Globalization Elements in Romanian Cities: Examensarbete I Hållbar Utveckling 87 Searching for Sustainable Solutions

Globalization Elements in Romanian Cities: Examensarbete i Hållbar Utveckling 87 Searching for Sustainable Solutions

Globalization Elements in Romanian Cities: Searching for Sustainable Solutions Floriana-Alina Pondichie

Floriana-Alina Pondichie

Uppsala University, Department of Earth Sciences Master Thesis E, in Sustainable Development, 30 credits Printed at Department of Earth Sciences, Master’s Thesis Geotryckeriet, Uppsala University, Uppsala, 2012. E, 30 credits Examensarbete i Hållbar Utveckling 87

Globalization Elements in Romanian Cities: Searching for Sustainable Solutions

Floriana-Alina Pondichie

Supervisor: Maria Ignatieva

Table of contents

1. Introduction ...... 1

1.1. Problem background ...... 1

1.2. Nature of the problem ...... 2

1.2.1. Reconfiguration of urban landscapes ...... 2

1.2.2. Global landscape architecture styles ...... 2

1.2.3. Global culture elements ...... 2

1.3. Aims and delimitations ...... 2

2. Background for the empirical study ...... 3

2.1. Literature review...... 3

2.2. The context of Romanian cities ...... 4

3. Methodology...... 6

3.1. PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework...... 6

3.2. Qualitative research...... 6

4. Results ...... 7

4.1. Bucharest city...... 7

4.1.1. ‘City as palimpsest’ ...... 7

4.1.2. Identity of the city in the post communist era and after the EU accession ...... 10

4.1.3. PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework...... 12

4.1.4. Visions for change...... 29

4.2. Sibiu city...... 29

4.2.1. ‘City as palimpsest’ ...... 31

4.2.2. Identity of the city in the post communist era and after the EU accession ...... 32

4.2.3. PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework...... 34

4.2.4. Visions for change...... 46

4.3. Ramnicu-Valcea city ...... 47

4.3.1. ‘City as palimpsest’ ...... 47

4.3.2. Identity of the city in the post communist era and after the EU accession ...... 48

4.3.3. PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework ...... 50

4.3.4. Visions for change...... 61 5. Discussion ...... 64

5.1. Development affecting the identity of the cities...... 65

5.2. Globalization elements and proposals for the cityscapes ...... 66

5.2.1. High rise office buildings ...... 66

5.2.2. Global Gardenesque style flowerbeds ...... 67

5.2.3. Lawns...... 68

5.2.4. Topiary art...... 69

5.2.5. Commercial centres ...... 70

5.2.6. Advertisements ...... 70

5.2.7. Exotic shrubs and palm trees ...... 71

5.2.8. Global culture symbols ...... 71

5.3. Green areas used for social interaction and proposals ...... 72

5.4. Visions for change...... 72

6. Conclusions ...... 73

7. Annexes ...... 75

8. Acknowledgement ...... 76

9. References ...... 77 Globalization elements in Romanian cities: searching for sustainable solutions

FLORIANA-ALINA PONDICHIE

PONDICHIE, F., 2012: Globalization elements in Romanian cities. Master thesis in Sustainable Development at Uppsala University No. 87, 74 pp, 30 ECTS/hp

Abstract: This paper aims to present an interdisciplinary analysis of the recent globalization trends in Romanian cities and to propose a series of guidelines for sustainable future management processes and plans. In order to provide an encompassing perspective on the Romanian urban landscapes, three cities of different scales, socio- cultural and historical backgrounds were analyzed. The study sites are: Bucharest - capital city and the largest financial, cultural and industrial centre of Romania, Sibiu - a medieval Transylvanian citadel designated European Capital of Culture in 2007 and Ramnicu-Valcea - a small town situated in a touristic and cultural mountain area.

As culture has become increasingly global and placeless, more scholars argue for the careful management of diversity in cityscapes and put emphasis on the role of the local context. Picturesque and Gardenesque are landscape architecture styles that have acknowledged large scale replication in different parts of the world (for instance, in New Zealand, Australia, USA, Argentina, China). Devoid of their original significance and complexity in expression and usage, these design styles have been similarly assimilated in the Romanian cities.

In the post-communist era, the reconfiguration of Romanian urban landscapes translated in a surge in office, commercial and advertising developments, a rapid increase in urban sprawl and enlargement of infrastructure that supports car dependency. All these elements valued in a consumerism society transformed in an unprecedented fashion the urban morphology of Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea.

The overarching aim of this paper is to produce a comprehensive research material with a multi-stakeholder perspective (academia, local administration, decision makers, developers, practitioners and citizens) that puts forward sustainable alternatives to current practices. The study generates a conclusion that Bucharest has acknowledged the most rapid and apparent transformations at the city fabric level under the influence of globalization elements. Nevertheless, all three urban centres analyzed have their unique local character that should be enhanced in order to create more diverse and resilient landscapes.

Keywords: Sustainable development, qualitative interdisciplinary research, globalization, landscape architecture, identity of places, resilient cityscapes

Floriana-Alina Pondichie, Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University, Villavägen 16, SE- 752 36 Uppsala, Sweden Globalization elements in Romanian cities: searching for sustainable solutions

FLORIANA-ALINA PONDICHIE

PONDICHIE, F., 2012: Globalization elements in Romanian cities. Master thesis in Sustainable Development at Uppsala University No. 87, 74 pp, 30 ECTS/hp

Popular summary: This study presents three Romanian cities that have acknowledged new directions of development in the post-communist era. The effects of the globalizing world on urban landscapes are analyzed in this paper, and a series of solutions are proposed in accordance with a sustainability perspective. The cities selected for this research are of different scales, socio-cultural and historical backgrounds. Bucharest is the capital city and the biggest financial, cultural and industrial centre of Romania, Sibiu is a middle sized Transylvanian town appointed European Capital of Culture in 2007 and Ramnicu-Valcea is a small mountainous town with a high cultural and touristic potential.

The globalization elements identified in the Romanian cityscapes refer to the assimilation of landscape architecture styles (simplified versions of Picturesque and Gardenesque), the appearance of high rise office buildings, the accelerated suburbanization phenomena and the large advertising, commercial and infrastructural development. Moreover, the adoption of international symbols of Easter and Christmas celebrations as well as the usage of ‘placeless’ furniture and global plant material in the urban public realm of Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea city are also described.

The overarching aim of this interdisciplinary paper is to produce a comprehensive research material that includes the perspective of multiple actors (that of the academia, local administration, decision makers, developers, practitioners and citizens). The conclusion of the study is that the urban landscapes of Bucharest have assimilated globalization elements to the largest extent. However, the analysis shows that the identity of each of the three cities could be enhanced in order to create sustainable urban landscapes that differentiate themselves on the global arena.

Keywords: Sustainable development, qualitative interdisciplinary research, globalization, landscape architecture, identity of places, resilient cityscapes

Floriana-Alina Pondichie, Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University, Villavägen 16, SE- 752 36 Uppsala, Sweden 1. Introduction

This chapter aims to present the different facets of globalization theory, predominantly focusing on the cultural one. Global culture has not only transmitted economic progress and social development, but has also brought about universal symbols, processes and factors that had an impact on the reconfiguration of cityscapes.

1.1. Problem background Globalization is a phenomenon that has become increasingly apparent starting with the 19th century and represents ‘the spread of worldwide practices, relations, consciousness, and organization of social life’ (Ritzer, 2008). The theories of globalization could be divided in three main categories: economic, cultural and politic. Whilst economic globalization deals with international trade, flow of capital and technological advances on the international arena, political globalization refers to the increasing number of worldwide actors that impact the local governments (Shangquan, 2000).

The globalization effects on cultural landscapes entail the creation of spaces devoid of local identity and distinctiveness, which are characterized by ‘placeless design’ (Bowring J., 2009). This perspective corresponds to the theory of ‘cultural convergence’, also referred to as ‘Mc Donaldization’, where uniformity of consumer patterns, cultures and landscapes manifests in different parts of the world. A homogeneous system stems from the ‘cultural imperialism’ influence set by the Western hegemonic model (Wallerstein, 1990).

On the other hand, as culture has become increasingly placeless, scholars advocate for the careful management of difference and diversity in the urban arena, instead of the replication of global dominations (Nezar, 2001), (Robertson, 1992). This stands for the so-called ‘cultural hybridization’ theory, which favours the diversity of the local over the homogeneity of the global, and emphasizes the differences in the cultural predicament of places (such as ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds). It also draws on the nature of local resilience, preserving the ‘sense of place’ (Genius loci), and cultivating interdependence, as opposed to accepting the Western dominance (Appadurai, 1996) (Tomlinson, 2000).

Cities become part of the global economy in many different ways, through investment and services, the manufacturing sector, change in migration patterns (Marcuse & van Kempen, 2000). The manner in which they assume this integration plays an important role with respect to the transformation of their spatial structure. There are three main types of change experienced by globalizing cities: 1) Social change, in so that the low wage service sector becomes the service provider for the globally conductive elite class of managers and financiers; this creates large income differences between the social strata; 2) Spatial change, which takes place as elite groups start to ‘colonize’ parts of the city, which results in spatial polarization, gentrification, urban redevelopment and the emergence of gated communities; 3) Political change, which manifests when emergent elite within the cities beginning to exert disproportionate political influence on the direction of urban policies (The Harvard GSD, Online lecture by Gavin Shatkin, 2012).

In his book, ‘The nature of design’, Orr (2002) writes about three kinds of velocity that having once exceeded their boundaries are conducive to global transformations. Water, money and information are described as the main elements that have increased in an exacerbated fashion their velocity, leading to environmental unbalances, unequal distribution of knowledge and a polarized economic system.

‘The increasing velocity of global culture is no accident. It is the foundation of the corporation- dominated global economy that requires quick returns on investment and the obsession with rapid economic growth. It is the soul of the consumer economy that feeds on impulse, obsession and instant gratification. The velocity of water in our landscape is a direct result of too many automobiles, too much paving, sprawling development, deforestation and a food system that cannot be sustained in any decent or safe manner. Information moving too quickly to become knowledge and grow into wisdom does not recharge moral aquifers on which families, communities and entire nations depend. The result is moral atrophy and public confusion. Money moving too quickly through an economy does not recharge the local wellsprings of prosperity, whatever else it does for global economy. The result is an economy polarized between those few who do well in a high-velocity economy and those left behind’ (Orr, 2002).

1.2. Nature of the problem

1.2.1. Reconfiguration of urban landscapes By the end of the 19th century, beginning of the 20th century, the downtown areas of cities in the United States of America started to be transformed with the appearance of skyscrapers as symbols of ‘transcendence, ambition and dominance’ (Harvardmagazine.com, 2012). Their development also associates with free-market capitalism as the path to economic prosperity and technological progress that allowed their large scale replication around the world (in the Asian cities, Middle East, Australia, New Zealand etc.).

During the second half of the 20th century, the urban sprawl phenomenon manifested strongly in the United States under the form of wide highways, external commercial centres and mono-functional zones designed for a car-dependent society (Hayden, 2004). The improvements in infrastructure and transportation technology, as well as the favourable lending and mortgage policies were amongst the factors that underpinned this suburbanization process. The development of commercial, private and industrial activities at the periphery of the city further supported the reconfiguration of the urban landscapes. Within the inner city zones as well as on the outskirts, advertising under its multiple forms expanded as to encourage the consumerist society practices.

1.2.2. Global landscape architecture styles Picturesque style: The English Picturesque style of the late 18th century and beginning of 19th century marked the end of the classical French gardens. Lancelot ‘Capability’ Brown influenced the landscape garden design between 1750 and 1780. His compositions contained subtle forms and sinuous smooth lines that revealed gradually the natural potential of a scene. In his work, he reflected the concept of ‘Beauty’ that Edmund Burke had proposed as well as the ‘serpentine line of beauty’, which echoed in William Hogarth’s book ‘The analysis of Beauty’ (Steenbergen, 1996).

The principles underlying the Picturesque movement were applied by the renowned the American landscape architect Frederick Law Olmsted in the design of Central Park. Having his contribution as an inspirational model, more simplified versions of the Picturesque style developed in public parks around the world. The global Picturesque style was reduced to incorporating three main elements: neatly-mown lawn with scattered groups of clear-stemmed trees, ponds or lakes and undulated alleys.

Gardenesque style: Developed by John Claudius Loudon in the British Victorian era (1837-1901), Gardenesque style aimed to create scenic landscape that highlighted ‘the individual beauty of trees, shrubs and plants in a state of culture: the smoothness and greenness of lawns and the smooth surfaces, curved directions, dryness and firmness of gravel walks’ (Leighton, 1987). The invention of the lawn mower made it possible for grass to be cut neatly, while the development of greenhouses allowed to plant and produce annuals on a large scale (Thacker, 1997).

The global Gardenesque style has currently lost its complexity in expression and significance and is taking the shape of colourful flowerbeds displayed on closely-mown lawn. The ‘global Gardenesque flowers’ are Petunia (Petunia hybrid), Tagetes (Tagetes spp.), Salvia (Salvia splendens), Begonia (Begonia semperflorens), Coleus, Echeveria, Lobelia, Cineraria and different Pelargonium (Ignatieva, 2010).

Along with bedding of flowers, gravel and statuary works, the Victorian era brought back ornamental topiary with clipped bushes and trees. Another important invention at the time was the Wardian case, a rectangular box made of glass which made it possible to transport and collect exotic plants arriving from all parts of the world (for instance, Geranium or Pelargonium, native to South Africa, which reached America in 1810) (Thacker, s. 238). The fascination for tropical and subtropical plants such as palm trees, Chinese Hibiscus (Hibiscus rosa- sinensis), African bird of paradise (Strelitzia) entailed the creation of a ‘tropical paradise’ image in countries with totally different climatic zones or cultural backgrounds (Ignatieva, s. 125).

1.2.3. Global culture elements If Christmas decorations pertain to Victorian England, the Easter celebration and its ‘bunny symbol’ date originally from the 13th century pre-Christian Germany. It arrived in America five hundred years later with the German immigrants who settled in Pennsylvania (news.discovery.com, 2012). The chocolate eggs tradition can be traced back to the 19th century in Europe, and its signification is that of revival, rebirth. Currently, Easter is one of the top holidays in terms of candy consumption levels in the United States of America (history.com, 2012).

1.3. Aim and delimitations This study aims at assessing the current situation of globalization elements in the Romanian cities of Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea from a multi-stakeholder and inter-disciplinary perspective. All the aspects that make up resilient human settlements are taken into account when illustrating the results and developing the analysis. In this sense, the physical, economical, biological, organizational, social, cultural and aesthetical r esources are described under the guidance of the PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework.

The delimitation of this paper consists in that the emphasis in each resource category is primarily put on the globalization elements identified in cities. Also, globalization as a cultural phenomenon is foremost illuminated, whilst its economic and political facets are not in the focus of the study.

The objectives of the study are: 1) To portray the history and assess the current state of affairs in the urban landscapes of Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea with respect to the provision of physical, economic, biological, organizational, social, cultural and aesthetical resources; 2) To identify the most significant problems posed by assimilating global elements in these cities with a different historical, socio-cultural and economical background; 3) To offer a multi-stakeholder perspective (that of the administration, academia, practitioners and inhabitants) with regard to the globalizing processes that are taking shape in cityscapes 4) Due to its holistic approach, this study aims to provide a series of proposals for the future development of Romanian urban landscapes in line with a sustainability perspective.

The overarching aim of this paper is to analyze how these global uniformity elements fit into the cultural determinism of Romanian cities and to scrutinize the entailed effects upon the considered landscapes. Feasible alternatives to the identified challenges are formulated in accordance with the objective of enhancing and creating diverse resilient cityscapes.

2. Background for the empirical study

In this chapter, the literature on the subject of globalization elements that have reconfigured urban landscapes in different parts of the world is presented. Also, background information portraying the general context of Romanian cities and a multi-parameter classification of Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea is offered.

2.1. Literature review There is not a large amount of research carried out to analyze the presence of globalization elements in urban environments from a sustainability perspective. Nevertheless, the existent literature that assesses cityscapes from the international arena shows that the impacts of globalization are highly apparent on the spatial structure of the settlements studied.

The paper ‘Urban green spaces in Buenos Aires and Christchurch’ presents a comparison of the globalization processes in Argentina and New Zealand. Although the two countries were colonized at different times, the resemblance in assimilating globalization trends is evident. Both Buenos Aires and Christchurch present a grid system, similar landscape design styles and plant material, shared consumer society values, comparable downtown revitalization models and urban sprawl patterns. However, the ecological movement initiated in the 1970s has started to echo in the two cities and there is a quest for using native biota as well as designing with endemic plant material (Faggi & Ignatieva, 2009).

An analysis of uniform urban biotopes in terms of plant material and design language is also presented in the paper ‘Homogeneity of landscape design language in the urban environment’ (Ignatieva & Stewart, 2009a). The similarities in the cultural, historical and ecological aspects in former colonial cities of North-Eastern United States, Australia and New Zealand are put under the sphere of influence of the colonialization process.

In the paper ‘Design and future of urban biodiversity’ by Maria Ignatieva (2010), the globalization elements that caused homogenization of cultures and landscapes are analyzed. The study outlines the similarity of urban planning and architecture in cities such as Hong Kong, Moscow, Dubai, and Wellington. The Global Picturesque style is found in Australia, New Zealand, and United Arab Emirates. The paper also draws on the structural divide between the Northern Hemisphere (Europe) and Southern Hemisphere (New Zealand, Australia and South Africa) in terms of plant material usage and approaches to address urban biodiversity.

The case of Dubai city is illustrated in detail by Rab Samia (2010), who draws on the role that tourism industry and economic development have played in terms of transforming the urban landscape. The paper revises globalization elements such as architectural transformations, infrastructural expansion for accommodating the increasing flow of global tourists, the appearance of malls as ‘controlled environments’ and the reshaping of social and cultural landscapes. The author describes the pursuit of Dubai’s identity as a paradox: new developments that include Western ‘signature’ architecture are taking place simultaneously with the attempt to re-establish the authentic urban fabric layers.

This quest for ‘local sense of place’ is also illustrated in the article ‘The Noble, the Traditional and the Cosmopolite’ by Beatrice Ferrari (2008). The study presents the transformations that have occurred in the urban landscapes of Beijing in the face of the globalization phenomenon. The changes taking place at the city’s morphology level entailed the emergence of gated communities, the development of suburban communities that share the ideal of ‘North American style’, the appearance of ‘global residential spaces’ (aimed at hosting managers of multi-national enterprises). The paper also draws on that newly built residences blend classical and traditional Chinese references with imported foreign architectural styles in an attempt to ‘reproduce the Western characteristics and standard of living’. The fact that Beijing joins the ranks of global cities transpires as well through the allusions present in the names of neighbourhoods (for instance ‘Palm Springs’ or ‘Upper East Side’).

The study ‘Globalization trends in Russian landscape architecture’ presents two perspectives on globalization. The first one reflects the positive aspects of the phenomenon, such as the democratization of the society, the opening of the markets and freedom of speech. The other one refers to the concerns of losing the identity and unique character of Russian landscapes over the dominance of Western examples. This process manifests primarily at the level of villa private constructions, plant material grown in nurseries, selected garden furniture and the usage of exotic species. In landscape architecture, the globalization process has started to become more apparent during the last 15 years and represents an obstacle to solving the increasing problems of the urban private space (Ignatieva & Smertin, 2007).

Two examples of cultural hybridization or conviviality of Western and Russian landscape architecture language are revealed in the paper ‘As good as the West: two paradoxes of globalization and landscape architecture in St. Petersburg’. In the case of Peterhof and Malaya Sadovaya pedestrian zone, the interaction between the local community and the landscape underpinned the ‘invention of tradition’. As such, new features endorsed by inhabitants to these places were gradually accepted as being characteristic to them (Bowring, 2009).

2.2. The context of Romanian cities According to the typologies of historic centres in Romania, the cities are divided in three categories: 1) cities of Wallachia (Southern part of Romania) 2) cities of Moldavia (North-Eastern part of Romania) 3) cities of Transylvania (North-Western part of Romania)

With respect to this classification, Bucharest (also Tragoviste, Campulung, Suceava, Iasi, Radauti, Siret) was a Wallachian settlement of special political importance, as a princely residence. Ramnicu-Valcea was the Wallachian city where the metropolitan chair was installed. Sibiu is the historical nuclei of medieval Transylvanian towns (also Brasov, Sibiu, Bistrita, Timisoara, Oradea) (Nistor, 2010). Transylvania is different from the other regions of the country in terms of historical cultural heritage, multi-ethnic composition and even electoral behaviour (Molna, 2000). The region hosts Romanians, Hungarians and Germans as principal ethnical groups, together with Serbs, Jewish and Romani people, in a lower proportion.

With respect to their size, the following categories of Romanian urban centres could be formulated: 1) very big city (with more than 500,000 inhabitants): Bucharest, approximately 2 million inhabitants 2) middle sized town (between 100,000-500,000 inhabitants): Sibiu, approximately 155,000 inhabitants 3) small town (up to 100,000): Ramnicu-Valcea, approximately 107,700 inhabitants

According to their territory, socio-cultural functions and the quality of services provided to the inhabitants under their sphere of influence, the Romanian cities are classified as: 1) big cities, centres of vital importance with complex functions and large zones of influence: Bucharest (also Cluj-Napoca, Timisoara, Cariova, Constanta, Brasov etc) 2) large towns, economic-socio and cultural centres with multiple functions and a sphere of influence that extends more than the surface of a county: Sibiu (also Oradea, Ploiesti)

3) cities with economic and socio-cultural attributes at the county scale: Ramnicu-Valcea (also Vaslui, Alba-Iulia, Sfantu Gheorghe) (Jemna, 2008).

There are two fundamental processes that have contributed to the current prospect of the Romanian society: the fall of the communist system in 1989 and globalization. Both of them are interlinked, and they cannot be understood separately or apart from the larger context of general modernization of the Romanian society in the mid 19th century (Rusu, 2008). This process started with the Romanian revolutionaries of 1848, the so called ‘pasoptisti’, who were visiting French circles and got influenced and inspired the French society, culture, architecture and art.

Karl Scholgel (2006) refers to the post-communist era in cities of Central and Eastern Europe as to their ‘comeback’, their opening to the global arena. He identifies a series of common features that characterise these metropolises, most of which are applicable to all three Romanian cities analyzed in this research: Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea. ‘Closed towns have become open towns’, and if we take the Sibiu example, after the fall of the communist regime, there has been a tremendous increase in the flow of information from the outer world into the city and vice versa. Since 2007, when it became European Capital of Culture and achieved international recognition, Sibiu benefits from upgraded infrastructure and boosting tourism industry. Scholgel also mentions ‘urban polarisation’ as the process that was not encountered in the socialist era, but started to become more evident in the capitalist economy. In this respect, Bucharest has been impacted by the manifestation of segregation under its multiple forms, for instance, ethnical, income and spatial separation. Another post-communist attribute that characterizes best the capital city is ‘acceleration’. Whether we are discussing about economy, volume of traffic or consumption patterns, all these aspects have reached an unprecedented boost. Finally, the ‘building boom and the transformation of city space’ entailed the revitalization of downtown Bucharest and the emergence of high rise office buildings, commercial centres and supporting infrastructure. Ramnicu-Valcea has also suffered from multiple interventions and spatial reconfiguration determined by the increase in shopping areas. All these post-communist characteristics represent not only perceptive changes, but also physical ones, embodied in the appearance of cities.

Describing the cities of Central and Eastern Europe, Schogel writes:

‘New buildings and building conversions are the focus of the construction activity. The towers are reaching into the skies of downtown Warsaw; towers are reaching into the skies over Moscow. Every large city has its new malls and industrial areas. The renovations and reconstructions are determined by the needs of the service industry, the entertainment industry and the consumers’ (Schlogel, 2006).

This description applies entirely to Bucharest and to a lower extent to Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea. Thus, a reoccurring development pattern becomes more apparent in the metropolises of the ex-communist regime. The repetition of this urban planning and architectural model, which is the very symbol of the American economic prosperity, favours the creation of uniform cityscapes across countries from different regions and continents. This does not only apply for the post-communist cities of CEE (Central and Eastern Europe), but includes the metropolises in Asia (Hong Kong, Beijing - China, Dubai - Arab Emirates), Australia with Oceania (Christchurch, Wellington - New Zealand) and South America (Buenos Aires – Argentina) as well (Faggi, 2009b), (Ferrari, 2008), (Rab, 2010).

This replication of global elements across countries is also pointed out by Orr:

‘Airports and four-lane roads, like lavatory seats, hardly need to differ between countries. Buildings have also become similar, because architects adopted international styles and controlled interior climates’ (2002).

Nevertheless, compared to Asian or Latin American cities, which acknowledged a startling pace of development, the European cities are still framed by history and tradition coordinates (Paun, 2010). This will also be illustrated below, in the analysis performed for the Romanian cities of Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea.

3. Methodology

In this chapter, the two main methods undertaken for this study are presented: the PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework and the qualitative research performed on a sample of 20 residents from every city.

3.1. PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework This study was performed under the guidance of an analysis at the local level. In order to provide a broader overview, three Romanian cities were analyzed: Bucharest (the capital city), Sibiu (medieval town, European Capital of Culture in 2007) and Ramnicu-Valcea (small mountain town). Their choice was based on their difference in scale, historic signification, territory and socio-cultural functions.

In analysing the resilience of these cityscapes, the study was conducted under the guidance of the PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework. PEBOSCA is a framework under the provision of the UN Habitat Agenda (1996) and aims at offering a comprehensive analysis and inventory of the resources existent in human settlements. The resources portrayed are the physical, economic, biological, organisational, social, cultural and aesthetic ones (Berg, 2010), (UN Habitat Agenda, 1996). The PEBOSCA framework highlights the importance of optimising and harmonizing all these aspects in accordance to a sustainability perspective in order to provide resilient community development.

