Lynch, Tom Curran (Gen. Sec), Brian Murphy, COLLECTION OF ACCREDITATION Mary Danagher, Fiona O’Connor, John Hogan) will Delegates who have registered but have not convene in the Carraig Suite between 1.00pm.
    [Show full text]
  • CG36(2019)02Final 2 April 2019
    36th SESSION Report CG36(2019)02final 2 April 2019 Verification of new members’ credentials Bureau of the Congress Co-rapporteurs 1 : Michail ANGELOPOULOS, Greece (L, EPP/CCE) Johan VAN DEN HOUT, Netherlands (R, SOC) Resolution 439 (2019) ............................................................................................................................. 2 Summary The rapporteurs review the credentials of the new members in the light of the current criteria of the Congress Charter and Rules and Procedures. 1 L: Chamber of Local Authorities / R: Chamber of Regions EPP/CCE: European People’s Party Group in the Congress SOC: Socialist Group ILDG: Independent and Liberal Democrat Group ECR: European Conservatives and Reformists Group NR: Members not belonging to a political group of the Congress Tel ► +33 (0)3 8841 2110 Fax ► +33 (0)3 9021 5580 [email protected] CG36(2019)02final RESOLUTION 439 (2019)2 1. In compliance with the Congress’ Charter and Rules and Procedures, the countries listed hereafter have changed the composition of their delegation due to either the loss of mandate or the resignation of some members of the delegation of: Czech Republic, Germany, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Russian Federation, Serbia and Spain. 2. At present there are 4 representative seats and 16 substitute seats vacant out of a total of 648 seats. The countries concerned – Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, France, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom – are invited to complete their delegation. 3. The rapporteurs on the verification of credentials propose that the Congress approve the credentials of the members of the national delegations appended to this resolution and the new appointment procedure of Turkey.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Members
    Subcommittee on Security and Defence Members Anna FOTYGA Chair European Conservatives and Reformists Group Poland Prawo i Sprawiedliwość Christian EHLER Vice-Chair Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Germany Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands Jaromír ŠTĚTINA Vice-Chair Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Czechia TOP 09 a Starostové Clare MOODY Vice-Chair Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament United Kingdom Labour Party Sabine LÖSING Vice-Chair Confederal Group of the European United Left - Nordic Green Left Germany DIE LINKE. Laima Liucija ANDRIKIENĖ Member Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Lithuania Tėvynės sąjunga-Lietuvos krikščionys demokratai Johannes Cornelis VAN BAALEN Member Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Netherlands Volkspartij voor Vrijheid en Democratie Brando BENIFEI Member Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament Italy Partito Democratico Klaus BUCHNER Member Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance Germany Ökologisch-Demokratische Partei Jerzy BUZEK Member Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Poland Platforma Obywatelska 30/09/2021 1 Aymeric CHAUPRADE Member Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy Group France Les Français Libres Javier COUSO PERMUY Member Confederal Group of the European United Left - Nordic Green Left Spain Independiente Arnaud DANJEAN Member Group of the European People's Party
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV
    School of Economics and Finance The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV Ruben Durante, Paolo Pinotti and Andrea Tesei Working Paper No. 762 December 201 5 ISSN 1473-0278 The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV∗ Ruben Durantey Paolo Pinottiz Andrea Teseix July 2015 Abstract We investigate the political impact of entertainment television in Italy over the past thirty years by exploiting the staggered intro- duction of Silvio Berlusconi's commercial TV network, Mediaset, in the early 1980s. We find that individuals in municipalities that had access to Mediaset prior to 1985 - when the network only featured light entertainment programs - were significantly more likely to vote for Berlusconi's party in 1994, when he first ran for office. This effect persists for almost two decades and five elections, and is es- pecially pronounced for heavy TV viewers, namely the very young and the old. We relate the extreme persistence of the effect to the relative incidence of these age groups in the voting population, and explore different mechanisms through which early exposure to en- tertainment content may have influenced their political attitudes. Keywords: television, entertainment, voting, political participa- tion, Italy. JEL codes: L82, D72, Z13 ∗We thank Alberto Alesina, Antonio Ciccone, Filipe Campante, Ruben Enikolopov, Greg Huber, Brian Knight, Valentino Larcinese, Marco Manacorda, Torsten Persson, Barbara Petrongolo, Andrei Shleifer, Francesco Sobbrio, Joachim Voth, David Weil, Katia Zhuravskaya, and seminar participants at Bocconi, CREI, NYU, MIT, Sciences Po, Brown, Dartmouth, Sorbonne, WZB, Surrey, Queen Mary, Yale, EIEF, LSE, Namur, and participants at the 2013 AEA Meeting, the 2013 EUI Conference on Communica- tions and Media Markets, and the Lisbon Meeting on Institutions and Political Economy for helpful comments.
    [Show full text]