The overall study was conducted by application of the following methods:

Desk Study, which consisted of information gathering prior to, during and after the field trip. It was performed by: 1) Review of scientific literature relevant to the subject matter; 2) Collection and analysis of statistical data from the Regional Statistics Divisions of Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea primarily concerning physical and economic resources; 3) Analysis of data from the Comprehensive General Plans of municipalities regarding the state of available resources and urban development strategies; 4) Assessment of opinion blogs with the aim of including the perspective of inhabitants upon the issues presented.

Field Study in Romania, performed in order to collect data with regard to resource provision and future development plans in the chosen locations. This implied gathering and dissemination of information from the specific local analysis: 1) Field study observations, undertaken at site, in the three analyzed cities (Bucharest, Sibiu, Ramnicu-Valcea); 2) Opened, structured and semi-structured interviews, conducted with key representatives involved directly or indirectly with city planning, namely academia (university professors), administration staff (politicians), practitioners (from nurseries, parks and garden department, architecture company).

Appointments for meetings were made in advance with municipality representatives from the departments of Architecture, Urban Planning, Parks, Green areas and Nurseries in Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea. Meeting were also held with university professors in the field of Landscape Architecture and Sociology and a Marketing Representative of an Architecture company. Prior to the commencement of the discussion, the respondents were asked for approval to publish the data and to use a recorder. During the interviews, notes were also taken, while questions were posed from a guide questionnaire prepared beforehand. However, the format of the dialogue was flexible and adapted naturally to the proceedings of the meetings. The interviews were hosted at the participants’ offices, in their working environment, and had a median duration of one hour and a half.

Table 1. List of performed interviews City Name Position Date Time Type Bucharest Tudora Ioana Professor Dr. at ‘Ion Mincu’ 27-04-2012 3h Semi-structured University, Landscape Architect ALPAB The Bucharest Administration 06-09-2012 - Online of Lakes, Parks and Green areas structured questionnaire (See Annex 1)

Istrate Marketing Representative at 06-08-2012 30min Open interview Anamaria Alesonor, Architecture company Sibiu Horatiu Rusu Sociology Professor Dr. at 12-04-2012 1h 30min Semi-structured ‘Lucian Blaga’ University Veseli Paul Construction Authorization 25-04-2012 1h Semi-structured Bogdan Service, Sibiu Municipality Vladut Dan Director of Parks and Green 09-08-2012 1h Semi-structured Vladimir spaces Service, Sibiu Municipality Ramnicu- Piete Prest Parks, Green spaces and 23-04-2012 30min Semi-structured Valcea Nurseries, Ramnicu-Valcea Daniou Director of Green Spaces and 24-04-2012 1h Semi-structured Magdalena Nurseries, Piete Prest Elena Vlad Cristinel Chief Architect, Ramnicu- 19-04-2012 2h Semi-structured Valcea Municipality

3.2. Qualitative research A qualitative survey was conducted on a sample of 20 inhabitants (n=20) from each of the three cities. A total of 60 persons of different age groups, social classes and educational backgrounds were interviewed ‘face-to-face’ and via an online survey regarding various aspects such as green and social spaces, development and identity of their city, organizational and aesthetical matters (See Annex 2).

The in-person interviews performed in public spaces of Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea cities were the primary source of this qualitative research. Data collection was effectuated after the residents consented to participate in the survey and were notified about the academic nature of the material. The interviews had a medium duration of 30 minutes and the older participants were allocated more time as they needed explanatory notes at different sections of the survey. During the process, the respondents were posed questions from a printed guide-questionnaire and were often asked for further clarifications and details in order to eliminate communication misunderstandings. The interviews were also recoded so that information not written on the questionnaire form could be consulted at any stage of the study.

An online survey with close ended questions (in the participants’ details section) and open ended questions (for the rest of the content) was also used. Examples and definitions of the concepts introduced were conferred under parenthesis in order to avoid confusion or misinterpretation from the respondents’ side. All the responses generated were compiled in three Word documents corresponding to the analyzed cities.

4. Results

In this chapter, the results of the study performed in Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea are illustrated in three sections: ‘City as palimpsest’, ‘Identity of the city in the post communist era and after the EU accession’ and ‘PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework’, respectively.

4.1. Bucharest city

4.1.1. ‘City as palimpsest’ In order to analyze the existent situation and the future evolution of resources in Bucha rest, there is a need to draw light on the past, upon the various intertwined layers of this cityscape. In this respect, the usage of the metaphor ‘the city as palimpsest’ (from Greek ‘palinsestos’, re-inscription) is highly appropriate, as it encompasses the idea of conservation as well as the possibility of adding up a new stratum (Azimzadeh, 2007). This continuous writing process translates in (re)gaining of significance of all layers, whilst the easiness in reading the parchment describes the legibility of the cityscape.

As the capital city of Romania, Bucharest has occupied a privileged position in the history of Romanian urbanism, being the constant preoccupation of the succeeding political powers. It is a city of contrasts, continuously destroyed and (re)constructed, in a complex process that carved its ever-changing identity.

In 1935, Nicolae Iorga, an influential Romanian historian, political leader and power broker, wrote:

’We live in a city that we don’t understand, thus we don’t take proper care of, often guiding it on development paths from which it should have always stood away; through our current insertions and modifications we are ruining that character which, despite shortages and negligence, was once cherished by foreign visitors. In terms of measures taken, our mistake arouses also from the lack of taste which became so widespread nowadays (1935), destroying the very characteristics of this nation: the sense of what is appropriate, consented and considerate. Nevertheless, a major cause of this adrift is the fact that Bucharest’s history remains almost unknown to its dwellers (…)’ (Iorga, 2008 [1935]).

According to Alexandra Afrasinei (2010), there are five distinctive periods that are inscribed physically and perceptively in the city fabric of Bucharest: 1) Bucharest prior to mid 19th century: defined as an open and sparse Balkan structure, of a both urban and rural typology 2) Bucharest between second half of the 19th century until World War II: embracing the French model significantly underpinned the general modernization of the Romanian society 3) Bucharest after World War II; four periods could be identified: immediately after the war - period characterized by reconstruction, the 1950s - influence of the Stalinist regime, the 1960- 1970 - residential densification and extension of industrial areas, and the ‚Ceausescu Era’ until 1989 - political monopole on the urban image 4) Bucharest in the post communist era: 1989-2007; transition economy and inconsistent political action

To this last layer, I would add a new period, which is Bucharest after 2007: post the accession to the European Union, in process of identity crystallization.

1) Bucharest prior to mid 19th century Before the 19th century, Bucharest illustrated an Eastern, Balkan, urban organization. In contrast to other European cities, Bucharest had a rather rural character. The city was dominated by houses with utility gardens, vineyards and large native vegetation areas with lakes and bogs. The architecture from the medieval time was not conserved, but there are two specific oriental structures that resisted until these days: ‘mahala’ and ‘maidan’ (wasteland). However, currently, the term ‘mahala’ has been assigned a negative connotation (that of ‘shanty/ poor community’). Around the 16th century, it designated a ‘neighbourhood’ or a ‘community’, where the most prominent building was a church (Sebestyen, 2010).

There were no civic spaces with institutions, and the open spaces were predominantly formed at the intersection of roads. The street structure was intricate, irregular and functionally determined, with public life taking place in the areas where commerce flourished. It was only starting with the 19th century that what was called as ‘pazar’ (from the same Turkish word, meaning ‘market place’) changed to ‘piata’ (from Italian ‘plazza’), which refers also to ‘urban square’. Other terms assimilated from French, such as ‘trotuar’- sidewalk, ‘splai’- embankment, ‘promenada’ – promenade, started to be used. This vocabulary change entailed another transformation, a more profound one, that of the ‘configuration, perception and use of the distinct spaces they designated’ (Sebestyen, s. 35).

2) Bucharest between second half of the 19th century until World War II Starting with the second half of the 19th century, the rapid modernization of the city brought about major architectural and urban changes. The ‚Little Paris’ expression was already in usage at the time, and is deeply rooted in the existence of the ‚French myth’. This was cherished by the French oriented Romanian society and encouraged by the French circles that the Romanian revolutionaries of the 1848 (the ‘pasoptisti’) were visiting. The symbolic separation of Orient (Greeks, Turks, Russian) decided by the Romanian elite was manifested by shifting preferences to the West (towards the French society). The ‚Little Paris’ metaphor expressed the need of the Western society to comprehend a new geographic and cultural zone, and that of the modern Romanian society to be acknowledged (Zahariade, 2010).

The similarity with Paris also stemmed from other aspects, such as the high level of education and the well manners that the inhabitants of Bucharest treasured at the time and the economic and spiritual freedom they took pleasure in. The cultural and artistic life of the city was thriving and the flourishing ‘cafe culture’ was cherished by intellectuals fond of bohemian atmosphere. At the city fabric level, there was a structural equilibrium between the boulevards, the architectural character of buildings and the abundance in green gardens (Bucharest

Municipality, 2000). If before the mid of 20th century there were numerous green areas that made Bucharest popular as the ‘city in a garden’, the modern era that followed entailed a radical change in the dimensions and usage of gardens in Bucharest (Machedon, 1999). This transformation process occurred from both ways. On the one hand, the urban legislations at the time and the new lifestyle of the modern Bucharest society caused a substantial adjustment in the socio-cultural perception about gardens. On the other hand, the reduction in the number and size of gardens brought about a drastic change in the urban models of Bucharest’s inhabitants, in their daily life and habits (Tudora, 2010).

Until the Second World War, Bucharest was built according to Western architectural styles and urban principles. The Palace of the Assembly of Deputies, the Old Royal Palace, the National Bank, the Romanian Savings Bank, the Justice Palace, the Postal Palace, the National Military Circle, the Stock Exchange and the Chamber of Commerce, the Romanian Athenaeum, the University Foundation, they were all built by French architects or Romanian architects who studied in Paris (Sebestyen, ss. 49-50). They are sign of the strong French influence at the time of urban modernization.

In the interwar period, art deco together with the French eclecticism, underpinned the formation of the ‚Belgium of Orient’ and ‚the Little Paris’ myths, which are fundamental references to the cultural identity of moder n Romania. Art deco characterized the big hotels and casinos style, the fashion and show-business, commerce and leisure. It was a symbol of a prosperous and optimist Europe, and also of the ‘American Dream’, exported in the developing countries as a wealthy image of the economic colonialist system (Criticos, 2010).

3) Bucharest after World War II until 1989 Bucharest has confronted various historical, political and social mutations under the communist authoritarian power (1947-1989). The ’70s and the 80’s brought about a period with little architectural diversity, standard collective residential blocks, models replicated identically (community houses, education institutions, hotels etc.), which abolished the identity of buildings (Ungureanu, 2010). The organization pattern employed was that of ‘micro districts’, which reflected the ‘closeness’ of living areas in the specific Romanian context. The ‘micro district’ concept appeared as a result of the intensive urbanization phenomenon in the Soviet Union and proposed the reinterpretation of some elements of the ‚theory of neighbourhood units’.

This theory aimed to transform the residents’ lifestyle by moving some specific family functions, such as cooking or taking care of children, at the community level. Neighbourhood cafeterias and the common raising of children could thus solve some vital problems and allow residents to enjoy the amenities provided for the community. The size of the apartments became also be smaller, in comparison with the Western models at the time (Stroe, 2010). Under the sphere of influence of these ideas, a vital part of the architectural identity of the ex soviet countries was symbol of their affiliation to a common political system.

Fig. 1.Construction of a standard collective housing Fig. 2. Demolition of Uranus neighbourhood and area on Pantelimon Street, 1974 the relocation of Nouns’ Hermitage, 1982

Source: Dan Vartanian, flickr.com, 1982 Source: Dan Vartanian, flickr.com, 1974

In 1977, a strong earthquake provoked serious damages in the capital city. The buildings that collapsed were from the central historical area, mostly low, classical houses and high rise reinforced concrete blocks (Georgescu, 2009). The moment was taken as pretext for taking control over Bucharest’s image. Starting from the 1980s, the political power monopole became visible in radical changes at the city fabric’s level and terrible destructions were caused. The result was an inarticulate collection of heterogeneous fragments (that are overlaid, interweaved, detached or replaced). The legibility of the city palimpsest depends on deciphering the alternation and the overlapping of these distinct layers.

4.1.2. Identity of the city in the post communist era and after the EU accession For this paper, a qualitative study was undertaken on a sample of 20 respondents of different age and social groups, 19 Bucharest citizens and 1 commuter. In Table 2 and Table 3 below, an overall description of the respondents and, respectively, a detailed individual presentation is illustrated.

Table 2. Descriptions of (n=20) Bucharest citizens participating in the open-questions survey Participants’ details Total Gender (Feminine, Masculine) F: 10 (50%), M: 10 (50%) Age groups (Youth, Adults, Seniors) Y: 10 (50%), A: 6 (30%), S: 4 (20%) Level of studies (High school, University, Master) H: 1 (5%), U: 7 (35%), M: 12 (60%) Occupation (Student, Employed, Pensioner) S: 5 (25%), E:13 (65%), P: 2 (10%) Wage (Unemployed, 1st wage group: 700-1400 lei, U: 4 (20%), 1st Wg : 3 (15%), 2nd Wg: 2nd wage group, 3rd wage group) 10 (50%), 3rd Wg: 3 (15%) Residential category (Single, Adults without S: 10 (50%), A: 4 (20%), AC: 6 (30%) children, Adults with children) Relation to the place (Resident, Commuter) R: 19 (95%), C:1 (5%)

Table 3. Participants’(n=20) individual details ID Gender Age Level of Occupation Wage Residential Relation # group studies group category to the place 1 M Youth Master Student - Single Resident (16-25 years) 2 F Y Master Employed 1400 - Single Resident 3000 lei 3 M Y Master Student - Adults with Resident children 4 M Y Master Student 700 - Adults with Resident 1400 lei children 5 F Y University Student - Adults Resident without children 6 F Y Master Employed 1400- Adults Resident 3000 lei without children 7 F Y Master Employed 1400- Single Resident 3000 lei 8 M Adult University Employed 1400- Single Resident (26-50 3000 lei years) 9 M Y University Employed 3000 – Adults Resident 5000 lei without children 10 F A University Employed 1400 - Single Resident 3000 lei 11 F A Master Employed 3000 – Single Resident 5000 lei 12 F A Master Employed 3000 – Single Commuter 5000 lei 13 F A Master Employed 1400 – Single Resident 3000 lei 14 F Y Master Student - Adults with Resident children 15 M Y Master Employed 1400- Single Resident 3000 lei 16 F Senior High Pensioner 700 – Adults Resident (51 – school 1400 lei without years) children

17 M S University Employed 700- Adults with Resident 1400 lei children 18 M A Master Employed 1400 – Single Resident 3000 lei 19 M S University Employed 1400 – Adults with Resident 3000 lei children 20 M S University Employed 1400 – Adults with Resident 3000 lei children

Now, 23 years after the fall of the communism, although the authoritarian regime is gone, Bucharest still suffers from violent destructions that ‘arise from greed, chasing profit and indifference’ (Zahariade, s. 26). The city consists of juxtaposed fragments that are difficult to unveil. A lot of violent destructions were produced, and the lost layers could only be found at the collective memory level.

In a study undertaken for the Bucharest municipality’s Comprehensive General Plan (2000), the inhabitants were asked to make a hierarchy of the most critical problems encountered in the capital city. On the list of the very serious issues, the actual state of tidiness (98% - gravity of issue at stake), corruption (98%), the state of roads (98%), lack of workplaces (89%) and pollution (81%) were mentioned, and in terms of serious problems the lack of children playgrounds (71%) was brought up.

When the 20 participants at the survey performed for this paper responded to the question ‘Do you consider that any certain type of development has affected the identity of Bucharest city? How?’, 6 variations in ways of perceiving change were identified (See Table 4). Their different perspectives describe: social and economic problems, poverty, lack of comprehensive and coherent city planning strategy, problems with real estate development, globalization, changes related to parks and green areas, urban sprawl and increase in car traffic. They are referred to as inductive categories, as they include a common theme that more participants touched upon, and they group several responses under a code from A to F. Their responses also touch upon issues such as corruption (quotation B 11), increase in pollution (quotation F 6, 8, 15) and imply the existence of job market deficiencies (quotation A 4), thus reflecting some of the results of the Comprehensive General Plan survey mentioned above.

Table 4. Categorization of responses to the question: development affecting the identity of Bucharest ID Participants’ responses Inductive Code # categories 20 More poor people are living in buildings in disrepair and Social and A precarious conditions. economic 4 Increase in number of inhabitants and inability to cope with problems, this from a social and economic standpoint. This applies poverty especially for sensitive social classes like the people that come from rural areas to the capital city. 5 The spontaneous development not correlated with the Lack of a B surrounding landscape. Profit and short term impacts were comprehensive the driving forces and the long term consequences were and coherent neglected. city planning 3 The chaotic development without respecting plans affected strategy B, E Bucharest. It became an extremely dense city with less and less green spaces. 15 Lack of a coherent planning strategy formulated for the long B, C, term led to a series of quick fixes and abuses of power. The E results are visible: illegal constructions, poorly executed bicycle lanes, kitsch interventions in parks. 11 It’s not that a certain kind of development has affected the B, C identity of the city, but corruption has done it. The chaotic construction of buildings was allowed regardless of the area’s specifics: architectural style, construction materials, height of the buildings. 19 The chaotic development and the lack of proper city B, C, planning, corruption in issuing construction authorizations F for real estate companies, increase in number of cars which further amplified pollution, very little pedestrian space.

9 The lack of rehabilitation of old buildings and their Problems with C demolition. The lack of a legislative body that would control real estate the approvals for real estate projects. development 7 The architectural plan was not respected when constructing office buildings or even residential areas. 18 The influences of Occidental culture have perverted Globalization D somehow the identity of Bucharest city. There are very many high rise buildings being constructed and they do not fit the local cityscape architecturally (e.g. Mantuleasa Street). 16 High rise buildings (for business purposes and others) are one next to each other, everything looks the same, it’s linear, and this tires me out. 1 Mismatch of high rise office buildings with old Bucharest architecture. 14 I believe that commercial centres and high rise office buildings transformed Bucharest into a sort of business centre. It became a more international city with respect to appearance and inhabitants (you hear more often foreign languages on the streets). 13 Business parks have positively influenced the image of Bucharest: development, modernism, culture, novelties, and change. 17 Kiseleff Park, where I usually go out for a walk, has become Changes related E more secure in the last 5 years. In addition, more civilized to parks and people started to visit the park. green areas 12 As years go by, everything changes, and the natural landscapes, the green areas and forests have unfortunately gone less and less. 2 Green spaces have been invaded with notice boards inscribed with the names of district mayors. In reality, their contribution in parks was abusive: kitsch decorations and gaudy children playgrounds were their only projects. 10 In the last years, a lot of high buildings, office buildings E, D (glass towers) have been constructed, which entailed the reduction of green spaces at a worrying pace. 8 The excessive development of the Northern area of the city Urban sprawl F resulted in an excess of traffic inflow in that area. and increase in 6 I consider that the raise in automobile numbers has its own automobile utility, but I believe it contributed to increase in pollution. traffic This problem is currently picked up just at the level of discussions, however there are not concrete measures being implemented in order to counteract to reduce its effects. 15 Bucharest became no longer a city for inhabitants, but a city for automobiles. Traffic jams and pollution keep increasing tremendously.

The issues brought up by the participants at the survey will be further discussed in this paper, in an attempt to offer a broader overview of the problems at stake and to outline the manner in which they affected the identity of Bucharest city.

4.1.3. PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework

PHYSICAL RESOURCES Bucharest region includes two administrative units: Bucharest municipality (the capital city) and Ilfov county. The landscape consists entirely of plains with smooth changes in the topography: from 50m altitude to a maximum of 120m. There are numerous natural and human-made lakes that pierce through the level Plain of Vlasiei, such as: Mogosoaia, Herastrau, Floreasca, Tei, Snagov, Buftea, Pantelimon (Bucharest Municipality, 2000).

The surface of Bucharest municipality totals 23,787 hectares, out of which 3,496 hectares is an agricultural area. According to statistical data for 2008 (INSSE, 2009), a share of 84.5% of the agricultural area was used as arable land, whereas 11.6% was used as pastures, 3.5% as orchards and tree nurseries and 0.4% for vineyards and vine nurseries. Forests and other forest vegetation amount to 611 hectares, remaining a constant figure since year 2000.

Table 5. Agricultural area by use categories (hectares) Agricultural area by land use 2000 2005 2006 2007 2008 categories Arable 4,607 3,622 3,514 3,047 2,955 Pastures 506 506 506 418 406 Vineyards and vine nurseries 66 66 66 12 12 Orchards and tree nurseries 270 270 270 123 123 Source: Regional statistical division of Bucharest Municipality, 2008, pg. 112

ECONOMIC RESOURCES One of the most significant processes that affected Romania as a result of the socialist system’s collapse was deindustrialization. Deindustrialization is the process through which a country or a region shifts from an industrial economy to an economic system based on the tertiary sector, of services or information (Kollmeyer, 2000). A research developed by the ‘Centre of study and research in the field of culture’ (2006) illustrated that in Romania, in the period 1992-2002, the number of employees in processing industry was cut off halfway. At a regional level, the most drastic decrease was registered in Bucharest.

After a decade of relative stagnation, the private sector started to be restructured and the demand for commercial buildings was increasing accordingly. In the period 2002-2005 a general economic growth took place, with moderate increases in the processing industry, but accelerated ones in commerce, real estate, transport and communications, constructions sector (CSCDC, 2006). In Table 6 below, the gross domestic product (total value of goods and services produced) in Bucharest illustrates this economic expansion. In year 2007 compared with year 2003, its value increased more than two-fold (recorded a 134% GDP surge and 133% GDP/capita surge).

Table 6. Bucharest’s Gross Domestic Product (mil. Lei current prices) 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 GDP 36613.0 45447.8 58791.6 69013.9 85702.2 GDP/capita 18974.3 23577.9 30541.7 35735.6 44365.6 (lei) Source: Regional statistical division of Bucharest Municipality, 2009, pg.95

In 2007, with EU accession, the domestic expenditure on housing and the consumption of goods surged and privatisation of industrial sites became more apparent. New usages started to be assigned to them: for social projects (building new housing), for the cultural industry or the service economy. Nevertheless, not always were the old industrial sites deployed in a responsible or lucrative manner; some dilapidated factories remained to disintegrate slowly in the urban fabric they once pertained to.

Several examples of post-industrial sites that were endowed with new functions are: a soap factory from Bucur - Obor area that was replaced by a supermarket, a glucose factory that currently accommodates a multinational corporation selling cosmetic products, detergents and food goods, a beer factory from Rahova area that hosts a mall, a business centre and a hotel and a factory producing steel for aeronautic industry that was transformed in a business park with companies having domains of activities ranging from finance and banks to IT, advertising and journalism ('Post-industrial city', s. 12).

The major boost to private-sector investment entailed visible transformations in Bucharest, the city capital, ‘where new hotels, restaurants and shops cater to the growing consumer demand that – along with buoyant exports – have driven the economy in recent years’ (Businessweek.ro, 2012).

Since 1995, when World Trade Centre opened its offices nearby on Expozitiei Boulevard, the construction of high rise office towers has increased remarkably in the capital city. Domestic as well as international companies have been involved in the process as developers, building owners and managers, investors. The latter category includes groups such as GTC international Real Estate Investment, which from 1994 holds a portfolio of projects based in CEE, in countries like Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Serbia and Romania (americahouse.ro, 2012). Amongst the Romanian architecture companies engaged with the design of office towers in Bucharest

are: the Architect Service, Westfourth Architecture (Romanian-American firm with subsidiaries also in New York and Istanbul) and PZP Arhitectura, the latter having collaborated with foreign firms for advanced technological solutions (for instance Aukett Fitzroy Robinson, MVRDV, Estudio Lamela) (archello.com, 2012).

The tallest office business properties constructed in Bucharest include: Tower Centre International (120m), Cathedral Plazza (75m), BRD Tower (87m), Nusco (85m), Bucharest Financial Plazza (83m), Euro Tower (80m), Charles de Gaulle Plaza (80m), City Gate (75m), Millennium Business Centre (72m), Premium Plaza Office Building (64m), Riverside Tower (61m), Bucharest Corporate Centre (60m), PGV (55-13m), Olimpia Tower (54m), Buzesti-Tatra Mountains (52m), Modern (50m), Oracle Town (49m). In addition, to be finalized by the end of 2012 are projects such as Sky Tower (137 m) and a 5 stars hotel (135m). They are both located in the rapidly sprawling Northern Bucharest area, where intensive real estate and commercial development have been taking place (Adevarul.ro, 2012), (Fluximobiliar.ro, 2012), (Skytower.ro, 2012).

Inner city zones, such as Dorobanti, Victoriei Square and areas around Unirii Square started to change their appearance and skyline as well. A number of business centres were inadequately placed in the downtown area as they interfered with unique late 19th century architecture and ‘caused some conflicts when set alongside traditional townscapes’ (Nae, pp. 210-211). In this sense, there are several controversial projects of high rise buildings that overshadow significant religious and cultural symbols. For instance, the towers near St. Iosif Cathedral and Armenian Church and the business property proposed to be constructed on Mantuleasa Street, a protected historical area with unique old architecture houses and profound cultural connotations.

Fig. 3. Victoriei Square, central area where the number of office Fig. 4. Buzesti area, hosting new buildings, pubs, cafes and restaurants has increased tremendously office developments

Source: Author’s own, 2012 Source: Author’s own, 2012

A study of office buildings conducted in Saint-Petersburg in the period 2009-2012 showed that, almost in all instances, the surrounding areas lack social amenities or strictly delimitated green spaces for recreational purposes. Primarily, this space is used for hosting parking lots (Kerimova & Morozova, 2012). This situation also reflects in the design of office buildings in Bucharest city, only that there are some initiatives for using the surrounding outdoor areas for clear-cut lawns, displaying ornamental shrubs in pots or installing benches.

When asked ‘What is the meaning of high rise office buildings in Bucharest for you?’, the responses of the participants illustrated 6 variations in ways of understanding these business properties. The inductive categories formulated were: ‘Western’ model of economic development, contrast with the local architectural character, modernism and dynamics, high density of buildings, preference for the authentic old Bucharest buildings and multi-functional use of high rise buildings.

Table 7. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of high rise office buildings ID Participants’ responses Inductive Code # categories 2 Business ‘Western’ model A 8 Economic meaning of economic

15 Office space development 19 Economic development of Bucharest, the city has taken the path of the ‘West’ after the communist times. 18 Business, power, money 7 Sometimes they are in contrast with the Contrast with the B architectural character of the area where they local architectural are located. character 11 Modern architecture, interesting, but it should B, C be used for designing shopping malls, not buildings in the old city centre. 10 High rise buildings although being new give a B, C general impression of lack of organization, as in most of the cases they do not respect the maximum height for buildings in the area. The buildings are in a good condition and give the city a ‘n ew’ vi be. 9 When clustered in the same area and when they Modernism and C do not contrast with the surrounding landscape, dynamics they express order, tidiness and modernism. 13 Modernism, innovation 14 It confers the city extra dynamics, although they are not very often encountered. In Bucharest, they approach the limit, the actual number is sufficient. 20 Appeared overnight in the central parts of the C, D city, changed its appearance and gave it a modern sense. 3 Agglomeration, city suffocation High density of D 4 Agglomeration in city centre buildings 17 It’s not normal that Bucharest should be transformed in a forest of skyscrapers, definitively not in the city centre. However, high rise buildings are not often encountered because the soil is not suited for this kind of constructions. 16 I don’t like high buildings; I prefer houses that Preference for the E are closer to the ground. Unfortunately, the authentic old image of Bucharest with the small picturesque Bucharest houses of the 50-60s is hard to be found buildings (nostalgic). 1 Change of skyline in Bucharest, at contrast with the ‘Little Paris image’ of attractive small houses and narrow streets. 6 I like well proportioned buildings, not exaggerated in width or height. 12 For me, they define the compression of time Multi-functional F and space. On the other hand, you can enjoy use of high rise unique views of the city, parks and lakes from buildings the upper floor of such a building, during lunch break. 5 Office buildings appeared out of necessity, not desire. If they had the corresponding amenities, they could also cover some needs: open spaces at the lower and superior levels (cafe places, shops, saloons, fitness centres). Bucharest’s inhabitants could perceive in a different way these building if they benefited from panorama points, above the glass towers.

The respondents have a different perspective in what regards their preference for old or new architectural styles, however agglomeration and the physical and aesthetical transformation of the downtown area are perceived as negative aspects (quotations D 4, 17). Another view on the role of high rise office buildings is presented under the inductive category F, as respondents refer to multi-functional use. These business centres could include numerous facilities for commercial purposes, recreation, development of sports activities and social interaction (quotation F 5, 12).

There is an increasing demand for building ‘roof top gardens’ in Bucharest, and they are becoming more popular especially for business properties. Their main purposes are: providing social spaces for clients, offering relaxation opportunities in a green environment and making exquisite viewpoints available (Interview with Anamaria Istrate, Marketing Representative Alesonor, 6th of August 2012). Currently, there are no high rise buildings that use green roofs for ecological considerations such as storm water filtration or retention, enhancing urban biodiversity, supporting urban farming.

Fig. 5. Employees socializing in a green garden Fig. 6. Almond Tree Housing project in Domenii area, on the terrace of BRD office building, Victoriei central Bucharest. The block features a green planted terrace of 39.61 m2.

Source: Alin Stoianovici, 2012 Source: Almond Tree Brochure, Alesonor, pg. 18, 2012

BIOLOGICAL RESOURCES The region where Bucharest is situated hosts flora and fauna specific to the continental temperate climate, that of grass prairie. The flora is primarily constituted of deciduous trees (oak, beech, poplar, maple, ash, chestnut, lime, locust tree, willow in river valleys) and coniferous trees (fir, pine, juniper, tree of life), orchards (plum trees, apple trees, pear trees, cherry trees), bushes (such as wild plum tree, wild rose, blackthorn) and flowers (chamomile, poppy, roses, daisies) (Bucharest Municipality, 2000).

Bucharest accommodates a series of parks and public gardens, such as: Herastrau, Cismigiu, Tineretului, Carol, Kiseleff, IOR, Gradina Icoanei, Eroilor, Moghioros. Herastrau is the biggest park in Bucharest and hosts a rich flora with a variety of deciduous trees species (for instance, maple, ash, poplar, willow, lime trees) and shrubs (buxus, juniperus, tazus, forsythia, philadelphus, spiraea, lonicera). The park is famous for its main attraction points: the Island of Roses, the Japanese Garden (arranged in 1998) and the monuments and statues, such as the Modura Fountain, the Alley of Caryatides and the Ensemble of head figures dedicated to the ‘European Union’s Fathers’. Part of Herastrau Park is also Expoflora, a 15 hectares area where annual floral compositions are arranged (Alpab.ro, 2012).

The connection of green areas with micro-infrastructure (pedestrian, bicycle paths and public transportation) is in process of development. Marked cycle routes are currently found in Kiseleff, Izvor, Tineretului and Old Herastrau Park. An initiative that supports this green transportation mode is the availability of public bicycle rental services in parks and convenient schemes such as ‘rent a bike by offering your ID card’. The implementation of the ‘community gardens’ concept is also under development in the suitable areas of Herastrau and Tineretului Park (ALPAB official document no. 5304, 6th of September 2012).

Gardenesque style The flowers used in urban landscaping are grown at 5 local nurseries by the Dendrology service of Bucharest’s Administration of Lakes, Parks and Green areas (ALPAB). The Landscape Architecture service of ALPAB takes charge of the design and aesthetics of floral compositions.

The floral arrangements are mainly represented by: 1) Annuals: Tagetes, Petunia, Salvia ageratum 2) Biennials: Viola, Silene, Myosotis, Bellis perennis 3) Perennials: Anemona, Rudbeckia, Primula, Lupinus (ALPAB official document no. 5304, 6th of September 2012)

Salvia, Tagetes, Petunia and Viola are the most commonly flowers used for ornamental beds and, as shown by Maria Igantieva (2010, p. 124), they are featured in all nurseries of temperate climate regions and are part of the ‘global Gardenesque favourites’.

For supplementing the dendrological material in parks, public gardens and street alignments, acquisitions of various shrubs and tree species (such as plane, lime, catalpa) are made in accordance with the needs of the respective projects (ALPAB official document no. 5304, 6th of September 2012).

Fig. 7. Gardenesque flowerbeds on Elisabeta Fig. 8. Gardenesque flowerbeds in Kiseleff Park, Boulevard, 1997 Victoriei, 2012

Source: rezistenta.net, 1997 Source: Author’s own, 2012

When asked about the signification of flower bed arrangements, the responses of the participants contained 5 variations in ways of understanding (code A-E). The inductive categories that resulted were: aesthetic qualities, source of positive feelings, clear air (health), nature and Occidental. The participants highlighted the association of flowers with nature and emphasized the aesthetic role they play in the urban landscape. One respondent characterized this as the process of ‘making the cityscape more beautiful’ and endowing it with an Occidental atmosphere (quotation E 18). In this context, when using the term ‘Occidental’, the interviewees refer particularly to the following attributes of the Western society: welfare, civilization, neatness of places and respect for citizens (from the authorities’ side).

Table 8. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of colourful flower bed arrangements ID Participants’ responses Inductive Code # categories 1 Making the cityscape more beautiful, aesthetically pleasant Aesthetic A 2 Attention to details, pleasant atmosphere qualities 8 Aesthetic valences 9 They captivate you, seems to be the most suited way to describe them. 12 Flower arrangements give life to the city, regardless of the season. It strikes me that they are arranged differently every time, and that their colours are in accordance with seasonal variations. 15 They give a new colour and create a different atmosphere. 17 Beautiful to see them in parks, unfortunately now we are not allowed to hang flower pots on our balconies because of the refurbishment program (project developed by Bucharest municipality). 5 Firstly, the aesthetic role is indisputable. Such flower A, B arrangements made with a little bit of care will always attract positive reactions. Colours, ambiance, dynamics, curiosity or

amusement, anything is better than the far too common grey concrete. Such interventions could become real guide marks, directing the traveller towards interest points as the historic centre, Calea Victoriei, parks etc. 3 Life and optimism Source of B 11 The city appears to be more joyful, warmer, and full of life. positive They distract the attention from blocks and asphalt, especially in feelings areas with few green spaces. 10 They make me feel good; they make the city look more B, A beautiful, being in stark contrast with the grey colour of the buildings. They give a note of elegance and cheer you up. 13 Life, energy, colour, optimism B, A 5 They give me an extraordinary good mood and give colour to B, A everything that surrounds them. 7 They create energy, positive feelings and have a pleasant B, A appearance. 19 Something to cherish, beautiful B, A 4 More oxygen Clean air C 16 Flowers and greenery suggest clean air and tidiness. (Health) 14 Flowers make a big city less dull and people more attentive to Nature D nature in the midst of daily agitation. 20 Pleasant to watch, they bring diversity in a green area. D, A 18 Flower arrangements make the cityscape more beautiful and Occidental E, A confer it an Occidental note. This is why their main signification would be that of civilization.

Victorian Gardenesque: ‘tropical paradise’ in Bucharest It was also the English Victorian gardening that introduced glasshouses with exotic plant material as a fashion in Western Europe (Ignatieva, 2010, p. 125). Unusual tropical and subtropical plants have currently achieved popularity around the globe and they are spread even in climates where they are difficult to grow.

The global image of ‘tropical paradise’ was adopted in 2008 in Bucharest as well, without taking into account the temperate continental climate that characterises the region. In District 3, palm trees imported from Italy for 30,000 Euro were planted by the end of August at the Universitatii roundabout. The trees replaced what used to be initially the statue of I.C. Bratianu (an outstanding politician and honorary member of the Romanian Academy) and then the clock that counted down the time until Romania’s adherence to the European Union. According to a newspaper article published at the time (entitled ‚Jamaica wind blows in Universitatii Square’), ‘even though palms are the symbol of tropical climates‚ they will make the city more beautiful until mid winter’ (stirileprotv.ro, 2008).

Fig. 9. Universitatii roundabout: Cycas and exotic shrub encircled by Romanian roses

Source: metropotam.ro, 2008

Another 18 palm trees imported from Italy at the cost of 27,000 lei were planted in District 4, at the intersection of Constantin Brancoveanu with Oltenitei Street (evz.ro, 2008).

In sign of ‚anti-kitsch’ protest, at the initiative launched by a Bucharest blogger (‚Open call for all the exotic people from Republika BANANA – Tropical Mass Party’), several young people gathered on a Saturday night at the palm trees in Universitatii (bukres.blogspot.se). It was the 25th of October 2008, nonetheless, they were equipped with sun glasses and summer clothes. They started a photo session in order to show how inappropriate these palm trees are in the capital city, but, soon after, their peaceful protest was brought to a halt by guardians (curentul.ro, 2008).

Fig. 10. Peaceful anti-kitsch protest at the Universitatii Fig. 11. Palm trees arrangement at Constantin roundabout Brancoveanu

Source:Bukres.blogspot.ro, 2008 Source: Author’s own, 2012

Several opinions of Bucharest inhabitants’ with regards to these interventions are illustrated below:

Anonym 1: ‘Universitatii is the centre of attention, but we are better than that, we have palm trees even at the Brancoveanu crossroad (with Oltentiei and Alunisului). What can I say, the way they look like is beautiful, and they take you out of your daily sphere, they make you dream about exotic vacations…what ruins it all is the sign in the centre displaying ‘Green space’, and the fact that I don’t expect that they will survive more than two years - this hoping they would be replanted in spring. Either way, they are just ‘fancy nothings’. (ovidiudraghia.blogspot.se, 1st of September 2008)

Anonym 2:‚The palm trees are specific to the Romanian climate. (Our ancestors), the Dacians were carrying stones through forests of palm trees, so I see no reason why we should not welcome them in the centre of Bucharest (sarcasm)’ (evz.ro, 1st of September, 2008)

Anonym 3: ’I cannot explain this palm tree obsession that mayors in Romania have. Were they so impressed with them during their childhood, or did they have unforgettable memories under the palm trees…I have no clue. Well, I actually can’t understand where does this desire of working endless come from either. If they were to plant oaks, they would stay careless now, but with these palms they have to shelter them in the autumn (and they say they will be replaced with a Christmas tree), take them out in the spring time and plant them again. Isn’t it too much of an effort?’ (forum.hotnews.ro, 1st of September 2008)

Anonym 4:‘I find this as the very definition of bad taste. As if we were on Ivory Coast. Palm trees are representative for Bucharest, their place belongs to the city centre (ironically). Besides, we do not have the soil and climate conditions for them, we’ll see that when they will die. Don’t get me wrong, but there are far more important problems in Bucharest which seem to be left aside by our dear representatives.’ (forum.hotnews.ro, 1st of September 2008)

Anonym 5: ‚A palm tree replaced the clock that counted down the days until the adherence of Romania to the European Union. More exotic shrubs surround it in pots. They are thus planted, so that they will be moved in greenhouses during the cold season. The white gravel, which surrounds the decoration, makes you think about the desert, and the flowers planted in different patterns leave the Bucharest people who pass them by indifferent.’ (evz.ro, 1st of September 2008)

Picturesque landscape architecture style Clumps of trees and single ones, neatly mown lawns, curvilinear pathways and ponds or lakes, these elements are representative of the global simplified version of Picturesque style adopted in public parks. Nevertheless, this current approach of maintaining lawns proves unsustainable because of the heavy inputs it requires (in terms of fuel, fertilizers, herbicides, water) and the emissions it releases in nature to the soil, water and air (Turner, 1997).

Fig. 12. Picturesque style and a sign displaying ‘Laying down on grass is permitted’

Source: Author’s own, 2012

However, the Bucharest respondents have little or no awareness of these negative aspects that lawn maintenance entails. The participants’ responses to the question ‘What is the meaning of lawns for you?’ contained 5 variations in ways of understanding. The inductive categories formed were: visually relaxing, source of silence and joy, clean air (health), natural environment and Occidental. The majority of the interviewees identified the benefits that lawns bring to the cityscape, referring to the aesthetic enhancement of areas, the positive feelings triggered by green spaces and the Occidental atmosphere induced, ‘like in Central Park, where in the middle of nature one can lay on the grass and read, listen to music on headphones, play badminton’ (quotation F 17). A different perspective is introduced by two respondents who describe lawns as the ‘illusion’ of green areas and ‘what was left of nature when introduced into cities’ (quotation D 1, 5).

Table 9. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of lawns ID Participants’ responses Inductive Code # categories 7 A way to relax visually. Visually A 14 Where encountered, it offers extra relaxation for our eyes. relaxing 18 Relaxation, stretching out 6 Lawns, greenery, flowers, I believe they can give colour to A, B, their surroundings and create the impression that the place C where we leave in is more beautiful, livelier, and healthier. 19 Natural and relaxing for my eyes in a concrete dominated A, E environment. 13 Oxygen, life, energy, relaxation A, C 8 Silence Source of B 15 Oasis of silence silence and joy 10 Nature, greenery, cheers you up B, E 2 Fresh, source of oxygen Clean air C 11 Reduction of pollution and dust on the main boulevards. (Health) 16 There should be more lawns, it is healthy. 12 Life and fresh scent of springtime 5 The illusion of a green space. Illusion of a D 1 Lawns: what was left of the concept of ‘nature’ when green space

introduced into cities. 4 Justification of reckless money spending by local authorities. 3 Green, natural Natural E 9 As I grew up on the outskirts of a small town, I was used with environment the idea that the pavement ends and the environment is dominated by nature. The most important aspect was that I did not have to pay for transportation means in order to get into nature. All it took was one hour walk and I was out of town. In contrast, Bucharest is a very large city; it is a desert with green oasis… 20 Lawns are necessary as more green is wanted in the city. 17 Sign of civilization, like in Central Park, where in the middle Occidental F of nature one can lay on the grass and read, listen to music on headphones, play badminton.

Kitsch culture: Topiary art The Romanian Athenaeum represents one of the national ‘architectural jewels’ and is referred to as the cultural and tourist symbol of Bucharest. Built in neo-classical style under the plans of the French architect Albert Galleron, it was inaugurated in 1888 and consolidated the ‘Little Paris’ image of the city (fge.org.ro, 2012).

Fig. 13. Romanian Athenaeum, Fig. 14. Romanian Athenaeum, Bucharest, 2007 Bucharest, 1905

Source: atuncisiacum.blogspot.ro, 1905 Source: atuncisiacumblogspot.ro, 2007

Fig. 15. Romanian Athenaeum, Fig. 16. Romanian Athenaeum, Bucharest, 2008 Bucharest, 1940 Topiary art: ’Pianist’ growing up from several pots with ligustrum

Source: rjsp.eu, 1940 Source: evz.ro, 2008

Figures 13, 14, 15 and 16 on the previous page depict various landscape arrangements performed in the public garden of the Athenaeum building. We can observe that in 2007 Gardenesque flowerbeds were displayed on a ‘lawn carpet’ and were framed by shrubs trimmed in spiral and round shapes. One year later, the colorful flowers reappear, but are overshadowed by the profile of a ‘Pianist’ that grows up from pots with ligustrum. As argued by Brady (2003), ‘kitsch topiary’ manifests when ‘trees are forced into shapes meant only to entertain or please humans, or even in cases of environmental art that harm the land rather than working more ecologically with it’.

When asked ‘What is the meaning of topiary art in Bucharest for you?’, the responses of the participants illustrated 5 variations in ways of interpretation (assigned code from A-E). The identified inductive categories were: joyful, playful, brings about a juvenile spirit, details that create a positive appearance, art and symbolism, architecture and nature, welfare, civilization and formal French gardens. One of the interviewees touched on the importance of adequately integrating these elements in the thematic concept of the composition (quotation B 20). Depending on their appearance, topiary art works are perceived by Bucharest respondents as elegant and formal (quotation B 14, C 9, E 10) or juvenile and joyful (quotation A 1, 3, 13).

Table 10. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of topiary art ID Participants’ responses Inductive categories Code # 1 Are suited for parks and give a joyful, playful Joyful, playful, brings A note to green spaces. about a juvenile spirit 3 Joyful, brings about the spirit of childhood 7 Dynamics 13 Very pleasant to watch, they make me smile and remind me of childhood when trimmed in animal shapes 18 Little things that brighten your day without a definite reason 17 Creativity, inspiration, originality Details that create a B 20 Just details that could be overlooked, if not positive appearance integrated in the composition. 16 They look good. 2 Attention to details 4 The attention that authorities have for maintaining green spaces 11 Rich imagination, beautiful 12 Creativity, innovation, pleasure 19 Eye-catching design 14 Creates the sensation of order and elegance in the city 5 Most of the times, they represent symbols of an Architecture and C area, building or event nature, 6 I like them and they belong to art Art and symbolism 8 Would be interesting, a blend of art and nature 9 Give an elegant note and could be useful in places such as People’s House or similar gardens 15 Welfare, pleasant, relaxing, living in a more Welfare, civilization D civilized world 10 French gardens Formal French E gardens

ORGANIZATIONAL RESOURCES After the fall of the communism, starting with the 1990s, suburbanization started to take place in Bucharest as a territorial expansion along the communication ways. The urban sprawl phenomenon affected other post-socialist cities as well, such as Warsaw (Poland), Leipzig (Germany) and Ljubljana (Slovenia) (Couch, 2008). This trend had already been set by the American suburbanization process that started in the second half of the 20th century.

The areas that initially developed in Bucharest were in North of the city (Pipera, Corbeanca, Otopeni, Tunari), but in the last decades the urban sprawl manifested along other axes as well: at the adjacent urban fringe (Voluntari, a community that has now been declared as ‘town’), and in a smaller proportion to the East and

West. Vinea Vladimir (2010, p. 275) argues that the lack of coherence caused by urban expansion as well as the general social division that suburban housing projects entail are characteristics of globalization.

Fig. 17. Built in 1976, Unirii Shopping Centre was the first department store of Bucharest city

Source: Stefan Tuchila, archiphotos.com, 2008

The development of commercial centres and residential units on the outskirts of Bucharest city started to affect the traffic patterns. Other effects triggered by the dynamics of suburbanization were: car dependency and spatial segregation, change in lifestyles and disconnection from the inner city zones. In the last decades, the number of shopping centres soared not only at the periphery of Bucharest (external malls), but also in the central areas.

The participants’ responses to the question ‘What is the meaning of commercial centres for you?’ included 6 variations in ways of understanding. The formulated inductive categories were: consumerist society (behaviour exacerbated in the post-communist era), economic development, social space, useful (offer a diversity of products, time and cost efficient), location problem and alternative view (preference for peasants’ and farmers’ markets and small shops). The largest number of participants referred to the problems posed by the location of commercial centres in inner city zones, which entail agglomeration and traffic congestions, also reflected indoors: ‘crowdedness within a box with external finishing’ (quotation A 5). Shopping areas are associated with the consumerism behaviour of the post-communist era, ‘people show off how much they can afford buying’ (quotation A 2), and with social spaces (for ‘leisure’ or ‘entertainment’). Several respondents draw on the importance of supporting qualitative food produce from peasants and farmers. An issue connected to the increase in number of commercial centres is the gradual disappearance of small corner shops in most neighbourhoods.

Table 11. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of commercial centres ID Participants’ responses Inductive categories Code # 18 Shopping: the new activity of ‘modern Romanian Consumerist society A people’ (behaviour exacerbated in 19 Need for consumerism, behaviour exacerbated after the the post-communist era) tough communist period. 2 Where people show off how much they can afford buying. 3 Shopping in excess 15 They show that Romania has developed economically. Economic development B 17 As the economic situation prospers, malls appear and B, C profit increases. I go to shop and watch movies. 13 Relaxation space, meeting place, where I shop Social space C 11 They became the ‘artificial’ environment where people spend their free time, instead of going out in nature.

1 A new lifestyle for youngsters, adults and families, C, A with too much consumption and time spent inside shopping malls. 12 Entertainment spaces (movie theatre, skating ring, C, D paintball etc.), plenty of shops with diversified offers. 14 They are more often useful rather than attractive Useful: offer a diversity of D visually. Nevertheless, they are located properly. products, time and cost 20 Saving time, as one buys more products for several saving, efficient days or a whole week. 10 Are useful, but they create a different impression D, E depending on their location and character. 6 They are useful and every client has the possibility to D, E choose the commercial centre where he/she wants to shop. Some of them are not impressive from the point of view of ‘integration in cityscape’ and maintain high prices. However, they offer a large spectrum of products and thus are useful. 4 They should not be placed in town, but on the Location problem E outskirts. 5 Crowdedness within a box with external finishing. 10 Are useful, but they create a different impression depending on their location and character. 16 Leisure spaces, visually relaxing, places where one can E, C see new things. They are located in crowded areas and attract even more agglomeration. 7 An efficient and economic way to do your shopping, E, D but their location in the city centre creates chaos in the pedestrian and car traffic. 9 I am personally used to shop from the farmers’ market Alternative view: Preference F and small shops. for peasants’ and farmers’ 8 Increase in quantity meant sacrificing quality at times, markets, small shops therefore I prefer buying meat and dairy products, fresh fruits and vegetables from peasants.

SOCIAL RESOURCES In some respects, democracy has flourished in Romania in the post-communist era, and this has become visible in the increased numbers of print and broadcast media, the multiplication of civic associations, and the competition between multi-political parties. However, there is a general weakness of the civil society, the civic education takes place slowly and there is a superficial understanding of the implications of the EU membership amongst citizens. Although part of a transborder network and a global market, ‘most Romanian citizens enjoy little in the way of participation and access, consultation and debate, constitutionality and transparency, representation and accountability’ (Scholte, 1998).

After the communist system collapsed, social differences became more and more apparent. This phenomenon was intensified by housing shortage and the soaring real estate values. Areas with spatial and income segregation are Ferentari and most of the Southern industrial zones, where there is a high density of poor Roma population, and Cotroceni and Primaverii where rich people have their residences (Mionel, 2011). This separation also manifests at an educational level, as it is directly connected to the financial situation that different social classes have. In terms of ethnical segregation, the Roma population is the most affected category because the areas it inhabits have the bad reputation of being prone to crime and delinquencies (Nae, p. 209).

As a citizen in Bucharest, one could also observe a culture of lack of accountability and commitment expressed in relation to the neighbourhood’s public realm. Everywhere in Romania there are people who are not entirely accustomed to ‘city life’ and have the mentality that all that surrounds them is a primary resource for covering their daily basic needs (Tudora, 2010). This could be causally explained by the abolition of private property that took place during the communist era and perpetuated in the post-socialist urban space the belief that ‘something that is not owned by someone belongs to no one’. This attitude of neglect manifested towards public spaces is not only the result of a misconception, but could also be explained by mere indifferen ce. The tendency of the modern man to refuge himself more and more in his private sphere explains how everything that lies outside his house is perceived as ‘what should be taken care by whomever could or has the time to do so’ (Vianu, 2010).

There are several public spaces in Bucharest that are used as markets for food products (such as apiculture, dairy produce, meat and regional food varieties), for exhibition of arts and crafts (such as pottery, handmade tapestry and adornments), antiquities etc. Here, one can also find ecological and locally produced foods depending on seasonal harvests.

Fig. 18. Farmers’ and peasants’ market with local food produce in Piata Muncii area

Source: Author’s own, 2012

Table 11. Categorization of responses to the question: Green areas used for social interaction ID Participants’ responses Inductive categories Code # 4 Sports and societal games Block: Inner (green) A 12 Fortunately, in many neighbourhoods there are courtyard with space for small gardens that you can maintain with your socializing neighbours and children playgrounds as well. 15 There are children playgrounds but they are used only by them and their parents/grandparents, not the young people. 9 In some areas there are benches in the inner courtyard. Except for that, there are no green spaces. It is seldom that such areas would exist in the dormitories. Most often, students socialize on the hallways or on the benches near the entrance. 6 Children’ neighbours play together in the green area near the block. 1 No benches, limited possibilities, just a small lot Block: Inner green courtyard B with flowers in front of the block without social amenities 14 There is a green space where children play in front and in the back of the building, but it has no amenities whatsoever. 10 In the inner courtyards one can usually find flowers and kids are not allowed to play there. 7 The inner courtyard is well maintained, it’s an

oasis for relaxation 5 The inner courtyard is a big parking lot, without a Block: No green or social C trace of greenery. amenities 13 No 20 No 19 No 18 No 17 No 8 No 12 No 11 No such possibilities 2 No 3 No, just in parks Parks D 16 I live near Kiseleff park and I prefer to come here with my neighbours for socializing.

CULTURAL RESOURCES Bucharest city hosts a vibrant cultural life: cinemas, theatres, art galleries, operas, museums, festivals or spontaneous events and impromptu representations, all these resources are aimed at making the stay of tourists unforgettable and the days of residents brighter. The bohemian ‘Old Bucharest’ (most commonly referred to as ‘Lipscani’ area) reveals the authentic character of the city through its overt contrasts of West and East, developed and decrepit, well-groomed and shaggy, luxurious and scanty.

The answers that respondents offered to the question ‘What attributes or particular landscapes define the identity of your city?’ covered up the most significant cultural symbols of Bucharest (code A-G). These were categorised as: Parks and green areas (Herastrau, Cismigiu, Gradina Icoanei, Kiseleff), pollution, traffic, agglomeration, dust, commercial and business centres (shopping malls, office buildings), Dambovita River, the Old Bucharest city centre (Lipscani area and Calea Victoriei), the communist heritage (and its ‘soviet blocks’) and museums (for instance, the Village Museum, Peasants’ Museum, Geology Museum).

Table 13. Categorization of responses to the question: Attributes particular to Bucharest city ID Participants’ responses Inductive Code # categories 6 Herastrau Park, Cismigiu Park, Gradina Icoanei Park Parks and green A 2 Parks areas 3 Parks such as Herastrau, Tineretului, the Botanical Garden 9 The area Kiseleff –Herastrau distinguishes itself. 10 The green areas which are very little groomed give a sense of unaltered natural environment. 17 Cismigiu and Herastrau Parks 1 Kiseleff and Cismigiu, Old Bucharest A, E 20 Cismigiu Park, Herastrau Park, the Arch of Triumph, Old A, E Bucharest city centre 4 Traffic jams, suffocation, agglomeration Pollution, traffic B 5 Bucharest is a not a pedestrian friendly city. The several agglomeration, existent parks are beautiful, but one you step out of them, you dust will be stroke by dust, pollution, cars parked everywhere, deteriorated pedestrian paths, narrow and sometimes dirty. 7 Agglomeration, dust 12 Agitation, pollution 13 The shopping malls, office buildings, parks Commercial and C, A 18 Commercial and business centres business centres 11 The concrete river bed of Dambovita Dambovita River D 15 The old city centre, Lipscani area and Calea Victoriei Old Bucharest E 19 Lipscani area, the Romanian Athenaeum, The National Military city centre Circle, old houses 8 The old city centre and the socio-cultural and economic difference between the Southern and the Northern area. 14 Communist buildings which look almost all the same, except The communist F, B,

for the city centre, agglomeration and agitation, with some few heritage A silence oasis in parks. 16 The Village Museum, Peasants’ Museum, Geology Museum, Museums G, E Sala Palatului, Ateneu, Lipscani

Global Culture symbols Although Easter is marked as a religious celebration in Romania, where 87% of the population are Christian Orthodox, the holiday is also a period when symbols such as ‘bunnies’, ‘chocolate eggs’ and most recently ‘hatching eggs and chicks’ are highly advertised and commercialized. Since 2007, with the accession to the European Union, their presence in supermarkets, hypermarkets and shopping malls has become far more noticeable. They are part of the global consumption culture that surrounds the Easter celebr ation and they develop into seasonal popular elements exhibited in the urban landscape, as could be seen in Figure 19 below.

Fig. 19. Easter decorations in Cismigiu Park: cheerful clowns and bunnies, eggs wrapped by golden bow

Source: Cris Ionescu, colorsinbucharest.files.wordpress.com, April 2012

Urban furniture In 2009, ten gilded clocks were purchased from the United States at a total value of 915,000 Euro. They were installed in popular locations in Bucharest: Constitution Square, Universitatii Square, Carol Park, St. Gheorghe Square, State Circle Square, Herastrau Park, Cismigiu Park, Tineretului Park, Romana Square and Unirii Park (adevarul.ro, 2012). The gilded clocks featured in the Romanian capital city resemble astoundingly to the ones existent in the United States of America, at the Trump National Gold Field in Westchester (See Fig. 20 and 21).

Fig. 20. Main entrance of Cismigiu Park, Bucharest Fig. 21.Trump National Golf Field, Westchester

Source: lapasprinoras.wordpress.com, 2010 Source: Prelucrated by author, youtube.com, 2010

Several reactions of Bucharests’ inhabitants touch upon relevant economic and aesthetical aspects related to the acquisition of these clocks:

Anonym 1:‚It is a very bad timing, now with the recession. They could have chosen clocks that were less luxurious, not gilded ones.’ (adevarul.ro, 2010)

Anonym 2:‚(Referring to the clock at the main entrance of Cismigiu Park, Fig. 20) I thought that the city clocks are meant to be placed on the sidewalks, not in the middle of the green space on which –helas!- we are not allowed to step.’ (lapasprinoras.wordpress.com, 2010)

AESTHETICAL RESOURCES Advertisements Often enough, the agglomeration of commercial billboards and banners hides away the facades of buildings in urban landscapes. Schudson (1995) argues that advertisements are a form of ‚capitalism realism’. They are a product of art that abstracts the forms and recreates the world according to the needs of the economic system in place. In this sense, advertisements devise a world based on the capitalism system and the ideology of ‘consumerism culture’.

In recent years however, the interest in green outdoor advertising started to materialize in different projects that incorporate plant compositions in green walls, vertical gardens, temporary gardens (Krzysztof, 2012). For instance, in 2008, McDonalds in Chicago installed a billboard advertising displaying ‘Fresh Salads’, with letters formed from 16 types of green lettuce that grew over time. A horticulture expert and gardeners were part of the team that designed the vertical vegetative garden, and the results of the campaign consisted in an increase of salad seeds sales at the local nurseries (creativity-online.com, 2012).

Nevertheless, in Bucharest, graphical images such as coffee and detergent packages, household items or beverage cans lack aesthetical value and camouflage the facade of buildings, becoming visually pollutin g factors (Preda Sanc, 2010). The private interest divides increasingly more the cityscape, whilst the public space reduces progressively. In the capital city, there are several barriers that make the public realm less accessible and more hostile to pedestrians, such as: cars parked everywhere including on the sideways (physical obstacle), traffic noise and emissions (phonic and air pollution), free boards and large advertising billboards, hanging electricity cables and derelict buildings (aesthetic pollution).

Fig. 22. Two big advertisements covering a building’s facade Fig. 23. Large billboard and a 3D advertisement

Source: Author’s own, 2012 Source: Author’s own, 2012

A survey performed for the Comprehensive General Plan of Bucharest’s Municipality (2000) showed that when asked ‘How do you generally appreciate the outdoor advertising in Bucharest?’ the residents had the following opinions:

Table 14. Perception of outdoor advertising in Bucharest Inhabitant’s responses Positive Satisfactory Negative From an aesthetic standpoint 20% 50% 30%

From the utility standpoint 28% 50% 22%

Source: Comprehensive General Plan of Bucharest’s Municipality (2000)

The conclusions of the study were that half of Bucharest’s inhabitants consider them satisfactory and that advertisements are more appreciated for their utility rather than their aesthetical value (Bucharest Municipality, 2000).

Fig. 24. Large billboard in Romana Square Fig. 25. Massive multi-screen advertising on Cocor shopping centre, Unirii Square

Source: Author’s own, 2012 Source: Author’s own, 2012

In the survey performed for this paper, when asked ‘What is the meaning of advertisements in Bucharest?’, the respondents illustrated 6 variations in understanding. The inductive categories that resulted were (from the one with the highest number of participant responses to the one with the least): visual pollution, not integrated in the cityscape, information source, visual attraction, economic development and consumerist society. We can observe that there is a divide between the people who consider them ‘visually attractive’ and ‘visually polluting’. The highest number of participant responses was classified under the inductive category C: Visual pollution. The young people referred to the negative visual impact that advertisements create on the cityscape and described them as kitsch and lacking utility (quotation C 11). The participants also highlighted that the location and the problems associated with the graphical representation of advertisements’ content could negatively affect the urban aesthetic image.

Table 14. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of advertisements ID Participants’ responses Inductive Code # categories 1 Marketing technique encouraging consumerism. Consumerist A society 15 Contribute to economic development Economic B development 2 Gaudy colours Visual pollution C 5 Most of the times, they negatively affect the urban landscape. 16 Visual disturbance 19 Too many, too bright and disturbing. 8 Visual obstacle 11 Useless and kitsch, very few actually attract the attention of passengers 14 They annoy because they are in a too large number. 3 Interesting at times Visual attraction D 4 Visually pleasant 12 Depending on how the advertisement looks like and where it is located, they either surprise you or trigger an adverse effect. 7 An information channel, but I rarely appreciate it. Information source E 6 They help you notice what’s new and they fill in our times when we are waiting for the bus/metro to come.

13 A source of information, knowledge 18 A source of information with respect to the current marketing campaigns. 10 They overload the city, are not integrated in the landscape Not integrated in F (look like something additional) and are often not well the cityscape taken care of. 9 I find that they don’t accomplish any other goal rather than covering something. They are way too many… 17 Extra luxurious advertisement put on an old Earthquake- prone building (sarcasm). 20 Far too many and misplaced.

4.1.4. Visions for change in Bucharest city When asked ‘What changes would you like to see in parks and green areas and what elements would you like to keep?’, the respondents came up with a set of guidelines for what should remain unchanged and which are the actions they propose. Some of the answers referred to the creation of more parks and public gardens, the preservation of wild nature and fauna, whilst other inhabitants desire more entertainment activities in parks, the possibility to practice different sports and experience more dynamic green spaces, as opposed to the current perceived attribute of ‘static places’ (quotation ID 2).

One of the residents discussed about the lack of greenery in some newly constructed neighbourhoods and suggested that more underground garages would be built to make space for green areas (quotation ID 8). The needs for developing rehabilitation projects for Bucharest’s touristic landmarks as well as designing safer and more aesthetically sound children playgrounds are also highlighted. Several respondents mention that the lake water in parks needs to be cleaned, which would allow for recreational activities, such as fishing, to take place.

Table 15. Categorization of responses to the question: Visions for change ID Perceived attributes What should remain Proposed actions # unchanged 1 Insufficient green spaces Experience: most of Build more green spaces them are beautiful, I like biking in them

2 Green spaces seem to be ‘static places’ - Offer more entertainment activities depending on the season (outdoors theatre plays, painting sessions etc.) 3 Not enough clean air - Plant more trees

4 Bicycle paths are not respected - Delimit more clearly the pedestrian and bicycle paths 5 Punctual actions/interventions are not - There is need for a reorganization sufficient of public spaces as a network at the cityscape level 6 Toilets: horrible smell and bad location Their size of parks, More greenery, more trees, more they seem big enough areas organized for sports activities, and their value could more garbage bins. be enhanced The atmosphere 7 Green spaces lack in most cases, the - Build more underground garages size is small and transform the idle spaces in green areas. 8 New neighbourhoods lack parks - More flowers, fauna eventually. Ornaments, statues (these would be more attractive for tourists). More parks in new neighbourhoods. 9 Preference for natural appearance - More natural, if it’s too much designed then it loses its inherent charm. Less asphalt and plant flowers just in the places arranged for that, such as entry to a park. 30

10 Cultural elements not very apparent in - Introduce cultural pavilions. green spaces 11 Dirty lake water Keep the wild areas Clean the lakes more often, no more garbage, the wild areas in parks should be kept but in such ways that they won’t become ‘landfills’ or ‘home for stray dogs’. 12 Insufficient trees Keep flowers Plant more trees 13 Not enough flower arrangements Keep the birds, the Plant more trees and design more ducks, swans, the flower arrangements. pheasants 14 The already existent green space is not I would definitively I would like to see more flower well taken care of. keep the green spaces arrangements, more well- where one could go for maintained (wrote with capital picnic, I would even letters) green spaces. I would extend them. change some decorations, statues that I would call kitsch. 15 Not enough green spaces nor amenities - More and cleaner green spaces, more benches and bicycle paths, the possibility to lay on the grass in parks. 16 Need for rehabilitation of Bucharest’s Authentic architecture More parks and green spaces, landmarks revival of old Romanian architecture. Lipscani and the historic centre should be renovated and brought to its initial value. Orientation signs should be placed for foreigners. 17 There are parks that still haven’t - Good asphalt for roller bladders, reached a proper degree of dust bins, good benches, feeling of maintenance. well-maintenance. 18 The function of different areas in parks - It would be very appropriate to in not well defined. create thematic gardens and parks, which would better delimit the space devoted to sport activities (tennis, volley, jogging etc.) 19 Gaudy children playgrounds - Build children playgrounds in safe locations and with more aesthetic taste. More tree alignments, more greenery everywhere it is possible. 20 Dirty lake water - Ensure there is better quality of the water in lakes, which would allow for recreational activities, such as fishing, to take place.

4.2. Sibiu city

4.2.1. ‘City as palimpsest’

1) Sibiu settlement prior to the 19th century Sibiu was first mentioned in official documents at the beginning of the 12th century, in the period 1192-1196. Colonists of German-origin (referred to as Saxons) who settled in Transylvania inhabited initially the citadel. The royal fortress had a very specific purpose: that of protecting the settlement against invasions. The robust system of fortifications developed starting with the mid 13th century, when the urbanisation process began to manifest. The structure of Sibiu city featured roads designed to keep buildings as close to each other as possible. Consequently, there was not sufficient space left for constructing big parks, nevertheless, every private house had its small graden with flowers, shrubs and trees. During Middle Ages, large lots for cultivation purposes (communal gardens) were allocated outside the fortress gates (Moldovan, 2009).

In 1777, Samuel von Brukenthal became the governor of Transylvania and, during his reign, significant contributions were brought into the socio-cultural and economic life of Sibiu city. The baron had greenhouses where Mediterranean trees (such as orange trees) were grown and a summer garden that featured adornment vases (Klemens, 2008).

2) Sibiu in the 19th century until World War II A new wave of colonists from Austria arrived to Sibiu in the first half of the 19th century and the citadel started to acknowledge another thriving period of economic and demographic development. Transformations were also made visible at the urban spatial structure level, as the city fabric expanded beyond the medieval fortification walls (ulbsibiu.ro, 2012).

After the first World Wide War, at the beginning of the year 1919, Transylvania became part of Romania and Sibiu was entitled municipality. In the interwar period, the city achieved its recognition as the main urban centre of the region. However, this flourishing period finished at the end of the second World War when the soviet occupation accused the German population in Sibiu of cooperation with the enemy and deported them massively (Moldovan, s. 4).

3) Sibiu after World War II until 1989 From 1948 the communist regime started to implement its nationalization of living and industrial areas in Sibiu and all over the country. The industrial developments lead to drastic changes in demography, social and occupational structure. The rapid increase in population caused a housing shortage, which called for the initiation of a massive construction program.

Starting with the 1960s, new residential areas were built at the periphery of the already existent settlement, which generated a transformation of the urban morphology. As Sibiu already lacked large parks or public gardens due to its city fortress structure, what resulted after the intense construction process were neighbourhoods with very little or no greenery in the surrounding areas (Interview with Dan Vladimir Vladut, Director of Parks and Green spaces Service, 9th of August 2012).

4.2.2. Identity of the city in the post communist era and after the EU accession For this paper, a qualitative study was undertaken on a sample of 20 respondents of different age and social groups in Sibiu, 19 residents and 1 commuter.

In Table 16 and Table 17 below, an overall description of the respondents and, respectively, a detailed individual presentation is illustrated.

Table 16. Descriptions of (n=20) Sibiu citizens participating in the open-question survey Participants’ details Total Gender (Feminine, Masculine) F: 10 (50%), M: 10 (50%) Age groups (Youth, Adults, Seniors) Y: 10 (50%), A: 6 (30%), S: 4 (20%) Level of studies (High school, University, Master, H: 2 (10%), U: 12 (60%), M: 5 (25%), PhD: 1 (5%) PhD) Occupation (Pupil, Student, Employed, Pensioner) Pu: 1 (5%), S: 8 (40%), E: 6 (30%), Pe: 4 (20%) st st nd rd Wage (Unemployed, 1 wage group: 700-1400 lei, U: 9 (45%), 1 Wg : 4 (20%), 2 Wg: 7 (35%), 3 2nd wage group, 3rd wage group) Wg: 0 (0%)(0%) Residential category (Single, Adults without S: 14 (70%), A: 4 (20%), AC: 2 (10%) children, Adults with children) Relation to the place (Resident, Commuter) R: 19 (95%), C:1 (5%)

Table 17. Participants’(n=20) individual details ID Gender Age Level of Occupation Wage Residential Relation to # group studies group category the place 1 M Youth University Student - Single Resident (16-25) 2 M Seniors High school Pensioner 700-1400 Single Resident (51 -) lei 3 F Youth Master Student - Single Commuter 4 F Youth Master Student - Single Resident 5 F Adult University Employed 1400- Adults without Resident (25-50) 3000 lei children

6 M Y High school Pupil - Adults with Resident children 7 F A Master Employed 1400- Single Resident 3000 lei 8 F Y University Employed 700-1400 Single Resident lei 9 M Y University Student - Adults without Resident children 10 M A PhD Employed 1400- Single Resident 3000 lei 11 F Y University Student - Single Resident 12 F Y University Student - Single Resident 13 F Y University Student - Adults with Resident children 14 M S University Pensioner 700-1400 Adults without Resident lei children 15 M A Master Employed 1400- Single Resident 3000 lei 16 F Y University Student - Single Resident 17 M A University Employed 1400- Single Resident 3000 lei 18 M A Master Employed 1400- Single Resident 3000 lei 19 F S University Pensioner 1400- Single Resident 3000 lei 20 M S University Pensioner 700-1400 Adults without Resident lei children

At the question ‘Do you consider that any certain type of development has affected the identity of Sibiu city? How?’, the responses of the participants at the survey contained 7 variations in understanding these changes (See Table 18). These identified different perspectives were: No, the city has preserved its identity, division of functions, increase in car traffic, positive: European Capital of Culture, less industrial activities, buildings’ height regime and uniformity caused by the communist regime. They are referred to as inductive categories, as they include a common theme that more participants touched upon, and they group several responses under a code from A to G, respectively.

The vast majority of the respondents consider that there has been no negative development affecting the character of the city. However, recent changes such as the appearance of high rise buildings (offices, hotels), of commercial centres located on the outskirts and the increase in pollution caused by automobile traffic are elements brought into the discussion by the inhabitants of Sibiu.

Table 18. Categorization of responses to the question: development affecting the identity of Sibiu ID Participants’ responses Inductive categories Code # 1 No, the city has preserved his identity and No, the city has preserved its A medieval character. identity 3 No 12 No, I don’t think so. 13 No 5 No 10 Not at all 17 I don’t think so. 18 No 19 I believe that even though modern influences are felt in Sibiu, the city has managed to keep its old traditional charm. 8 They are trying to develop and enhance the already existent patrimony. However, the development is taking place slowly and there

is absolutely nothing new that could awe you. This makes the city attractive for adults and elder people, but less attractive for the young generation, interested in new, surprising and original elements. 20 No 4 The commercial centres located on the Division of functions B outskirts of the city created the tendency of functional division: the city centre becomes the promenade area, whilst the periphery becomes the shopping zone. 6 Intense traffic, pollution and noise Increase in car traffic C 9 Sibiu declared European Capital of Culture – Positive: European Capital of D positive change Culture 14 Only in a positive way, when Sibiu became European Capital of Culture. 16 Privatization has left behind many decrepit Less industrial activities E industrial buildings. 2 There are changes that have occurred starting with the fall of the communism, the industry used to function back then. We had the ‘Steaua’ textile factory that exported fabrics to the British Police Department and ‘Independenta’ factory, manufacturing car parts. Now there is almost no industry. 15 Chaotic development which does not take into Buildings’ height regime F account the height regime of buildings in town. 7 The construction of Ramada hotel destroyed the UNESCO patrimony from the area and affected the visibility of the tourist landmarks. 11 The industrial development of the communist Uniformity caused by the G regime destroyed the particularities of the city communist regime and levelled everything out in the worst possible way.

4.2.3. PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework

PHYSICAL RESOURCES Sibiu Municipality is situated in the centre of Romania, in South-East Transylvania, and covers a surface of 11,868 hectares. Sibiu county includes 64 administrative units: 2 cities, 9 towns, 53 big villages and 162 small villages (Sibiu Municipality S. , 2009).

The physical setting of Sibiu county is very diverse, as shaped by the difference in topography between the Southern and the Northern parts. The county is framed towards the South by elevated mountains that often overpass 2000m and attain a maximum altitude of 2535m at Negoiu peak. To the North, the landscape slowly descends to a minimum of 490m. The depressionary region is dominated by smooth hills and forested hillocks, separated by large and steep valleys (Regional statistical division of Sibiu Municipality, insse.ro, 2012).

ECONOMICAL RESOURCES In the post-communist era, Sibiu has acknowledged a series of favourable changes. Starting with year 2004, when the city was proposed as European Capital of Culture together with Luxemburg, the old centre (‘Upper town’) entered an era of solid renovation and rehabilitation projects as well as infrastructure investments. The tertiary sector, especially tourism, acknowledged an unprecedented development. The pinnacle of the intense tourism promotion campaign was reached in 2007, the European Capital of Culture year, when the city was endowed with a valuable image capital.

The year 2007 marked also adherence of Romania to the European Union and this momentum further propelled the investment and real estate development. Germany and Austria have been predominantly the external

investors with tradition in Sibiu, as strengthened by the Saxon connections. The lower salary costs in comparison to the Western ones, the favourable position of the city and the moral profile of its citizens have also been competitive advantages for Sibiu. The industrial and logistics profile of the city features mostly the automobile industry, the alimentary and textile industry and, most recently, the electronic and informatics technology. A share of 43% of the workforce is employed in the industrial sector, which constitutes a high percentage compared to the European average (Sibiu Municipality S. , 2009).

Statistical data including the Gross Domestic Product per capita in 2010 illustrates that Sibiu occupies the 5th place in the ranking of economic performance of Romanian regions. Bucharest is situated on top of the classification, with a Gross Domestic Product per capita of 14,289 Euro and an unemployment rate of only 2.3%.

Table 19. Economic performance ranking of Romanian regions, 2010 Region Population Gross Domestic Real Net monthly Unempl Product (GDP) GDP average oyment per capita growth earnings rate (%) (EUR) (%) (EUR) Bucharest* 1,931,838 14,289 -2.0 449.2 2.3 Timis 666,866 8,218 1.4 328.2 3.7 Cluj 692,316 7,625 1.5 332.1 4.9 Brasov 593.928 6.923 0.4 316.1 7.1 Sibiu 423,156 6,412 0.8 312.3 5.8 Arad 457,713 6,119 1.4 301.1 5.2 Prahova 821,013 5,950 0.5 341.5 8.4 Bihor 594,131 5,354 -1.3 244.1 5.8 Iasi 816,910 4,054 -3.6 318.8 6.9 Bacau 706,623 3,924 -3.4 321.4 7.5 Suceava 688,435 3,292 -3.2 267.5 7.4 Source: National Commission for Prognosis, cnp.ro, 2012 (*excluding Ilfov county)

The economic development of Sibiu city raised the demand for offices and, accordingly, lead to an increase in investments on this market segment (bizwords.ro, 2012). The locations targeted for construction of high-rise business properties are the Dumbravii Road, General Vasile Milea Boulevard and Scoala de inot Street. The buildings to be placed on Vasile Milea Boulevard, the most circulated traffic artery in Sibiu, will be subject to a maximum height of 45m above cornice level. ‘Currently we have here an area with precarious buildings, a low height regime, where in the last 20 years only corner shops appeared. It is an urban regime t hat doesn’t have much to do with the reality’, declared Ioan Brad, the architect who worked at the new Area Plan regarding the construction regime in this zone (Sibiul.ro, 2012).

The highest office building constructed in town is Sibiu Business Centre (also known as the ‘Twin Towers’).

Fig. 26. Sibiu Business Centre Fig. 27. BCR Bank ‘glass and steel’ building next to an old house

Source: Turnulsfatului.ro, 2011 Source: Author’s own, 2012

Sibiu Business Centre is situated at the intersection of Calea Dumbravii with Nicolae Olachus Boulevard, two main access routes connecting the downtown with the Southern and Western area of the city, respectively. The construction project started off in 2009 as part of the Regional Operational Program 2007-2013, supported with national and European Union funds partly. The building (2B+GF+15F) splits up from the 3rd floor in two square towers and includes a multi-functional fitness facility and 5 beauty salons, apart from office spaces (centruldeafacerisibiu.ro, 2012).

When asked ‘What is the meaning of high rise office buildings in Sibiu for you’, the responses of the participants illustrated 4 variations in ways of perception. Their answers were grouped under the following inductive categories: formality and competence, globalization, not integrated in medieval cityscape, bad impression and artificial appearance (code from A-D). The majority of the interviewees specify that high rise offices are not constructed in suitable locations and that they interfere with the character of the old medieval architecture being of a scale different than the ‘fortress city’ one. These buildings are placed by several respondents in the context of globalization, financial development and are associated with the American model of skyscrapers (code B).

Table 20. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of high rise office buildings ID Participant responses Inductive Code # categories 3 Give a more pleasant look to the city, transmit seriousness Formality and A and competence competence 12 Are imposing 20 Give a more formal sense to the city 1 Promoters of globalization, high level of commerce, Globalization B international corporations 2 (reminds him of) America, England, skyscrapers, high and stately buildings. I believe it cannot be so pleasant to stay at the last floor. 4 The American model of ‘skyscrapers’ 9 Financial development 16 Multinationals (multinational corporations) 18 They are imposing, enhance the cityscape and create a good impression for tourists as well. They give the city a more Occidental note. 6 They express money and power and are of a different Not integrated C character than the old medieval town. in the medieval 7 I consider that the office buildings in Sibiu are built in the cityscape wrong locations. They do not fit into the medieval frame of the already existent buildings. 8 Appear out of nowhere in an area with old and beautiful buildings, but which may not be always renovated. The high rise office buildings are not integrated at all and look as if they were transported from another dimension into the city. 11 Are extremely useful when integrated according to urban plans, but this is not the case and they look like monsters. 19 If placed accordingly (at a reasonable distance from the historical centre), they could integrated beautifully in the cityscape. 15 Another scale than the city scale 17 Too sophisticated for a city with so much history and monuments. 14 Not specific to the local architecture, they are impersonal C, D glass blocks 5 It’s no air up there, no possibility to go out and step on the Bad D ground; they give me the impression of something impression, artificial. artificial 10 (leaves him with a) Bad impression appearance 13 I don’t like them; they are just glass towers, too tall for the D, C skyline of our town.

BIOLOGICAL RESOURCES Sibiu accommodates a large park, Sub Arini, and a series of smaller parks (or public gardens): Tineretului, Astra, Unirii, Schiller, Terezian, Titeica, Petöfi, Cetatii, the park from Cluj Square. Sub Arini (‘Under Alders’) was created from a boggy area and currently spreads over a surface of 22 hectares. Alder, oak, larch, chestnut, poplar, ash, beech, ginkgo, Douglas tree and liriodendron are amongst the 98 species of trees and shrubs accommodated in the park. There are also exotic species hosted in Sub Arini that originate from Japan, China, Himalaya, Asia, North America, Central America, Algeria or the Alps zone. Currently, the vegetation in the park is left as natural as possible and even mowing frequency is kept to a strictly necessary basis. The flower arrangements change annually in Rozariu area, where roses from approximately 25 subspecies are planted to create a natural attraction (Klemens, 2008).

There are bicycle lanes that cross the entire area of the park and connect it with Dumbrava Forest and the Zoo (Interview with Bogdan Paul Veseli, Construction Authorization Service, Sibiu Municipality, 25th of April 2012). New projects linking greenery with infrastructure development in town feature the construction of roundabouts. For their arrangement, different landscape design concepts were applied, which could be integrated under the common ‘rhythm break’ theme: grass and small fountain at one junction, followed by shrubs at the next one and then by carpet beddings.

Another recent project is the construction of a new bridge over Cibin River, at the junction of Malului with Neculce Street. This plan included the arrangement of promenade alleys along the river side. As industry was relocated from this area, the cycle of vegetation has renewed itself, and fish and aquatic life started to repopulate the river. In the spring time, the grass is mowed carefully in order not to disturb the nesting areas of ducks. By the water front there are willows, common elder (‘Sambucus nigra’) and preserved spontaneous vegetation (Interview with Dan Vladimir Vladut, Director of Parks and Green spaces Service, 9th of August 2012).

Except for Sub Arini Park, the area of other public gardens is not very generous as to permit the construction of new amenities. Sub Arini features promenade alleys, bicycle lanes, a wooden kiosk and several fountains. Between Sebastian and Argesului Street, there is a slope that is used as a sun bathing location in the summer time and as a sleigh slope in the winter season. In Terezian Park there are two fountains, a children’s playground, and chess tables. In Astra Park there is place for chess playing, which is extremely popular especially for elder people (Interview with Dan Vladimir Vladut, Director of Parks and Green spaces Service, 9th of August 2012) (See Fig. 28 below).

Fig. 28. Social space where adults and seniors gather: at the chessboards in Astra Park

Source: Author’s own, 2012

Flower arrangements Flowers are planted according to a seasonal scheme in Sibiu city: 1) First season (fall-winter time): Pansies (Viola), Tulipa, Alpin Forget-me-not (Myosotis alpestris), Agave 2) Second season (spring-summer time): Petunia, Gazania, Salvia splendens, Bellis perenis, Tagetes, Canna indica (from the local nursery), Begonia

Salvia, Begonia, Petunia and Viola are amongst the popular flower species for ‘global Gardenesque’ designs, and in Sibiu they are neatly displayed in parks that have a medieval citadel character. The landscape arrangements in town feature also ornamental shrubs, such as Berberis, Thuja occidentalis, Danica, Forsythia, Summer liliac (Buddleja davidii).

With the economic recession, the Romanian government adopted a series of austerity measures in 2010, which included 25% wage cut in the public sector and drastic personnel dismissals. Before that, the Parks and Green areas Administration in Sibiu public service produced 80% of the total flowers planted in town at the local greenhouses situated in Gusteritei area. However, currently, due to salary changes, lack of sufficient workforce and increase in demand of plant material for the newly constructed roundabouts in Sibiu, a share of 45% are produced locally. The trees (alder, plane, lime tree etc.) are either raised directly in the local nursery or bought in containers and planted afterwards in the nursery. For dendro-flower material, the Parks and Green areas public service has collaborations with firms from Tragu-Mures (Transylvania region) and the Mauritz nursery in the Netherlands (Interview with Dan Vladimir Vladut, Director of Parks and Green spaces Service, 9th of August 2012).

Fig. 29. Gardenesque style flowerbed in Tineretului Park Fig. 30.The city’s greenhouses, trees and shrubs nursery

Source: Author’s own, 2012 Source: Author’s own, 2012

When asked about the signification of colourful flower beds, the responses of the participants contained 5 variations in ways of understanding (code A-E). In accordance with them, the following inductive categories were formulated: chromatic value, source of positive feelings, bring beauty to the cityscape, nature and health. The majority of interviewees discuss about the aesthetical value that floral compositions bring to the urban landscape, referring to their elegance, tidiness and ‘natural beauty’ (quotation C 14). The role that flowers play in enhancing the citadel’s ‘chromatic dynamism’ (quotation A 13) is portrayed as having a positive effect on challenging the dull visual appearance of the ‘grey communist blocks’ (quotation A 11), heritage of the socialist urban development.

Table 20 . Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of colourful flowerbed arrangements ID Participants’ responses Inductive Code # categories 3 Bring colour to the city and joy to the eyes of citizens Chromatic value A 7 Add colour and elegance to the beautiful medieval town and complete the fairytale atmosphere of the city 11 Animate the city, as the grey colour of communist blocks is heavy 15 Bring colour to the cityscape 20 Add colour to the city

13 Chromatic dynamism and closeness to nature. A, D 18 Transmit good mood, joy to the city and its inhabitants Source of positive B 12 Something beautiful to watch, pleasant and which relaxes feelings 16 Optimism 5 Give a lot of live to the city 2 Brings extra life and colour in the city B, A 6 Something pleasant, aesthetic Bring beauty to the C 1 They bring an additional element to the image of the city cityscape 10 Bring a plus to the landscape 17 Give a pleasant and tidy aspect to the area where they are located and at the same time enhance the city image 8 Ambiance, enhance the city looks and its different locations, make the landscape more beautiful 19 Give elegance to the city and frame in a natural fashion the C, D patrimony architectural elements as well as the modern ones (office buildings, etc.) 14 Bring natural beauty to the town C, D 4 Remind me of flowers of field, just that the ones planted in Nature D town give a more ‘artificial’ feeling; I would appreciate if there were let more naturally occurring and not so formally arranged. 9 Health and relaxation Health E

Lawns Lawns are the most popular element used for the design of public gardens, parks and green areas, and also for amenity spaces in front of public institutions, hotels, restaurants, commercial centres, office buildings, etc. Apart from these managed horticultural landscapes, the ecological matrix of the city consists also of areas that are less maintained (such as streets alignments, See Fig. 32) and areas that are beyond the planning instruments. This latter category includes the vegetable gardens on vacant lots, the vegetation in inner courtyards, on abandoned plots or slopes (so called ‘ruderal landscapes’ or ‘waste lands’). All these green spaces play a valuable role in improving urban conditions, by regulating the surface temperature, the hydrological system, acting a carbon sink and enhancing biodiversity (Doesburg & Marques, 2012).

Fig. 31. Green square with lawn across Ramada Hotel Fig. 32. Spontaneous vegetation, Avram Iancu Street

Source: Author’s own, 2012 Source: Author’s own, 2012

The participants’ responses to the question ‘What is the meaning of lawns for you?’ included 5 variations in interpretation (code A-E). The inductive categories that resulted were: place to take a walk, source of positive feelings, natural environment in the city, neat and tidy, beautiful and fresh. The largest number of respondents connect lawns with nature and put emphasis on the importance of green areas in urban centres, as described by one of the interviewees ‘it’s all about our connection with nature and escaping from the predominantly built environment’ (quotation C 11). The positive feelings transmitted by lawns could be included under the recurrent theme ‘good for our mental and visual comfort’ (quotation B 10) and refer to: vitality, freshness, silence, sense of security and relaxation, optimism and beauty.

Table 21. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of lawns ID Participant responses Inductive Code # categories 16 Weekend and walks in parks Place to take a A 19 Together with flower arrangements, it gives freshness and walk A, E energy to the city and invites you for a walk. 7 Oasis of silence Source of positive B 10 Natural and good for our mental and visual comfort. feelings 9 Expresses vitality 8 It’s important to be green. A city without greenery is a city Natural C without life. environment in the 6 Makes me think of green areas, nature. city 5 Give the impression of well maintained green areas. 4 It reminds me of the meadows at my grandparents’ place; it’s like bringing nature into the cityscape. 2 Green, it reminds me of spring and summer time 11 It’s about our connection with nature and escaping from the predominantly built environment. 15 The green blanket of the city 14 Green spaces, nature, visually relaxing C, B 20 Represents a tidy space and it brings us back to nature. Neat and tidy D 17 Impression of neat and tidy 3 Expresses tidiness and shows the care that the authorities have for maintaining a beautiful town. 13 I appreciate that it is neat and tidy, thus it brings a sense of D, B order, which makes us feel secure and relaxed. 1 It gives life to the city, it expresses freshness. Beautiful and fresh E 18 It’s very beautiful; greenery transmits a lot of optimism and a E, B sense of tidiness. 12 It is beautiful, fresh and tidy. E, D

ORGANIZATIONAL RESOURCES Most of the small shops in Sibiu are found in the downtown area, along Nicolae Balcescu Boulevard, where two Billa supermarkets, garments and accessories stores, souvenirs shops and bookstores are concentrated. In the inner city zone there is also a department store, Dumbrava, referred to as the ‘communist heritage’.

In the last years, the old city centre (also known as the ‘Upper Town’) has started to lose its traditional role because of the increased developments on the outskirts, predominantly in Selimbar area (Sibiu Municipality, 2009). Selimbar commune is situated in the East of Sibiu and developed as a peri-urban zone with tight connections with the city. In 2006, Shopping City Sibiu was inaugurated in the area, on the national DN1 Road to Bucharest (See Fig, 33 on the next page). It is the main commercial centre on the retail market in Sibiu and it included two construction phases: Phase I - Promenada Mall and Phase II - Careefour, Mobexpert, Progres, Flanco. The shopping centre was acquired by the British investment Argo Real Estate Opportunities Fund (Colliers International, 2011).

There are further plans envisioned for the development of commercial centres in Sibiu, but because of the economic recession they are currently put on hold. They include the construction of Festival Mall in the Eastern part of the city (on Gusteritei Street), of Mega Mall Sibiu in the Northern part of the city (on Calea Surii) and of Sibiu City Centre, in the inner city zone. Plaza Centers, TriGranit and Iulius Group developers have also shown interest in constructing a shopping centre in Sibiu (Colliers International, s. 16).

Fig. 33. Aerial view of Shopping City Sibiu, May 2012

Source: Ovidiu Sopa, sibiul.ro, 2012

The participants’ responses to the question ‘What is the meaning of commercial centres in Sibiu city for you?’ included 5 variations in ways of perception (code A-E). The inductive categories that resulted were: consumerist society, useful: offer a diversity of products and are cost saving, social space, location problem, small stores, craftsmen and merchants’ shops. Most of the respondents appreciate the utility of commercial centres, in so that they provide a wide spectrum of products at lower prices and ‘they communicate the idea that everything is handy for the inhabitants of the city’ (quotation B 3). One of the interviewees mentioned that it is also the people from the surrounding rural communities that find it convenient to purchase what they need in large quantities from shopping centres, so that they wouldn’t have to come often (quotation B 6). While one participant argued for their location at the periphery of the city, others touched on the effects triggered by this division of functions in the urban landscape: they ‘seem to form their own separate city’ (quotation D 8) and there is ‘too much traffic congestion created’ (quotation D 10). Commercial centres also accomplish the function of social spaces.

Table 22. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of commercial centres ID Participants’ responses Inductive Code # categories 20 Invitation to consumerism Consumerist A 1 Evolution, globalization and consumerism society 12 Reflect our purchasing power 7 A plus in local economy, workplaces. Their large number and presence stands out for the economic progress of the city. 14 Cheaper prices and more diverse offer, the ones in the city Useful: offer a B centre (Billa) have kept the specific of the building, even in diversity of the communist period food stores were hosted there. products and are 3 They communicate the idea that everything is handy for the cost saving inhabitants of the city. They give extra economic power to the city, especially when the purchasing power is high. They always prove extremely useful to all of us. 6 They are useful for the people from the rural areas who don’t come often to town but when they do, they shop in large quantities.

11 Are quite useful as they have all sorts of products. 17 Useful for the community 9 Cheap prices 16 Relaxation Social space C 15 Places where to shop and sometimes spend your free time 5 Places to shop and go out. 13 Too crowded Location problem D 10 Bad impression, too much traffic congestion created. 8 The commercial centres are modern and standard, of course, nothing original, but it does not surprise me. They are located outside the city and seem to form their own separate city. 19 Absolutely necessary and useful, but I recommend that they D, B are placed on the outskirts of the city. I prefer to travel a longer distance to get there than to find them in the city centre where they would ruin the landscape. 18 Very useful and always easy to find. They show that the D, B authorities care for the daily needs of the citizens. 4 The disappearance of craftsmen and merchant’s shops Small stores, E 2 They have cheap prices, but they are too big, I prefer small craftsmen and shops. merchants’ shops

SOCIAL RESOURCES As outlined in the Comprehensive General Plan of Sibiu municipality (2009), the existent green spaces in the collective residential neighbourhoods are not sufficient and there is a lack of public owned properties to allow for new parks to be constructed. The most expensive neighbourhoods after the city centre are Strand, Tilisca and Valea Aurie. They mainly feature low-rise apartment buildings (GF+4F) and the real estate value in these areas is raised substantially by the green spaces surrounding them (Colliers International, 2011).

The responses of the participants to the question ‘Which are the possibilities for using green areas (rooftop, inner courtyards, allotment gardens, parks, etc.) for social interaction with your neighbours?’ were categorised in 6 different classes: Block: Inner green courtyard with space for socializing, Block: Inner green courtyard without social amenities, Block: Green plants on the balcony, Block: Children playgrounds, Block: No green or social amenities, House: Vegetable garden and orchard. The greatest number of interviewed inhabitants specified that there are no green spaces in the vicinity of their residential area and no places designed for social activities to take place. Other residents indicated that they grow plants on their balcony and that vines and ornamental flowers are cultivated in the inner courtyard of their block. A senior participant mentioned that where he lives there are no benches installed outdoors, which allows for the vegetation to be maintained, because ‘if there were benches, the kids would play and destroy the green area’ (quotation B2). While two respondents dispute the amount of existent greenery: there are ‘very few green spaces’ (quotation E 11), or there are ‘often green spaces surrounding the buildings’ (quotation B 20), nevertheless, it is agreed that this situation varies with the location and there is a need for improvement in this regard in Sibiu city.

Table 23. Categorization of responses to the question: Green areas used for social interaction ID Participants’ responses Inductive Code # categories 19 I live in a dormitory, so there are many opportunities for Block: Inner green A social interaction. The green space from the inner courtyard courtyard with is managed independently from my wish. space for 4 Benches and a table in the inner courtyard where everybody socializing gathers to play. 1 Benches from the inner courtyard of the dormitory are used as socializing space. 17 In the inner courtyard there are benches where I gather every evening with my neighbours for a talk. 20 There are often green spaces surrounding the buildings, but Block: Inner green B it all depends on the area. There is still a lot of work to do courtyard without on this aspect in Sibiu. social amenities 2 There is no specific space organized, there is a green area, but there are no benches. If there were benches, the kids

would play and destroy the green area. 16 Flowers on my balcony, in the garden in front of my block. Block: Green plants C 10 Flowers on the balcony, vineyard in front of the block on the balcony 18 There are many spaces especially designed for kids. And for Block: Children D adults also, one can find all sorts of benches and tables for playgrounds social interaction in parks. 12 There is a children’s playground, and in the inner courtyard there is a gathering space and a lot for cultivation of ornamental plants 6 There are parks and children playgrounds near our block. 9 Surrounding the block, there is a green area Block: No green or E 8 No social amenities 3 Not where I live, but parks offer us multiple possibilities of spending our free time. There is also a bicycle lane that crosses through Sub Arini Park and which has extended a lot in the whole city over the last years. 7 No 11 Not really encountered, as there are very few green spaces 14 No such space. 13 No 15 There isn’t really any such space. 5 I live at a house and my parents have a vegetable garden and House: Vegetable F an orchard. garden and orchard

CULTURAL RESOURCES European Capital of Culture in 2007 and Romania’s cultural and tourism capital, Sibiu is famous for its medieval charm, outstanding viewpoints, distinctive cuisine and its large spectrum of museums and memorial houses. The city accommodates architecture monuments that preserved unaltered their medieval character, such as: The Advice Tower (See Fig. 24 below), the Catholic Church, the Fingerling Stairway, the Stair Passage, the Ursuline Church, the Middle Ages fortress towers and the old City Hall (Gothic style, 15th century).

Fig. 24. View from the top of the Advice Tower: The Small Square and the medieval buildings

Source: Author’s own, 2012

The most popular museums in Sibiu are the Brukenthal Museum, the Museum of Traditional Folk Civilization ‘ASTRA’, the History Museum and the Museum of Natural History. ASTRA Museum is situated in Dumbrava Forest, at 4km distance from the city. The open air museum accommodates, amongst others, traditional houses from different regions in Romania, churches, merchants’ showrooms, inns and taverns, old playgrounds and amusement facilities, traditional transportation means (Regional Statistics Division of Sibiu, sibiu.insse.ro, 2012).

The answers that respondents offered to the question ‘What attributes or particular landscapes define the identity of Sibiu city?’ covered up the most defining cultural attributes of the Transylvanian citadel, namely: its beautiful landscapes, the old medieval architecture, renovation and rehabilitation projects (predominantly in the old city centre), parks and green areas, the three interlocking squares of the upper town (the Big, Small and Huedin Square), the Swimming Pool complex (in Sub Arini Park), Dumbrava Sibiului (with ASTRA museum) and its rural character.

Table 24. Categorization of responses to the question: Attributes particular to Sibiu city ID Participant responses Inductive Code # categories 3 Sibiu city is situated in the heart of Transylvania, in a Beautiful A depressionary area that blends harmoniously with the landscapes surrounding mountain chains. The landscape is astounding. 18 The depressionary area set against the mountain tops creates a very unique landscape. 17 The Saxon houses Old medieval B 14 The houses with ‘cat eyes’ roof, the medieval spirit, Astra architecture Museum 12 The cultural festivals that animate the medieval city and the authentic old architecture. 7 Tidy and neat, beautiful architecture and quiet town 20 The blend of old houses with new Occidental buildings 2 The fortress walls and the buildings in Gothic style. 6 The buildings with historical value 16 A lot of asphalt, works under construction Renovation and C 8 The city looks old and there seems to be a lack of capability rehabilitation to explore its remaining potential. The renovations and projects rehabilitations are to be discussed. The green maintained areas are very few. Incapable of originality. 10 The city parks and gardens Parks and green D 15 Public gardens areas 4 The ensemble of the three medieval Squares and the old The three E fortress walls. interlocking 13 The old medieval houses, the Big Square, the Small Square squares of the E, B and the Huedin Square ‘Upper Town’ 1 The Big Square: the unique architecture of the buildings, the E, B pavement and the fountain 11 The Swimming Pool complex Swimming Pool F complex 19 In Dumbrava, the Village Museum is a neatly organized place Dumbrava G (with good taste) where it is a delight to have a walk. Sibiului 9 The Dumbrava Forest 5 The city has a rural stamp, the atmosphere is calm. People are Its rural character H dressed up casually, not as formal as it is the case in Bucharest city.

Global Culture Symbols Since year 2010, the Big Square in Sibiu hosts the Easter market, an event where traditions, art and culture are celebrated, where merchants, artisans and craft persons meet with curious customers. Handicrafts of Transylvania, authentic souvenirs and folk costume exhibits are exhibited together with organic produce (such as certified lamb meat for which Sibiu is famous on the European market) and with the traditional hand-painted eggs from different regions of the country.

Nevertheless, the Easter celebration does not only revive old customs but also celebrates new consumerism practices and global symbols. As presented in the official website of the event ‘A giant Easter egg and a petting zoo with lambs and rabbits were last year’s attractions’ (Sibiu Easter Market, targuldepasti.ro, 2012).

Fig. 25. Colourful Easter bunnies with the Advice Tower on the background

Source: targuldepasti.ro, April 2012

AESTHETIC RESOURCES Advertisements Sibiu municipality practices a policy on minimizing the display of large advertisement banners and billboards in town and, in this regard, the old inner core is a protected area. The display of advertising material is also prohibited on cultural buildings and public institutions except for own event promotions, notices or announcements of interest to Sibiu’s citizens. In the public realm, advertisements have to be placed at a distance greater than 100m one from the other (Interview with Bogdan Paul Veseli, Construction Authorization Service, Sibiu Municipality, 25th of April 2012).

However, although advertisements are primarily concentrated at the periphery area where the commercial centres are situated, it is also the case that they appear in central parts of the city (at Unirii Square), as shown in the Figures 26 and 27 below.

Fig. 26. Large advertising panels obstructing the view Fig. 27. Successive advertisement boards

Source: Author’s own, 2012 Source: Author’s own, 2012

At the question ‘What is the meaning of advertisements in Sibiu city?’, the participants’ responses featured 6 variations in interpretation (code A-F). The inductive categories assigned were: visually polluting, visually attractive, consumerist society, information source, lack of integration, profit-driven corporations. The majority of respondents consider them as being an information source, thus recognizing their utility. A larger number of interviewees consider advertisements as a factor of vision intrusion into the cityscape (quotation A 4) and as ‘distractive and aggressive in image and content, at times’ (quotation A 16) than as a visually attractive element. Another association brought into the discussion is that of advertisements with the consumerist society and the capitalist economic system. The lack of integration in the cityscape is mentioned as a negative aspect, affecting the local architectural character of buildings in Sibiu city (quotation E 8).

Table 25. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of advertisements ID Participants’ responses Inductive Code # categories 19 I believe that more often they bring a sense of Visually polluting A kitsch and gaudiness in the city, I am mostly against them. 9 Advertisements that ruin the landscape 10 Bad impression 11 Visually harassing! You cannot escape them anywhere... 16 Distracting and aggressive in image and content, at times 4 Visual intrusion in the cityscape, block the free A, C sight to the horizon or to the architectural details of a building. They are encouraging us to consume more. 15 Extra colour and dynamics Visually attractive B 13 Some are quite interesting 2 I like them because they have images. 20 Their aim is that people would be attracted by the Consumerist C advertised offers. society 1 Consumerism 18 They are very useful as a source of information. Information D 17 Efficient information source 12 Source of information 5 Bring an extra image and inform D, B 7 Contribute to informing the public, often put in D, E inadequate places 3 I consider them to be very useful, they catch my D, B eye and they always make me smile when they are funny. 8 Their appearance and message are bad and Lack of E misplaced…a terrible idea (for instance) is to integration advertise a WC offer in the city centre. 6 There is a lack of connection between the building’s character and the type of advertisement hanged on its walls. 14 Advertising made by large corporations to Profit driven F increase their profits; not very sensitive to corporations different age groups or social classes for whom they wouldn’t be suited or who would feel excluded.

4.2.4. Visions for change in Sibiu city When asked ‘What changes would you like to see in parks and green areas and what elements would you like to keep?’, the respondents explained the current situation in Sibiu in terms of perceived attributes and formulated a set of guidelines describing the actions they propose. The interviewed inhabitants would appreciate to see more flowers and better maintained vegetation in parks and public gardens (frequently mowed grass) and additional fountains and benches. Other suggestions refer to the restoration of statues and the creation of more pavilions as

well as the increase in facilities for practicing sports, ‘basketball and volley ball fields, ping-pong and a mini- football field eventually, like in Vienna’ (quotation ID 9). Enhancing the connection between the green corridors and the historical and cultural areas is a proposal put forward by another respondent (quotation ID 4).

Table 26. Categorization of responses to the question: Visions for change ID Perceived attributes Proposed actions # 1 - I would like to see interesting decorations, not necessary flowers, but ornaments and designs like in the Japanese gardens. 2 They destroyed many The parks that remained should be well maintained and the lawns parks, in the Big Square in parks should be better taken care of and irrigated when needed. there was a park with benches, many roses and colourful flowers, where kids and elder people were sitting together. It disappeared after the Revolution. 3 - I would appreciate more imagination in the arrangement and trimming of trees and shrubs. 4 - A better connection could be created between the green areas and the areas of historic and cultural interest. 5 - The areas should be kept tidy and the vegetation should be well taken care of (mown the grass). 6 - More and bigger parks, better maintained and with flowers like I saw in Ramnicu-Valcea. 7 - More benches and fountains 8 The parks have a wilder Restoration of statues. It is beautiful, but at the same time, some look rather than areas need enhancements. designed. The buildings are delightful, but there are too few restaurants. The fountains are of an exquisite bad taste. 9 - More benches and fountains as well as children playgrounds and amenities for adults: basketball and volley ball fields, ping-pong and a mini-football field eventually, like in Vienna. 10 I like the way they are. Perhaps the alleys in parks could be better asphalted. 11 There are very few at the Maintain them properly. moment, and I consider them very useful for us all. 12 - I wouldn’t make a change, I would just argue for maintaining and preventing them of being vandalized. 13 - Cleaner green spaces 14 Alleys with cement and More flowers, alleys with sand and gravel instead of cement and asphalt asphalt. 15 - Quality urban furniture integrated in the landscape 16 - More greenery and flowers 17 - Arches with greenery here and there, and more pavilions, but decorated with care and good taste 18 As a citizen of Sibiu, I .I don’t believe there are many changes to be made currently, declare myself content. taking into account the economic crisis. 19 Not many flower bed I would like to see more abundant and coloured flower beds and arrangements more elegantly defined kerbs. I like tall and shady trees and scented lime trees in the summer time. 20 Sibiu has a lot to offer. I want to see more implication from the authorities’ side for the promotion of Sibiu city. More care for green spaces as well.

4.3. Ramnicu-Valcea city

4.3.1. ‘City as palimpsest’

1) Ramnicu-Valcea before the 15th century Ramnicu-Valcea was founded before the 13th century and was first mentioned in an official document in 1388. The hearth of the city was a roman village (‘vicus’), situated between the Roman Buridava Castrum (currently the Stolniceni region) and the Trajan Castrum (currently the Sambotin village, in Daesti community). It is thought that Ramnicu-Valcea was a foundation or a ‘castrum’ built by the Roman conqueror, Trajan, in his quest to outshine the already existent settlements. It acted as an important market (‘targ’) during the Roman Empire occupation and has ever since been influenced in its development by its favourable location (Tamas, 1994). The city is situated at the crossroads of the main ancient communication and commercial roads, connecting the geographical Romanian regions of Tara Romaneasca and Transylvania, Muntenia and Oltenia, with the South of Danube region.

Between the 13th-14th centuries Ramnicu-Valcea had more of a rural character, containing the following structural divisions: i. the ‘hearth’ of the settlement, or its core, with cooper’s shops and houses, courtyards and gardens. The old city developed initially in the North-Western area of the actual settlement. ii. the ‘verge’, with agricultural lands and orchards, meadows, vineyards, ponds, hives owned by the inhabitants; the area that surrounded Ramnicu-Valcea was of good economic support for the social and economic thriving of the community. The landscape consisted of hills covered with meadows and wild flowers, which secured the grass and the fodder necessary for raising flocks of sheep and herds of cattle. The orchards were a source of food and generated substantial capital through trading activities with other regions. iii. the ‘ward’, which extended more than the ‘verge’ to include more communities (Mateescu, 1979).

2) Ramnicu-Valcea between the 15th and the 18th century: metropolitan chair Between the 15th and 16th centuries, Ramnicu-Valcea was one of the biggest and most important cities in Tara Romaneasca, after Curtea de Arges, the capital city. The metropolitan chair was situated where Mircea cel Batran Park is located now, and outside its walls were grasslands, swamps and orchards. The dwellings of the inhabitants were spread under Capela Hill in a very sparse urban arrangement pattern, contrary to the current one (Tamas, 2006)

In the 17th century, Ramnicu-Valcea became the most renowned printing centre from the entire Wallachia region. In the 18th century, the city was notorious for its numerous and abundant green areas (Tamas, s. 455).

3) Ramnicu-Valcea between the 19th century until 1944: quiet patriarchal city After 1829, commerce and trading activities started to flourish along with the extraction industry (salt exploitation at Ocnele Mari ores). However, starting with year 1847 when a large fire destroyed almost entirely the city, Ramnicu-Valcea enters the path of slow development. In 1855, modernization plans started to be put into action through the enhancement of the urban hygiene quality and the design of streets alignments. One year later, the meadow between Ramnic river and Iazul Morilor (the Mills’ Pond) was transformed into a public garden under the order of Barbu Stirbei ruler. In 1910, the urban development plans are continued and the first plant nursery is installed in Zavoi Park, while the Mills’ Pond is channelled (Mateescu, s.160).

In the interwar period, there were numerous orchards in Ramnicu-Valcea and the cultivation of trees was the predominant occupation of its inhabitants. The plantation of vines was also a productive occupation, due to the fertile aluvionary soils. However, the most spread activity was the cultivation of plum trees, field in which Valcea county has benefited from a privileged position (in 2007 occupying the 2nd position with respect to surface cultivated and fruits production) (Oane, 2007).

4) Ramnicu-Valcea in the period 1944-1952: ‘patriarchal settlement’ Starting with 23rd of August 1944, the last day of the war that led to the liberation of Transylvania, the identity of the city switched from a patriarchal settlement to one based on industrial activities.

In the period 1949-1962 of the communist era, the qualitative aspect of orchard produce started to be neglected. Many of the breeds were purchased from abroad. For instance, the trees cultivated at Milcoiu orchards had to be brought from Italy. Imported species considered to be more productive were introduced: pear trees (Angulem

Dutchess, Beure Dial, Williams, Cure), apple trees (Canada Ranette, London Peping), plum trees (Tuleu Fat, Agon) (Oane, 2007).

Ramnicu-Valcea was the capital of Valcea county until 1952. In general, in the period 1952-1968, the city stagnated from an urban point of view, as all the funds in the region were redirected towards Pitesti, the regional county capital. Ramnicu-Valcea appeared not to overcome its fame of ‘pensioners’ town’, settlement where nothing was happening (Mateescu, 195).

5) Ramnicu-Valcea in the period 1968-1989: transition from ‘patriarchal settlement’ to ‘industrial town’ However, as industry developed, Ramnicu-Valcea became an important centre of wood processing, tannery and high quality shoes manufacturing, chemical and petrochemical works. The demographic situation in the municipality registered an unprecedented increase in population. The city fabric expanded and new neighbourhoods appeared: Petrisor, Traian, Nord and Ostroveni. The latter was developed along the water meadow of Olt river, where an old riverside coppice and community gardens were located. It was constructed as a residential area aimed for providing housing to the workers at the Oltchim industrial platform (Tamas, s. 456).

4.3.2. Identity of the city in the post communist era and after the EU accession The qualitative study undertaken for this paper was applied on a sample of 20 respondents of different age and social groups in Ramnicu-Valcea, 19 residents and 1 commuter. In Table 27 and Table 28 below, an overall description of the respondents and, respectively, a detailed individual presentation is illustrated.

Table 27. Descriptions of (n=20) Ramnicu-Valcea citizens participating in the open-question survey Participants’ details Total Gender (Feminine, Masculine) F: 10 (50%), M: 10 (50%) Age groups (Youth, Adults, Seniors) Y: 7 (35%), A: 8 (40%), S: 5 (25%) Level of studies (High school, University, Master) H: 1 (5%), U: 8 (40%), M: 11 (55%) Occupation (Student, Employed, Pensioner) S: 4 (20%), E: 15 (75%), P: 1 (5%) st st nd rd Wage (Unemployed, 1 wage group: 700-1400 lei, U: 3 (15%), 1 Wg: 3 (15%), 2 Wg: 11 (55%), 3 2nd wage group, 3rd wage group) Wg: 3 (15%) Residential category (Single, Adults without S: 10 (50%), A: 4 (20%), AC: 6 (30%) children, Adults without children) Relation to the place (Resident, Commuter) R: 19 (95%), C: 1 (5%)

Table 28 . Participants’(n=20) individual details ID Gender Age Level of Occupation Wage Residential Relation to # group studies group category the place 1 F Youth (16- Master Student - Single Resident 25 years) 2 F Y Master Employed 1400-3000 Single Resident lei 3 M Y Master Student - Adults with Resident children 4 M Y Master Student 700 -1400 Adults with Resident (*and lei children Employed) 5 F Y University Student - Adults Resident without children 6 F Adult (26- Master Employed 1400-3000 Adults Resident 50 years) lei without children 7 F A Master Employed 1400-3000 Single Resident lei 8 M A University Employed 1400-3000 Single Resident lei 9 M Y University Employed 3000 – Adults Resident 5000 lei without children 10 F A University Employed 1400 - Single Resident 3000 lei

11 F A Master Employed 3000 – Single Resident 5000 lei 12 F A Master Employed 3000 – Single Commuter 5000 lei 13 F A Master Employed 1400 – Single Resident 3000 lei 14 M Senior (51 University Employed 1400 – Adults with Resident – years) 3000 lei children 15 M Y Master Employed 1400 – Single Resident 3000 lei 16 F S High Pensioner 700 – 1400 Adults Resident school lei without children 17 M S University Employed 700-1400 Adults with Resident lei children 18 M A Master Employed 1400 – Single Resident 3000 lei 19 M S University Employed 1400 – Adults with Resident 3000 lei children 20 M S University Employed 1400 – Adults with Resident 3000 lei children

At the question ‘Do you consider that any certain type of development has affected the identity of Ramnicu- Valcea city? How?’, the responses of the participants at the survey illustrated 6 variations in interpretation (code A-F). These different perspectives were: exodus of young people to big cities because of lack of opportunities, unexploited tourism potential, reduction of green areas, development of commercial centres, increase in car traffic, industrial pollution.

Although there have been attempts to transform Ramnicu-Valcea into an academic centre and two private universities are hosted in town (Constantin Brancoveanu and Spiru Haret), this initiative proved to be not very successful. After graduating high-school, the majority of young people still leave the city for better qualified educational and more diverse employment opportunities in bigger urban centres. This reality is described by a large number of respondents, who also bring in the discussion the fact that the deindustrialization process ‘has (further) affected the labour market situation’ (quotation A 18). Another aspect mentioned is the high natural and cultural capital of Ramnicu-Valcea city and its surrounding areas (SPA/balneary and mountain resorts, unique chain of monasteries for pilgrimage), that is currently unexploited to its tourist potential (quotation B 19). Several participants indicate the reduction of green areas due to the increase in real estate and commercial development (quotation C 2, 4, 8), while others refer to the intensification in car traffic (E 13, 16) and the atmospheric pollution from Oltchim industrial platform (quotation F 9).

Table 29. Categorization of responses to the question: development affecting the identity of Ramnicu-Valcea ID Participants’ responses Inductive categories Code # 20 The exodus of young generations towards big cities in Exodus of young people to big A search for educational and job opportunities. cities because of lack of 5 The town is charming, but there are not enough opportunities opportunities offered for young people. 14 The city seems unchangeable, aspect which does not attract the young generations that are interested in everything that is new, dynamic, challenging. 1 Ramnicu-Valcea has not progressed; it remained a small provincial town for pensioners. 10 Just several new workplaces have been offered. 18 The deindustrialization of the city and the large number of dismissed personnel has affected the labour market situation. 19 The tourist potential in Ramnicu-Valcea has not been Unexploited tourism potential B exploited, although in the surroundings of the city there are SPA resorts (Calimanesti, Olanesti, Caciulata), mountain areas (the most recently

inaugurated Transalpina mountain route) and unique monasteries (Horezu, Manastirea Dintr-un lemn, Bistrita) with high level of attractiveness. 2 The green areas left in town are not sufficient; they Reduction of green areas C have been decimated by construction projects. 4 The fact that the construction of commercial centres is C, D favoured over parks. I believe both should exist, but their location needs to be considered more carefully. 8 In the city centre, there used to be a park where I C, D would go with my parents. Now it is long gone, it has been replaced by the ‘round ball’ River Plazza shopping centre. 17 The commercial properties built in front of apartment Development of commercial D blocks deprive the residents of light, visibility and centres intimacy. 6 The identity was affected by the appearance of some commercial centres like the Mall. 3 Maybe in some places there are buildings (like Billa, Mall) that do not fit very well the general landscape of the city. 12 The construction of commercial centres, such as Billa near Mircea cel Batran Park has changed the appearance of the old city. 11 I can notice positive changes: more shops and roundabouts have been built in the city. 15 The commercial centres make the city more beautiful. 7 The development of commercial centres has affected the image of the city, as not even the most elementary urban principles were respected. 13 The traffic has become more agglomerated on the Increase in car traffic E main ‘North-to-South’ traffic arteries. 16 The city has been maintained over time very neat and tidy, but the car traffic has increased. 9 A negative aspect is the atmospheric pollution from Industrial pollution F Oltchim industrial platform.

4.3.3. PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework

PHYSICAL RESOURCES Ramnicu-Valcea municipality extends over the terraces of Olt river, which are more prominent in the West, whilst to the East they descend toward the river valley. The municipality is situated in a depressionary area with an average altitude around 240-260m. Its territory totals 8.866 ha (including Goranu region) and is limited to the South by Troian hill, to the South-West by Petrisor hill, and to the North by Cetatuia hill (cjvalcea.ro, 2012).

Ramnicu-Valcea municipality consists of Ramnicu-Valcea city and other 13 surrounding communities: Aranghel, Cazanesti, Copacelu, Dealu Malului, Feteni, Goranu, Lespezi, Poenari, Priba, Raureni, Salistea, Stolniceni, Troian. All these communities have recently been attached to the city fabric, therefore their rural character is highly prevalent.

ECONOMIC RESOURCES The economy of Valcea county has predominantly an industrial-agrarian profile. The agricultural activity is dominated by orchards and forestry in the Northern area and cereals and vineyards in the Southern area (Valcea County Council, cjvalcea.ro, 2012).

From Table 30 below, we can observe that the occupied workforce in Valcea county is employed primarily in the agriculture and forestry sector, secondly in the industrial sector, and thirdly in the construction field. The tertiary sector (tourism, commerce, logistics and communication, services etc.) is not very developed; nonetheless, the Tourism and Hospitality industry represents the 4th economic activity in terms of number of employees at the county level.

Table 30. The occupied workforce (thousands) in Valcea County on economic activities, period 2005-2009 Year Agriculture Industry Constructions Hotels and Commerce Transport, Real and restaurants logistics and estate forestry communication and other services 2005 62,0 36,8 9,0 6,4 3,1 1,1 5,7 2006 58,3 37,6 9,6 6,7 3,1 1,1 6,6 2007 56,9 37,5 11,6 7,4 3,5 1,2 7,4 2008 56,5 37,1 13,5 6,9 3,1 1,3 7,9 2009 56,6 33,4 12,8 6,8 2,9 1,3 1,2 Source: The Regional Statistics Division of Valcea county, valcea.insse.ro, 2012

In Ramnicu-Valcea city, the capitalist society brought the establishment of a large number of financial institutions, an increase in foreign trade and domestic inflow of tourists. Ten banks are accommodated in town: BCR Valcea, Unicredit Tiriac Bank Valcea, Credit Europe Bank Valcea, Banc Post, Banca Comerciala Carpatica, Banca Romaneasca, Volksbank Romania, BRD Groupe Societe Generale SA, C.E.C. Bank, ING Bank. Currently, there are only a few high rise offices, for instance the BRD Bank and the Romtelecom National Telecommunication company in the inner city zone and Oltenia Business Centre in Ostroveni South (an urban area rapidly developing especially after the construction of the four lanes Dem Radulescu Boulevard).

Fig. 29. BRD high-rise building and the City Hall Fig. 30. Romtelecom office building, in the city centre

Source: Author’s own, 2012 Source: Author’s own, 2012

When the citizens were asked ‘What is the meaning of high rise office buildings in Ramnicu-Valcea for you? (Although there are currently few existent ones, what if more were built?)’, the responses of the participants contained 5 variations in ways of perception (assigned code A-E). The following inductive categories were formulated in accordance with their answers: at contrast with the identity of the small mountain town an d its architectural character, location and construction recommendations, a way to enhance the city visibility and increase its attractiveness, preference for lower buildings, symbol of progress and economic development. Most of the respondents consider that the presence of office towers would not be justified in Ramnicu-Valcea because of economic considerations (the lack of a high demand for offices on the market) and cultural and aesthetical reasons: ‘we are not in New York here, let’s face it, so why spoil the serene atmosphere of this mountain town with cheap imitations?’ (quotation A 7). There are also several inhabitants who prefer lower constructions to the high rise ones, and other participants who see opportunities in this type of development, as it ‘would enhance the city image, giving it more visibility and making it more attractive’ (quotation C 3). However, as highlighted by some residents, it is fundamental that the construction of high rise buildings should comply with the existent legislation and ‘meet all the location criteria including environmental requirements’ (quotation B 5).

Table 31. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of high rise office buildings ID Participants’ responses Inductive categories Code # 8 Would not integrate in the architecture of the town At contrast with the identity of A and they would be in contrast with the height the small mountain town and its regime of the existent buildings. architectural character 9 They would look isolated, because the already

existent architecture of the town has a different specific. 7 There are very few (and not even tall) and it should stay so. We are not in New York here, let’s face it, so why spoil the serene atmosphere of this mountain town with cheap imitations? 6 Their presence would not be justified; this is not a city with a developed economy. 17 It is not the case that spaces to rent for offices lack nor that large companies have settled in our town. Thus, the very need for constructing high rise office buildings does not exist. 18 Workplaces and international corporations, the high rise office buildings are typical for cities like Bucharest not for our small town. 5 I like them, but not if they are very high. They have Location and construction B to be neatly constructed and to respond to the recommendations clients’ needs and should meet all the location criteria including environmental requirements. 13 In other countries there are many and I believe it’s a good idea to have all offices concentrated in one building. 4 Although beautiful, I believe they would be at

contrast with the specific of the town. If to be B, A constructed, I would recommend they were located in a new area and definitively not in the city centre. 3 They attract my attention, they express seriousness A way to enhance the city C and competence. They would enhance the city visibility and increase its image, giving it more visibility and making it more attractiveness attractive. 19 Beautiful and new, modern 14 I prefer lower buildings and with a more traditional Preference for lower buildings D architecture instead of ‘glass and steel’ blocks. 12 I prefer old houses over artificial and impersonal constructions. 10 High buildings inspire fear of heights to me and isolation. 15 The tall buildings look disproportional 16 Would be a symbol of modernism and progress for Symbol of progress and E our town. economic development 1 Evolution and economic development 11 Would mean the creation of new workplaces. 2 Imposing structure, they transmit a feeling of economic power and big thinking. 20 Growth of the service sector, workplaces

BIOLOGICAL RESOURCES The main parks in Ramnicu-Valcea are Zavoi Park, which is the biggest park, and Mircea cel Batran Park. The ornamental vegetation in parks and green areas includes: silver tree (Abies concolor), spruce (Picea abies), pine (Pinus negra, Pinus sylvestris, Pinus strobus), larch (Larix decidua), alder (Alnus glutinosa), poplar (Plopus alba), willow (Salix caprea, Salix babylonica), Russian silverberry (Elaeagnus angustifolia), maple (Acer negundo), plane tree (Platanus acerifolia), horse-chestnut (Aesculus hyppocastanum), lilac (Syringa vulgari), boxwood (Buxus sempervirens), Eastern white cedar (Thuja orientalis), juniper (Junisperus communis), tuberose (Polyanthus tuberosa), forsythia (Forsythia suspensa) (Tamas, 1989). In Zavoi Park, amongst the specially protected plants as natural monuments are rare species of larch (Larix deciduas) and Ginkgo biloba. In the private space, the plantation of ornamental exotic species, such as magnolia has become increasingly popular (Maldarescu, 2002).

Since its foundation in 2010, Piete Prest has under its administration two major services: the maintenance of green spaces and production of dendro-flower material at the local nursery in Raureni. The selected plant 53

material for landscape design in town should fulfil the main ’aesthetic, economical and easy to be maintained’ criteria (Interview at Piete Prest, 23rd of April 2012).

The floral arrangements in Ramnicu-Valcea are changed according to the following scheme: 1) First season (fall-winter time): Pansies (Viola x wittrockiana), Daisy (Bellis perennis), Alpin Forget- me-not (Myosotis alpestris), Ranunculus, Primula, Chrysanthemum. From this season, Ranunculus was the most appreciated flower by Ramnicu Valcea’s citizens. 2) Second season (spring-summer time): Pelargonium peltatum, Tagetes patula, Dianthus, Salvia splendens (native to Brazilian rain forests), Gazania (native to Southern Africa), Dahlia (native to Mexico, Central America, and Colombia), Petunia (native to South America), Begonia semperflorens (native to Brazil), Catharanthus (native to Madagascar), Ageratum houstonianum (native to Central America and adjacent parts of Mexico).

The shrubs used for landscape arrangements in the city are: Ligustrum, Deitzia, Forsythia, Philadelphus, Yucca (native to the regions of America and Caribbean), Strelitzia (native to South Africa), Magnolia (native to Eastern United States). In 2012, around 100 shrubs and flowers were produced in the local nursery, whilst the majority of them were purchased from Hungary and Italy (Interview with Ing. Daniou Magdalena Elena, Director Green Spaces and Nurseries, 24th of April 2012).

Flower pots were mounted on the Vinerii Mari Bridge over Olanesti River, on the street lighting poles, and carpet beddings were arranged in the city centre, on the main boulevards and at the roundabouts. For several floral arrangements, such as the one at the junction of Tudor Vladimirescu with General Magheru, near Billa supermarket, cracked marble pieces imported from Hungary were used (Interview with Ing. Daniou Magdalena Elena, Director of Green Spaces and Nurseries, 24th of April 2012).

Fig. 31.Gardenesque flowerbeds at the roundabout near Fig. 32. Flower pyramid displayed in Billa supermarket front of the City Hall

Source: Author’s own, 2012 Source: Author’s own, 2012

When asked about the signification of colourful flower bed arrangements, the responses of the participants contained 5 variations in ways of interpretation (code A-E). The following inductive categories resulted: bring beauty to the cityscape and a sense of pride, responsibility from the authorities’ side, relaxation and good mood, bring about childhood memories, nature and health.

Most of the respondents discuss about the aesthetical value that flowers confer to the urban landscape, in terms of perceived attributes such as beauty, colour, neatness, elegance, vitality and brightness. Other participants refer to the positive feelings transmitted by floral arrangements, in so ‘they offer a way to relax away from the agitation and routine of daily life’ (quotation B 2). For other interviewees, the abundant seasonal carpet beddings are an element they take pride in and that helps building trust in the role played by the city administration. In this respect, ‘Ramnicu-Valcea appears to be better taken care of, which makes us more confident in the attention that local authorities offer to city maintenance’ (quotation A 3). Another participant associates colourful flower beds with childhood memories and ‘wild flowers in the grass’ (quotation C 15).

Table 32. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of colourful flower bed arrangements ID Participants’ responses Inductive categories Code # 20 Ramnicu-Valcea has always been a beautiful and tidy Bring beauty to the A town and flowers have contributed to supporting this cityscape, sense of pride image. Responsibility from the 8 Contribute to making the cityscape more beautiful authorities’ side 3 These flower arrangements give vitality, colour and extra brightness to the city. As such, Ramnicu-Valcea appears to be better taken care of, which makes us more confident in the attention that local authorities offer to city maintenance. 1 The existence of many flower arrangements in the city and their regular maintenance brings a sense of pride to me as an inhabitant of a beautiful and tidy provincial town. 4 They convey life and elegance. 6 Create beautiful appearance and transmit a plus of vitality 9 Enhance the city colour, make you enjoy more the landscape 13 Aesthetic qualities and tidiness in a well-managed environment 14 Extra colour 16 Brings extra colour to the cityscape 17 Lively and creates a beautiful impression beautiful for the city 11 Brings me good mood Relaxation and good B 12 Relaxation mood 10 Brings the feeling of relaxation, inspire silence 5 Transmit energy, give colour and bring you to a wonderful state of mind. 2 They offer a way to relax away from the agitation and routine of daily life. 19 Bring about a beauty and a cheerful atmosphere B, A 15 Reminds me of childhood and wild flowers in the Bring about childhood C grass, they bring a juvenile spirit. memories 7 Colour and nature Nature D 18 Health and natural environment Health E, D

Lawns Lawns constitute a ubiquitous element in the urban landscape of Ramnicu-Valcea, whether we refer to the public realm (for instance, in parks, green areas and squares) or the private spaces. More recently, at some of the roundabouts constructed in town, decorative bark has been used instead of lawn. It was preferred for its resistance to drought and harsh weather conditions, its ability to keep moisture and inhibit weed development.

At the question ‘What is the meaning of lawns for you?’, the participants’ responses illustrated 4 variations in ways of perception (code A-D). The inductive categories that resulted were: tidy and neat, green areas, relaxation spot and clean air. The majority of the interviewed inhabitants generally associate lawns with ‘the necessary green in parks and recreational areas’ (B 17) and more specifically with ‘nature, insects, birds’ (quotation B 1). Nonetheless, one of the respondents reveals their actual nature and specifies that they are a form of amenity landscapes, ‘that need to be permanently maintained’ (quotation B 7). It is due to these continuous sustenance efforts and vast consumption of resources (for processes such as watering, mowing and fertilizing) that ‘the impression of neatness and tidiness’ (quotation A 3) is induced to cityscapes. Another respondent discussed about the need of increasing the number of green areas (with lawns) in town in order to support the well being of the residents (quotation B 8). Figure 33 on the next page is visual representation of this situation, where people from different age and social groups enjoy the benefits of the public space in Mircea cel Batran Park (situated in the city centre).

Fig. 33. Mircea cel Batran Park, public space where all age and social categories meet

Source: Author’s own, 2012

Other aspects mentioned by the participants are the relaxation atmosphere they convey due to their lively and fresh appearance (quotation C 14, 15, 16) and the clean air they ensure in the urban landscape (quotation D 9, 12).

Table 33. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of lawns ID Participants’ responses Inductive categories Code # 20 Well-maintained and tidy Tidy and neat A 3 Gives the city the impression of neatness and tidiness 6 Beautiful to watch 5 Visually pleasant 10 It looks beautiful 2 Lively, clean and neat area where one would like to lay down 18 Natural Green areas, nature B 17 The necessary green in parks and recreational areas 7 Green space that needs to be permanently maintained 4 Green oasis 13 Recreational space, it relaxes us B, C 8 It represents the green areas that are necessary in a B, C higher number for relaxing the city’s inhabitants 1 Nature, insects, birds and children playing in the neat B, A grass. 11 Green areas for relaxation, not very often met, most B, C of the times people step on it 15 Space for relaxation Relaxation spot C 16 Lively and relaxing 14 Lively and fresh 9 Silence and clean air Clean air D 12 Clean air and pleasant atmosphere with greenery D, B

ORGANIZATIONAL RESOURCES By the end of 2008, Dem Radulescu Boulevard was inaugurated in the Southern part of the city, in Ostroveni area, covering a distance of 2.2 km. Later on, tree alignments were arranged together with pedestrian and bicycle lanes, further expanding the city’s micro-infrastructure. In October 2011, the German retail chain LIDL took advantage of the infrastructural development and built a supermarket in the area (gds.ro, 2012). Besides LIDL, the city also accommodates Kaufland, Billa, Interex, Plus, Carrefour, Cozia department store and River Plazza Mall. The appearance of commercial centres in the capitalist society triggered the slow disappearance of the ‘little corner shops with homemade sweets and pickled vegetables’. However, there is a current trend supported by the inhabitants of Ramnicu-Valcea of reviving these specialized small shops (Interview with Cristinel Vlad, 19th of April 2012). This is also determined by that, traditionally, Romanian people are used to consuming natural (organic) food produce from known and trustworthy sellers/producers.

Fig. 34. Dem Radulescu Boulevard, cutting though a fertile area with greenhouses

Source: 9am.com, 2009

The commercial developments in the inner city zones were effectuated at the expense of green areas. For instance, River Plazza Mall was constructed on a site where a city park was previously located and Billa supermarket replaced a ruderal landscape (‘waste land’).

Fig. 35. Eldery people taking a rest on the Fig. 36.View of River Plazza Mall from the other side of benches in front of Cozia department store Olanesti River

Source: Author’s own, 2012 Source: panoramio.com, 2012

The participants’ responses to the question ‘What is the meaning of commercial centres in Ramnicu-Valcea for you?’ included 5 variations in ways of interpretation (code A-E). The formulated inductive categories were: prosperity and economic development, consumerist society, useful: offer a diversity of products, lower prices, location problems or pluses. The largest number of respondents discussed about the utility of shopping areas, the wide array of products they offer, ‘easy to find everything I need in one place’ (quotation D 6), and the lower prices they practice. Several respondents placed the appearance of commercial centres in the context of ‘evolution and economic prosperity’ (quotation A 20) and associated the ‘shopping in excess’ behaviour with a new lifestyle dictated by the consumerism society (quotation C 11, 13). There is a difference in opinions between the participants who consider that the placement of Billa and River Plazza Mall in the inner city zone was unfavourable (with regards to Billa: ‘looks like a box dropped near the old walls of Mircea cel Batran Park’, quotation E 2) and those who appreciate their central location for convenience reasons (quotation E 7). Two other respondents mentioned the social factor in relation to their attraction towards shopping centres.

Table 34. Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of commercial centres ID Participants’ responses Inductive categories Code # 20 Evolution and economic prosperity Prosperity and economic A 14 The amount of shopping reflects the buyer’s development purchasing power and commercial centres in a town stand for economic development. 10 Prosperity 8 Reflects the economic situation of the city. 9 Relaxation and place to go out B 19 The place where you meet friends and do your Social space B, C shopping. 1 Shopping in excess Consumerist society C 11 Satisfaction acquired through the purchase of goods. 17 Consumerism and crowdedness 13 Consumerism reflects the lifestyle of the inhabitants. 18 Cheaper prices and more diverse offers. Useful: offer a diversity of D 6 Where I do my shopping, easy to find everything products, lower prices I need in one place. 5 Useful, if not too many 16 Lower prices 12 Discounts, cheaper prices than at the small corner shops. 4 Are extremely useful, as they include shops with different profiles, like food stores and electronic products. 3 Good prices and large variety. 15 The Mall is badly located, but in general, Location problems/pluses E commercial centres represent a civilized lifestyle. 2 Billa as badly positioned, it looks like a box dropped near the old walls of Mircea cel Batran Park 7 Convenient location, in the city centre (the Mall and the ex-Cozia shopping centre)

SOCIAL RESOURCES The majority of residents in Ramnicu-Valcea inhabit compact residential units. The largest neighbourhood in town is Ostroveni, followed by Nord, Traian, 1 Mai and Petrisor and Libertatii micro-neighbourhoods. The housing areas situated in the inner city zone comprise several houses and a vast majority of blocks (GF +4F or GF +10F), that were constructed in the 1970s - 1980s period (Area Plan of Ramnicu-Valcea municipality, 2011, s.18). In the neighbourhoods of Ramnicu-Valcea, the idle spaces between apartment buildings are predominantly used for parking lots and keeping waste containers. Sometimes, they are endowed with children playgrounds, relaxation places for elder people, sports facilities or lots for planting vines, ornamental shrubs and flowers. However, it all depends on the location factor.

Fig. 37. Expensive apartment buildings with Fig. 38. Collective residential units in Ostroveni area, green areas, in the vicinity of Zavoi Park greenery and street alignment

Source: Author’s own, 2012 Source: panoramio.com, 2012

Three of the respondents have houses with a utility garden (with an orchard of trees, a vineyard and a lot for cultivating vegetables) and amenity lands (for growing lawn and planting ornamental flowers).

Table 35. Categorization of responses to the question: Green areas used for social interaction ID Participants’ responses Inductive categories Code # 16 Benches where people gather and a green space Block: Inner green A 19 Benches in front of our block where neighbours sit and courtyard with space for talk and some trees and shrubs. socializing 13 Benches that the local administration provided, and a fenced garden with flowers 9 Green grass, benches and a swing, where everyone gathers 1 Green area in the inner courtyard where neighbours are sitting on the benches and talking 2 The small green parcel in front of our block is used as a recreational space for conversation. We also have benches there. 20 Flowers planted in the inner courtyards Block: Inner green B 18 There are flowers and a little vineyard in the block’s inner courtyard without social courtyard. amenities 14 A small garden for ornamental flowers. 5 Our children play together in playground area. Block: Children C 4 Where I live there are two small parks with benches, playgrounds children playgrounds and a tennis field. 3 The children playgrounds in parks are always full during the summer time. 17 No Block: No green or D 11 No such space social amenities 10 No 8 No 7 Just at the countryside where my grandparents live, at my

block there is no green space nor amenities. 15 I live in a house and we have a courtyard with space for House: garden, orchard, E planting vegetables and flowers, we have an orchard and lawn, vineyard a beautiful green lawn. 12 Garden and trees, vineyard 6 We have lawn, a garden and ornamental flowers, and I often exchange planting material with my neighbours.

CULTURAL RESOURCES The answers that respondents offered to the question ‘What attributes or particular landscapes define the identity of your city?’ included the most touristic and representative landmarks of Ramnicu-Valcea: Capela Hill, Olt River, Ostroveni green entertainment area (with the Swimming Pools Complex), the city’s surrounding landscape (the Village museum at Bujoreny, the balneary resorts and the old monasteries of Hurezi, Cozia, Dintr-un Lemn, Surupatele, Bistrita, Iezer, Pahomi, etc.). Furthermore, its characteristic architecture, parks and the Anton Pann memorial house (the music composer of Romania’s national anthem) are also indicated by the interviewees.

Fig. 39.View from above at Liberty Square Fig. 40. Anton Pann’s Memorial House

Source: Author’s own, 2012 Source: Author’s own, 2012

The stunning landscapes are mentioned as characteristic attributes of Ramnicu-Valcea city: the abundant green vegetation, the terraces of Olt River and the mountainous setting (quotation D 3, 4, 5). The clock in the city centre is also referred to as a visual symbol in the urban landscape (quotation A 1).

Table 36. Categorization of responses to the question: Attributes particular to Ramnicu-Valcea ID Participants’ responses Inductive categories Code # 7 Capela Hill Capela Hill A 13 Capela Hill 19 Mall and the panorama from the Capela Hill A, F 1 Capela Hill, The Clock in the city centre, Zavoi A, G, Park, Ostroveni Forest C 18 Capela Hill and Olt River A, B 8 The hills and the mountains, Capela Hill, the Olt Olt river B river valley 17 The forest and the Ostroveni swimming pools Ostroveni green C complex entertainment area 20 The monasteries in the region and the SPA The city’s surrounding D resorts. landscapes 16 The Village Museum at Bujoreni, outside the city 15 The area where the city is placed, surrounded by the balneary resorts and the old monasteries. 4 Ramnicu-Valcea is a small and neat provincial town situated in a mountainous area.

5 Serenity, tidiness, the beauty of the city and its landscapes. 3 The landscapes are really beautiful; the Olt terraces and the mountain tops together with the green vegetation and numerous flowers give vitality and beauty to my town. 14 Before, there used to be the old buildings, now Its local characteristic E the rustic houses are specific. architecture 10 The city mall River Plazza Mall F 12 Parks and Capela Hill Parks G 2 Zavoi Restaurant and the lake, the flowers in the park 6 Zavoi and Mircea cel Batran Parks, Capela Hill G, A 11 Parks, the Anton Pann memorial house G, H 9 Anton Pann museum Anton Pann memorial H house

Urban furniture The clock in the central square of Ramnicu-Valcea, ‚La ceas’ (‚At the clock’), represents the social meeting place for all ages. When it was replaced, a model that resembles the gilded clocks in Bucharest and the ones featured in downtown New York was selected. Another similar clock is placed in town in the Ostroveni neighbourhood area.

Fig. 41. Clock in downtown Rm. Valcea Fig. 42.Clock in downtown New York

Source: panoramio.com, 2010 Source: flickr.com, 2011

AESTHETIC RESOURCES In Ramnicu-Valcea municipality, the display of advertisements is strictly prohibited in parks and green areas, on public institutions (except for own event promotions, notices or announcements of interest to citizens) and on commercial centres if they occupy more than 10% of their glass surface (Advertising regulations in Ramnicu- Valcea municipality, 2008). Nevertheless, commercial billboards and panels are becoming part of the landscape even in central areas of the town (See Fig. 43 and 44 on next page).

At the question ‘What is the meaning of advertisements for you?’, the participants’ responses included 4 variations in understanding (code A-D). The inductive categories assigned were: information source, sales and marketing strategy developed by corporations, visually polluting and consumerist society. The majority of respondents appreciated the utility of advertisements as an information source: ‘they show the new products, novelties and what is in trend’ (quotation A 2), however there is awareness that they ‘transmit the message buy more’ (quotation D1). From an aesthetic standpoint, several interviewed inhabitants considered them as factors of ‘visually pollution’ in the urban landscape (quotation C 7, 17) and as becoming ‘annoying when (present) in excess’ (quotation C 6).

Fig. 43. Big advertising panel placed in the city centre Fig. 44. Advertisement near Cozia department store

Source: Author’s own, 2012 Source: Author’s own, 2012

Another association made by respondents is with the sales and marketing strategy designed by companies and, in connection to this aspect, a senior participant expressed his concerns that ‘advertising is used for things that are not selling’ (quotation B 14).

Table 37 . Categorization of responses to the question: Meaning of advertisements ID Participants’ responses Inductive categories Code # 19 Source of information Information source A 16 Informing, source of information 15 Discovering method, facilitating knowledge 13 Inform the citizens 10 Deliver information 2 They show the new products, novelties and what is in trend 5 Source of information. Some ads are really original 9 Inform us about the latest products or offers 3 Information source 7 Can offer a piece of information if it is about an event, but A, C some are real visual polluters 20 Marketing done by corporations Sales and marketing B 4 They contribute to product promotion, a good sales and strategy developed marketing strategy by corporations 14 Advertising is used for things that are not selling 6 Annoying when in excess Visually polluting C 17 Visual pollution 1 Transmit the message ‘buy more’ Consumerist society D 18 Consumerism 12 To support consumption 11 Encourage people to consume more 8 Encourage impulse buying

5.3.4. Visions for change in Ramnicu-Valcea city When asked ‘What changes would you like to see in parks and green areas and what elements would you like to keep?’, the respondents explained the current situation in Ramnicu-Valcea in terms of perceived attributes and discussed a series of proposals for change.

The interviewees would appreciate the availability of more entertainment and cultural amenities in parks and green areas, the free access on grass and more fountains and benches. Other respondents mentioned the need for creating more children playgrounds and designing multi-functional sport fields for different ages (‘tennis, football’, quotation ID 2 and ’outdoor fitness equipments, ramps for skaters’, quotation ID 8) in order to engage people in physical activities. Two senior participants mentioned some more extensive projects that would confer the regeneration of Ramnicu-Valcea’s downtown area: the restoration of the old Mills’ Pond (quotation ID 17),

which was channelled in 1910, and the revival of the pedestrian zone in the inner city core (quotation ID 14), that existent on Calea lui Traian, ‘Trajan Street’.

Table 38. Categorization of responses to the question: Visions for change ID Perceived attributes Proposed actions # 1 Too much asphalt Access on the grass 2 The swings and the benches and all the other The children playground needs to be better furniture lacks attractiveness and safetiness, thought through. Multi-functional fields for there is not a concept for recreational space kids with sports facilities (tennis, football etc.) for kids. should be built to ensure their involvement in Little entertainment options. physical activities. 3 The Lily Lake from Zavoi park turns out to I wish they were always well maintained, have every single time a pleasant effect on cleaned, and they should certainly not us. All parks, in general, have this pleasant disappear from the landscape. What I would effect on us, the way they present like to see as change is more trees and themselves ornamental plants. 4 Not enough benches Much more benches 5 - They should have/breathe more ”life” 6 Not enough playgrounds Build more playgrounds for kids, promenade areas 7 Limited number of green spaces More green spaces, inspired by the examples from the West 8 Need for more entertainment facilities Build outdoor fitness equipments, sport fields, ramps for skaters, more flower arrangements 9 - Better equipped/arranged, as decorative as possible 10 - More fountains 11 - More grass, taking care of trees, more flowers 12 - More green areas specially designed for teenagers 13 Need for better lawn seeds To plant Sudan grass instead of the current grass. This Sudan grass is already used in front of some block of flats, and it grows dense and without weeds. 14 In ’86, when Petru Venerica was secretary at Revival of the old pedestrian area in the city the Party Committee of Valcea country, centre there was a pedestrian area in the city centre. This area stretched from the Vinerii Mari Bridge to the former high school Balcescu (now Alexandru Lahovari). Elders walking together with their grandchildren, there were garlands of flowers. 15 Not enough children playgrounds More flowers, fountains, playgrounds for kids 16 - More cleaning 17 I live in the area of the old Mills’ Pond, an Restore the old Mills’ Pond area which should be restored as it was damaged by constructions 18 - More cultural activities in parks 19 - More entertainment activities on the lake in Zavoi park 20 - More places for children, facilities built and activities offered for them to get involved in the parks

5. Discussion

The cultural, architectural and economical character of Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea was illustrated in the ‘City as palimpsest’ section of this paper, as per the different historical periods of their development. In Sibiu, city fortress, a vital role was played by the medieval squares (the Big, Small and Huedin Square), where the economic activities (fairs that brought together craftsmen, merchants and customers) and social events (public gatherings, strolls along the promenade, festivals and happenings) were concentrated. In contrast, in Bucharest, the streets and the ‚mahalas’ (neighbourhoods developed around churches) were the public spaces where social life thrived. In Ramnicu-Valcea, fairs (such as the famous Raureni one) would gather locals and people from surrounding regions for commercial and trading activities and for celebrating religious and seasonal festivals.

In assessing the globalization elements present at the cityscape level, the PEBOSCA interdisciplinary framework was used to describe the physical, economical, biological, organizational, social, cultural and aesthetic resources. These results were further complemented by interviews performed with academia, practitioners and municipality representatives as well as by a qualitative research that included the citizens’ perspective. The open-questions survey was performed on a sample of 20 inhabitants from each city and took the form of ‘face-to-face’ interviews and online questionnaires sent via e-mail. The participants interrogated directly were asked in advance for permission and were informed about the academic purpose of this study. The vast majority of respondents appeared to be reserved initially, as they were uncertain whether they would know how to answer questions regarding new directions of development in their city. This situation of reticence could be explained by that most citizens are very little aware of the role they could play when it comes to decision making in the urban arena, they are not informed about the hearings where they could take part as stakeholders (public participation meetings), and generally have the impression that their opinion is neither asked for nor listened to. As the interview proceeded, they became more confident and cooperative, and especially the adults and elder people felt empowered to discuss many of the aspects they would like to change.

5.1. Development affecting the identity of the cities Bucharest: Respondents in Bucharest pointed out at the economic and social problems that the sensitive strata of the society are facing. As supported also by the study undertaken for Bucharest’s municipality Comprehensive General Plan, the inhabitants of the city consider the lack of workplaces as being a very severe problem (89% - gravity of the issue at stake). This situation was also reflected in the survey performed for this paper, as described by one Bucharest resident:

‘Increase in number of inhabitants and inability to cope with this from a social and economic standpoint. This applies especially for sensitive social classes like the people that come from rural places to the capital city.’ (quotation ID 4)

Another problem identified by the majority of the interviewees is the lack of a comprehensive and coherent city planning strategy, which together with corruption on different levels has a dramatic impact on the availability of green spaces, the real estate sector, the infrastructure development, restoration and rehabilitation projects. As summed up by one Bucharest inhabitant:

‘The chaotic development of the city and the lack of proper city planning, corruption in issuing construction authorizations for real estate companies, increase in number of cars which further amplified pollution, very little pedestrian space.’ (quotation ID 19)

The impact of globalization is also outlined by several respondents, and their perspective on the changes entailed could be divided in two categories: (those who perceive) positive changes or negative changes. The arguments in favour draw on that the development of the business sector (‘business parks’) has contributed towards enhancing the image of Bucharest and conveys ‘modernism, culture and novelties’ (quotation ID 13). Along the same line of thought, the global exposure brought about more diversity in the economic, social and cultural sphere. This entailed diversity in the urban arena seems to illustrate the characteristic of ‘cultural hybridization’, where the interdependence is created between the local and global elements:

‘I believe that commercial centres and high rise office buildings transformed Bucharest into a sort of business centre. It became a more international city with respect to appearance and inhabitants (you hear more often foreign languages on the streets).’ (quotation ID 14)

On the other hand, the respondents that define the impacts entailed by globalization as negative pinpoint the architectural homogenization or uniformity produced in the cityscape, where ‘high rise office buildings are one next to each other, everything looks the same, it’s linear’ (quotation ID 16). This statement made by a senior woman is in a certain degree exaggerated, but nonetheless it gives us an image of the transformations that the urban fabric of Bucharest has suffered, as these effects are more visible for the older generations. Another adult respondent argues also that the local context has not been taken into account when constructing these buildings, and offers as an example the transformations that are in process of taking place on Mantuleasa Street. This street is particularly infused with artistic and cultural references, as it represents the fictional space where some of novels by the famous Romanian writer Mircea Eliade were hosted. Although the tramline is no longer found here, the old houses and secular chestnut trees revive the image of Little Paris, which is about to be destructed by high rise office developments. This perspective seems to reflect the principles of ‘cultural convergence’, where the Genius loci of the place is not consulted, and Western ‘signature’ architectural models are applied regardless of the local context.

‘The influences of Occidental culture have perverted somehow the identity of Bucharest city. There are very many high rise buildings being constructed and they do not fit the local cityscape architecturally (see Mantuleasa Street).’ (quotation ID 18)

Sibiu: More than half of the interviewed Sibiu inhabitants consider that there has been no negative development affecting the identity of their city. They even name the moment of 2007, when Sibiu became European Capital of Culture, as a positive transformation (reflected in successful renovation and rehabilitation projects, development of infrastructure in the old city centre, gain of image capital and soaring tourism inflows). Their opinion is that, although exposed to modern influences, the city ‘has managed to keep its old traditional charm’ (quotation ID 19). However, as confessed by a young respondent, it is precisely these admirable efforts of preserving the character of the medieval citadel that hindered from offering a new perspective.

‘They are trying to develop and highlight the already existent patrimony. However, the development is taking place slowly and there is absolutely nothing new that could awe you. This makes the city attractive for the adults and the elder people, but less attractive for the young generation, interested in new, surprising and original elements.’ (quotation ID 8)

In what regards the negative developments that took place in the city, the citizens mention the increase in car traffic, changes in buildings’ height regime (determined by the appearance of new business and hotel properties), a decrease in industrial activities (as compared to the communist era) and the creation of mono-functional zones:

‘The commercial centres located on the outskirts of the city created the tendency of functional division: the city centre becomes the promenade area, whilst the external area becomes the shopping one. The commercial centres located on the outskirts of the city created the tendency of functional division: the city centre becomes the promenade area, whilst the external area becomes the shopping one.’ (quotation ID 4)

Ramnicu-Valcea: Ramnicu-Valcea benefits from a unique location, being surrounded by balneary SPA resorts (such as Olanesti, Calimanesti, Caciulata, Govora), breathtaking mountainous landscapes and old monasteries with authentic architecture styles (Hurezi, Surupatele, Bistrita, Dintr-un leman). However, the tourism potential is vastly unexploited, and the lack of a diversified labour market as well as the less competitive higher education centres hosted in the city determine an exodus of the young generations towards larger urban concentrations.

‘The town is charming, but there are not enough opportunities offered for the young people.’ (quotation ID 5)

The development of commercial centres is perceived by the majority of the respondents as having negative effects on the cityscape, primarily because of location problems. Billa supermarket and River Plazza Mall are mentioned by most interviewees as a bad example of integration in the surrounding landscape. Moreover, the construction of these commercial centres lead to the disappearance of valuable green spaces for the ecological quality of the city, such as a popular central park (in the case of the Mall) and a vacant green plot or ‘wasteland’ crossed by children on their way to two central schools (in the case of Billa supermarket). Some of the respondents appreciated the construction of new shopping areas, arguing that they ‘make the city more beautiful’ (quotation ID 15).

Other elements that are perceived as negative by the Ramnicu-Valcea inhabitants are the reduction of green areas, the increase in car traffic and the lack of measures on reducing industrial pollution.

The survey undertaken for this study investigated further some of the aspects mentioned above by taking separately the globalization elements that affected the identity of the cities: high rise office buildings, colourful flowerbeds, lawns, exotic shrubs and palm trees, commercial centres, global culture elements and advertisements.

5.2. Globalization elements and proposals for the cityscapes

5.2.1. High rise office buildings There is a common opinion shared by most of the interviewees in Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea that the appearance of high-rise office buildings is at contrast with the architectural character of their cities. Several Bucharest inhabitants refer to these buildings as not being correlated with the height regime of the area where they are placed and perceive them as an element of aesthetic intrusion, especially in the city centre.

‘Change of skyline in Bucharest, at contrast with the ‘Little Paris image’ of attractive small houses and narrow streets.’ (quotation ID 1)

The majority of the interviewed citizens in Sibiu agree that high rise office buildings do not integrate in the medieval cityscape and perceive them as ‘impersonal glass blocks’ (quotation ID 14) of ‘another scale than the city scale’ (quotation ID 15). Some of the respondents from Ramnicu-Valcea consider that they would look isolated in town and would not blend with the already existent architecture. Preserving the character of the town and not altering its distinctiveness according to incompatible Western models is argued by one of the residents:

‘We are not in New York here, let’s face it, so why spoil the serene atmosphere of this mountain town with cheap imitations?’ (quotation ID 7)

High rise office buildings are associated with the phenomenon of globalization by several respondents. One of the Bucharest interviewees mentions that stately buildings represent for him the image of ‘America, England, skyscrapers’ (quotation ID 2). Along the same line of thought, two respondents from Sibiu state that they symbolize ‘the American model of skyscrapers’ (quotation ID 4), and they ‘give the city a more Occidental note’ (quotation ID 18).

Further analyzing the results, we can observe the theme of ‘high rise office buildings’ is approached from different angles by some of the inhabitants. Their perspective appears to be seamlessly correlated with the cultural background and the current state of economic development in their cities. High rise office buildings in Bucharest are perceived as a representation of the Western model of economic development (quotation ID 19), in Sibiu as an opportunity to confer a more formal sense to the city (quotation ID 20), to convey seriousness and competence (quotation ID 3), and in Ramnicu-Valcea as a way to generate progress (quotation ID 16), evolution and economic development (quotation ID 11). The 5 citizens in Bucharest compare the level of development of their city with that of the Western world as they live in the capital city, where the Occidental models were always referred to (the ‘Little Paris’ metaphor is still very dear to every Bucharest citizen). In recent history also, the adhesion to the European Union and the effects of intense construction of business properties in Bucharest entailed certain transformations that made the city more aligned to the West in economic and aesthetic terms.

The citizens in Sibiu touch on aspects such as high levels of competence and seriousness, qualities that describe an efficient business model based on morality. The associations they make have more to do with the ethical profile of the employees rather than with the physical ‘glass and steel’ structure. This could be explained by the German (‘sasesc’-Saxon) cultural background of Sibiu which is deeply rooted in the business arena. As such, seriousness, competence and the appreciation of formality/’a more formal sense’ (quotation ID 20) identify themselves with the set of societal principles valued in ‘The capital of well manners’ (slogan that defines the medieval citadel).

On the other hand, as in Ramnicu-Valcea there are few high rise office buildings, a fair amount of respondents perceive them as indicators of economic development and progress in their town (quotation ID 1, 2, 11, 16, 20). Moreover, they are considered as a possible way of enhancing the visibility of the city and increasing its attractiveness (quotation ID 3). This could translate into embracing an identity shift from a ‘small pensioners’ town’ (as it is currently portrayed in the collective mentality) to a more vibrant urban environment, with a more robust tertiary sector and diversified employment opportunities.

Other opinions of the citizens express their preference for lower and more proportionate buildings. The arguments in support of this perspective draw mainly on preserving the old architectural character of their cities. However, what catches the attention is the reoccurring theme of the need for being ‘closer to the ground’, ‘stepping on the ground’. By analyzing the profile of the respondents, it was observed that they are adults and seniors, some pensioners. In general, they are people who lived in houses at the countryside when young and have been used to feeling the ground under their feet and being closer to nature.

‘I don’t like high buildings; I prefer houses that are closer to the ground. Unfortunately, the image of Bucharest with the small picturesque houses of the 50-60s is hard to be found (nostalgic).’ (Bucharest, quotation ID 16) – Senior, pensioner, female

‘It’s no air up there, no possibility to go out and step on the ground, they give me the impression of something artificial.’ (Sibiu, quotation ID 5) – Adult, female

‘I believe it cannot be so pleasant to live at the last floor.’ (Sibiu, quotation ID 2) – Senior, pensioner, male

‘High buildings inspire fear of heights to me and isolation.’ (Ramnicu-Valcea, quotation ID 10) – Adult, female

A new aspect brought into the discussion by two Bucharest inhabitants is the multi-functional use of high-rise office buildings. They could host office, commercial and recreational areas, while at the same time offering excellent views over the surrounding landscapes.

‘Office buildings appeared out of necessity, not desire. If they had the corresponding amenities, they could also cover some needs: open spaces at the lower and superior levels (cafe places, shops, saloons, fitness centres). Bucharest’s inhabitants could perceive in a different way these building if they benefited from panorama points, above the glass towers.’ (quotation ID 5) – Youth, student, female

‘For me, they define the compression of time and space. On the other hand, you can enjoy unique views of the city, parks and lakes from the upper floor of such a building, during lunch break.’ (quotation ID 12) – Adult, employed, female

Proposals: Currently, there is a need for stricter regulations in the real estate and construction sector in order to preserve the authentic character of cities and minimize the occurring conflicts of interests. The public participation tool should be more used in an effective manner as to consult the citizens’ opinion from the early stage of these development projects. Also, when constructing high-rise office buildings, their placemen should consider the local functional, environmental and aesthetical context in order to facilitate their integration in the urban landscape and convey a ‘sense of place’. The existent initiatives of creating green spaces in the surrounding office areas are not sustainable, as lawns and exotic shrubs or ornamental plants in pots are mostly used. There is a need for designing more biodiverse environments with local plant material in the inner and outer spaces of mixed-use office buildings. The construction of green buildings should be stimulated through policy measures and incentives should be provided to real estate developers, managers and investors.

5.2.2. Gardenesque style flowerbeds The majority of respondents in all three cities characterized colourful beds of flowers as an element of beauty for the cityscape. They are also seen as brining aesthetical value in an environment that is dominated by the presence of ‘grey concrete’ (image of the ‘soviet blocks’). The concept of using colourful flower arrangements as landmarks or guide points towards tourist attractions in Bucharest is launched by one of the respondents:

‘Firstly, the aesthetic role is indisputable. Such flower arrangements made with a little bit of care will always attract positive reactions. Colours, ambiance, dynamics, curiosity or amusement, anything is better than the far too common grey concrete. Such interventions could become real guide marks, directing the traveller towards interest points as the historic centre, Calea Victoriei, parks etc.’ (Bucharest, quotation ID 5) – Youth, student, female

A common theme that is mentioned by several inhabitants in all three cities is ‘health, clean air’. A possible reason behind this could be that respondents visualize flowers in a larger natural setting that absorbs the air pollution in the cityscape or that their tidiness is perceived as an expression of health and pure air.

Another shared perception by the respondents in Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea is that colourful flower arrangements are a source of positive feelings and that they bring about relaxation and good mood for people of all ages. Moreover, as described by two inhabitants, they are associated with childhood memories and wild flowers that grow naturally on meadows:

‘Reminds me of childhood and wild flowers, they bring about a juvenile spirit.’ (Ramnicu- Valcea , quotation ID 15)

‘Reminds me of flowers of field, just that the ones planted in town give a more ‘artificial’ feeling; I would appreciate if there were let more naturally occurring and not so formally arranged.’ (Sibiu, quotation ID 1)

Ramnicu-Valcea takes its pride in being famous for its neatness and well maintained flower arrangements, visual descriptors for the image of the town. This positive identity creation has also been supported by the continuous efforts of the local administration, as outlined by several respondents:

‘These flower arrangements give vitality, colour and extra brightness to the city. As such, Ramnicu-Valcea appears better taken care of, which makes us more confident in the attention that local authorities offer to city maintenance.’ (Ramnicu-Valcea, quotation ID 3)

‘The existence of the many flower arrangements in the city and their regular maintenance brings a sense of pride to me as an inhabitant of a beautiful and tidy provincial town.’ (Ramnicu- Valcea, quotation ID 1)

This perception is not only assumed by the inhabitants, but it is also shared by one of the respondents from Sibiu, who proposes as a vision for change in her city:

‘More and bigger parks, better maintained and with flowers like I saw in Ramnicu-Valcea.’ (Sibiu, quotation ID 6)

Proposals: The current urban landscape of amenity grass, amenity shrubs and amenity carpet beddings is not adapted to natural processes. They all require a high maintenance capacity and are resource intensive (need for watering, weeding, fertilizing etc.) and emission generators to the soil, water and the atmosphere. The procurement of dendro-flower material from foreign countries further brings transportation costs and release of air pollutants in the discussion. Thus, more sustainable practices that feature the use endemic flora grown in local nurseries should be undertaken, as this plant material fits the climate and soil conditions in the best possible manner. Examples of vegetation native to Romania include: Rosa canina, which is the national flower of Romania, Globe daisy (Globularia trichosantha), Bear’s breeches (Acanthus hungaricus), Autumn Crocus (Crocus banaticus).

5.2.3. Lawns A signification of lawn that is shared by most of the respondents in Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea is that of a tidy and neat space, which confers security and triggers positive feelings.

‘I appreciate that it is neat and tidy, thus it brings a sense of order, which makes us feel secure and relaxed.’ (Sibiu, quotation ID 13)

‘Lively, clean and neat area where one would like to lie down.’ (Ramnicu-Valcea, quotation ID 2)

Freshness and clean air (health) are also attributes associated with lawns, and they are complemented the visual relaxation effect conferred.

‘Lawns, greenery, flowers, I believe they can give colour to their surroundings and create the impression that the place where we leave in is more beautiful, livelier, and healthier.’ (Bucharest, quotation ID 6)

‘It’s important to be green. A city without greenery is a city without life.’ (Sibiu, quotation ID 8)

‘It represents the green areas that are necessary in a higher number for recreating the city’s inhabitants.’ (Ramnicu-Valcea, quotation ID 8)

From the inductive categories formulated, we can observe a conflict between the tidiness and neatness of lawns and their representation as natural spaces, ‘nature, insects, birds and children playing in the neat grass’. (Ramnicu-Valcea, quotation ID 1). The maintenance of lawns entails the generation of emissions and waste, by fuel consumption, use of pesticides, insecticides and fertilizers, leakage of chemical substances and nutrients in the soil, air and water. It is often the case that citizens are not aware of this life cycle chain and the engendered impacts on ecosystems and they perceive them as being environmentally sound. Nonetheless, some respondents make a distinction between lawns as green areas cultivated and permanently maintained (‘neat grass’, ‘the illusion of a green space’) and the meadows from the countryside or the nature outside the cities (‘where pavement ends’):

‘Lawns: what was left of the concept of ‘nature’ when introduced into cities.’ (Bucharest, quotation ID 1)

‘As I grew up on the outskirts of a small town, I was used with the idea that the pavement ends and the environment is dominated by nature. The most important aspect was that I did not have to pay for transportation means in order to get into nature. All it took was one hour walk and I was out of town. In contrast, Bucharest is a very large city; it is a desert with green oasis…’ (Bucharest, quotation ID 9)

‘It reminds me of the meadows at my grandparents’ place; it’s like bringing nature into the cityscape.’ (Sibiu, quotation ID 4)

Another element pointed out by one citizen in Bucharest is that lawn planted in parks creates the feeling of more freedom, civilization and opportunities of entertainment in open air. A comparison is made with Central Park, as the place where people can fully enjoy themselves and rest down the grass, in contrast with the situation existent in some parks in Bucharest, where there are signs displaying the message ‘Do not step on the grass’.

‘Sign of civilization, like in Central Park, when in the middle of nature as one can lay on the grass and read, listen to music on headphones, play badminton’ (Bucharest, quotation ID 17).

Proposals: The current approach of maintaining neatly cut lawns is improvident from a sustainability standpoint because of the heavy inflow of resources and outflow of emissions, and there is a need to initiate an educational process in this regard (dissemination of information to citizens, politicians, etc.). As it is currently the case in Sub Arini Park in Sibiu, grass should be left to grow more naturally and mowing could be reduced. Moreover, in parks and green areas, reed beds, storm detention and infiltration ponds as well as rain gardens should be arranged to undertake an ecological approach to storm water and greenery management. It is also fundamental to validate the importance of marginal urban vegetation (inner courtyards, waste lands, vacant plots, garden lots, street alignments), which, despite requiring low or no maintenance, contributes substantially to enhancing biodiversity in the cityscapes.

5.2.4. Topiary art Most Bucharest respondents refer to topiary art as to original and innovative details that, if integrated accordingly in the composition, create a positive appearance.

‘Creates the sensation of order and elegance in the city.’ (quotation ID 14)

Several Bucharest respondents associate topiary art with symbolism, architecture and nature. They refer to consecrated landscape design styles such as that of the formal French gardens (quotation ID 10) and argue that topiary art transmits the image of welfare and of ‘living in a more civilized world.’ (quotation ID 15)

Bushes and trees trimmed in different shapes are also perceived by Bucharest’s inhabitants as joyful, playful and juvenile. In this sense, the topiary interventions in parks and green areas could be justified on the grounds that they were aimed to appeal to a large number of inhabitants. Nonetheless, their aesthetic value is highly disputable, and examples such as the ‘green pianist’ displayed in front of the Romanian Athenaeum (the cultural symbol of Bucharest city) illustrate ‘kitsch topiary’ at its very best.

Proposals: Topiary art should be used very carefully in the design of public gardens or green spaces in the urban landscapes, as it could convey a different message than that of environmental art. ‘Kitsch topiary’ should be avoided and instead, practices such as working more ecologically with trees and shrubs have to be adopted.

5.2.5. Commercial centres A common theme that is approached by most respondents with regards to commercial centres is that of consumerist society. Consumerism as behaviour exacerbated in the capitalist era, as a result of lack in accessibility of large quantities or wide varieties of food products in the communist times. In this sense, many citizens in Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea state that commercial centres as offer a diversity of products and are time and cost efficient.

‘They are useful and every client has the possibility to choose the commercial centre where he/she wants to shop. Some of them are not impressive from the point of view of ‘integration in cityscape’ and maintain high prices. However, they offer a large spectrum of products and thus are useful.’ (Bucharest, quotation ID 6)

‘Cheaper prices and more diverse offer, the ones in the city centre (Billa) have kept the specific of the building, even in the communist period there were food stores there.’ (Sibiu, quotation ID 14)

‘Are extremely useful, as they include shops with different profiles, like food stores and electronic products.’ (Ramnicu-Valcea, quotation ID 4)

In terms of location, a distinctive aspect is pointed out by the respondent from Sibiu: the fact that two food stores in the old city centre have preserved they functional specific over the course of time (as they currently host two Billa supermarkets).

Another perspective offered by residents in Bucharest and Sibiu is that of preference for smaller shops and farmers’ markets, peasants’ market, as ‘increase in quantity meant sacrificing quality at times, therefore I prefer buying meat and dairy products, fresh fruits and vegetables from peasants’ (quotation ID 8). Two respondents from Sibiu state the development of commercial centres has lead to the ‘disappearance of craftsmen and merchant’s shops’ (quotation ID 4), thus affecting the economy and social relations at the neighbourhood scale.

Proposals: Multi-functional commercial centres should develop the indoors and outdoors areas as to offer green, socializing and relaxation places for shoppers. The new buildings could feature green roofs with rainwater storage and infiltration capacity, which detain and evaporate water. In what regards the farmers’ and peasants’ markets, their presence should be further supported by local authorities and fair possibilities should enable them to exhibit and commercialize their local food produce.

5.2.6. Advertisements Most of the interviewees in all three cities perceive advertisements as a source of information and knowledge. A wider percentage of respondents find them more useful than aesthetic. Nevertheless, when it comes to their appearance, there is a divide in perception between those who consider them visually attractive or visually polluting.

‚Depending on how the advertisement looks like and where it is located, they either surprise you or trigger an adverse effect.’ (Bucharest, quotation ID 10)

‘Visual intrusion in the cityscape, block the free sight to the horizon or to the architectural details of a building. They are encouraging us to consume more.’ (Sibiu, quotation ID 4)

‘Can offer a piece of information if it is about an event, but some are real visual polluters.’ (Ramnicu-Valcea, quotation ID 7)

Another aspect that citizens draw on is the association with the consumerism. They define advertisements as the instrument designed by corporations to increase their profits in our capitalist society, as ‘they contribute to product promotion, a good sales and marketing strategy’ (Ramnicu-Valcea, quotation ID 4).

The number of advertisements, their location and integration in the surrounding area are other important aspects indicated by the respondents. There is often a lack of visual coherence created in the public space because of their improper placement.

‘Extra luxurious advertisement put on an old Earthquake-prone building.’ (Bucharest, quotation ID 17)

‘There is a lack of connection between the buildings’ character and the type of advertisement hanged on its walls.’ (Sibiu, quotation ID 6)

Proposals: There is a need for imposing stricter regulations concerning the display of advertisement forms (meshes, billboards, banners, panels, etc.) in Bucharest. In all three cities, a new direction of development could be that of using advertising space and technology to meet the need for more green areas. As such, vegetative outdoor boards, vertical walls and temporary gardens could be used to enhance the environmental quality in the cities. Nonetheless, there are several associated risks with these initiatives: that the resources needed for maintenance could overshadow the tangible results, that companies would end up designing just simple and catchy arrangements, instead of engaging in more ecologically sound endeavours, and that the final message transmitted would be of green areas appropriation by the corporate arena. Nevertheless, a strong collaboration with landscape architects, ecologists and horticulture specialists when engaging in such projects could cover some of the aforementioned concerns.

5.2.7. Exotic shrubs and palm trees The impressions that citizens have of palm trees and exotic plants are divided between: those who appreciate their presence and Bucharest and those who don’t. The respondents that like the palm trees arrangement in the capital city refer to their beauty and the feeling of relaxation they transmit. An element of novelty is brought by the argument ‘they make you dream about exotic vacations’, which touches on that many Romanian people have not had yet the opportunity to travel abroad and visit exotic resorts. As such, the presence of palm trees in Bucharest allows them to feel like they are in one of those tropical and subtropical locations even if it is more of an illusion.

On the other hand, several Bucharest inhabitants are intrigued by the waste of resources and effort that the local authorities engaged it, taking into account the current economic recession and the numerous stringent problems that the capital city faces. They also indicate that the plant material used is not endemic and that it requires special maintenance in the winter when they are moved to greenhouses to be ‘replaced by Christmas trees’. This further lays emphasis on the global trends that are seasonally implanted in the cityscape, from designing ‘tropical paradise’ green spaces in the summer time to displaying Christmas trees with all the commercial decorations (such as Santa Clause, reindeers, snowmen) in the winter time.

Proposals: In order to develop a resilient green infrastructure, it is highly indicated to use plant material from local nurseries instead of importing exotic vegetation that is difficult to maintain. The palms and exotic shrubs in Bucharest should be replaced with endemic vegetation that is resistant to the local climatic conditions. In Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea, their presence would not be justified either, as the cities are situated in mountainous areas.

5.2.8. Global culture symbols In post-communist Romania, Christmas and Easter have developed another signification: apart from being sacred religious celebrations, they evolved into holidays when the commercial phenomenon manifests its full potential. At Easter time, ‘bunnies’, ‘chocolate eggs’, ‘golden bows’ and most recently ‘hatching eggs and chicks’ invade not only the commercial centres, but the urban landscape as well. The arrangements designed in parks and green areas leave much to be desired at an aesthetic level, as it was the case this year in Cismigiu Park. An agglomeration of symbols such as gnomes, clowns with instruments, giant eggs and bunnies were part of a ‘kitsch scene’ played under the gilded clock imported from the United States.

In what regards the urban furniture, highly expensive gilded clocks were acquired from the United States both in Bucharest and Ramnicu-Valcea. Importing urban furniture from the United States was preferred over finding local and ecological urban design solutions that could communicate in an authentic manner the identity of the cities. Also, as suggested by one of Bucharest’s inhabitants, the costly purchase comes in contradiction with the other severe social and economic problems of the capital city:

‚It is a very bad timing, now with the recession. They could have chosen clocks that were less luxurious, not gilded ones’

Proposals: A cultural hybridization approach could be followed with respect to these elements, where the local traditions and the authentic customs of Romanian celebrations are emphasized over global elements. There are numerous cultural symbol for the Christmas (‘The goat’ and other regional carols, ‘Colindeti’ ritual) as well as for the Easter holiday (regional decorative motifs for hand painting of eggs, preparing traditional sweets such as ‘Pasca’) that enhance the diversity of the local and should be preserved for future generations. In what concerns the materials used for urban furniture, they should relate to the local character of the landscape and their design should reflect the identity of the city at a conceptual level.

Besides assessing these globalization elements, the respondents to the survey were also interrogated concerning aspects such as availability of green areas and social amenities in the area where they live, as well as the way in which they envision the future of their cities.

5.3. Green areas used for social interaction and proposals A share of 55% of the respondents in Bucharest city mention that there are no green areas surrounding their block (here including inner courtyard, allotment gardens) and there are no social amenities available (such as benches, chairs, swings, etc.). This situation is also reflected in Ramnicu-Valcea, and to a larger extent in Sibiu, where the medieval structure of the town does not allow for the construction of more green spaces.

‘The inner courtyard is a big parking lot, without a trace of greenery.’ (Bucharest, quotation ID 5)

‘Not really encountered as there are very few green spaces.’ (Sibiu, quotation ID 11)

Depending on the location, in the inner courtyard of the block there could be gardens for flowers, shrubs and trees, lots with green grass or vineries (in Ramnicu-Valcea, due to the fertile aluvionary soil). It is also common practice for people to grow ornamental flowers in pots on the balconies. However, as outlined by one Bucharest respondent, the inhabitants from the blocks where refurbishment programs were implemented are no longer allowed to do this. In Sibiu, the administration of a block could require plant material from the municipality and receive it through a contract, without paying any money. After the plantations have been effectuated, it is in the responsibility of the residents to take care of that green space. When the green areas are endowed with facilities for interaction, it is usually benches or swings and children playgrounds that are made available.

Proposals: There is a need for enhancing the green areas and the social amenities within the residential units and connecting them with the green and blue infrastructure in the cities. In Ramnicu-Valcea, the riverfronts of Olanesti and Olt River need to be redesigned in a manner that offers the possibility to feel closer to the waterways and includes micro-infrastructural development (pedestrian, bicycle lanes) as well as connectivity with the green spaces in town. In Sibiu city, the recent development of promenade alleys along the Cibin River side should be followed by the design of bicycle paths that would be linked with the existent green route ‘Astra Park-Zoo’. In Bucharest, Dambovita River represents an element of continuity and could weave together the heterogeneous urban fragments. In all three cities, the sports facilities between the neighbourhoods could also be linked by the waterfront. Initiatives of sustainable development could also include also the reconstruction of wetlands and lost native vegetation as well as cleaning the water from pollution. The riverfront character and its natural processes should be reinforced through design with endemic plant material, and areas for relaxation should be made available along the environmentally pleasant routeways.

5.4. Visions for change The section ‘Visions for change’ of the qualitative research had a focus on public spaces, primarily on parks and green areas in Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea. The answers of the respondents are discussed below.

Bucharest: In the parks of Bucharest city, the inhabitants wish to preserve the wildlife, the ‘ducks, swans, pheasants’ (quotation ID 13). They also want to keep the green spaces where picnic is allowed and even increase their number (quotation ID 14) and to maintain the already existing biking lanes (quotation ID 1). In terms of proposed actions, they would like to see more and cleaner green areas, with cultural pavilions and thematic spaces. They mention that more children playgrounds need to be built in safe locations and that green areas should be endowed with entertainment and sports facilities. Enhancing the quality of the lakes’ water and bringing more fauna in parks, as well as displaying more orientation signs for foreigners are also suggested.

As outlined by one of the respondents, punctual interventions are not sufficient and more coherent and comprehensive planning at the city level is required.

‘There is need for a reorganization of public spaces as a network at the cityscape level.’ (Bucharest, quotation ID 5)

Sibiu: The respondents from Sibiu city would like to see more greenery and flowers, more children playgrounds and sports facilities, ‘basketball and volley ball fields, ping-pong and a mini-football field eventually, like in Vienna’ (quotation ID 9). Several interviewees mention the need for a better maintenance of lawns in parks. Several respondents mention that they would appreciate to see arrangements of trimmed trees and shrubs (quotation ID 3) as well as ‘interesting decorations, not necessary flowers, but ornaments and designs like in the Japanese gardens’ (quotation ID 1).

A senior respondent mentioned about the park with alley hosted in the central area of the Big Square after 1948. He describes that it featured ‘benches, many roses and colourful flowers, where kids and elder people were sitting together’ (quotation ID 2). After the Revolution (1989), the park disappeared and was replaced by paving slabs, as inspired by the model of squares in German cities.

Ramnicu-Valcea: The respondents from Ramnicu-Valcea want to see more flowers and fountains, children playgrounds, outdoor fitness equipments and sport fields, more cultural activities in parks and entertainment facilities on the Zavoi Lake.

‘The swings and the chairs and all the other furniture lacks attractiveness and safetiness, there is not a concept for recreational space for kids. There are little entertainment options. The children playground needs to be better thought through. Multi-functional fields for kids with sports facilities (tennis, football etc.) should be built to ensure their involvement in physical activities.’ (quotation ID 2)

Two more insightful responses are provided by senior inhabitants, who propose the restoration of the old Mills’ Pond (quotation ID 17) and the revival of the old pedestrian area in the city centre that is now replaced by car lanes (quotation ID 14).

6. Conclusions

In this paper, the three Romanian cities of Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea were presented from the perspective of the intertwined historical layers that characterise their development, as well as by means of an interdisciplinary approach. As such, the PEBOSCA framework was used to identify the physical, economical, biological, organizational, cultural and aesthetic resources together with the globalization elements that these cityscapes have assimilated.

It is not necessarily the case that globalization elements in themselves entail negative changes, but it is more the manner in which they are integrated in different cultures that decides the role they pla y. In fact, one of the positive aspects that globalization has brought about in the Romanian society was awareness of democracy. All the three cities have responded differently to these globalizing factors, and this is reflected in the reconfiguration of their spatial structure. In the capitalist society, Bucharest, Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea have recognized the emergence of a significant number of commercial centres, which was inductive to large infrastructure developments. In the capital city, these transformations have been the most apparent, as shopping areas were constructed not only on the outskirts (in order to respond to the needs of the suburban communities), but also in the inner zones. This market domination by retailers has affected considerably th e little corner shops, due to differences in price and the spectrum of offered products. Nevertheless, in all three cities the neighbourhood specialized stores and the farmers’ and peasants’ markets are still supported by residents, due to the proximity to their housings, familiarity with the offer and the owners of the shops, appreciation of ecological food produce (or ‘from the countryside’, as people call it).

Consumerism was further encouraged by the large number of advertisement panels, banners, billboards, meshes etc. that have assaulted the cityscapes. If in Sibiu and Ramnicu-Valcea advertising is more strictly regulated, nevertheless, in Bucharest there still is room for a better management of the situation. Currently, the urban landscape is overloaded with visual displays that are found by the inhabitants as being more useful than attractive.

The economic progress that Romania has acknowledged in the post-communist era and after the European Union accession in 2007 translated into an increase in external investments and foreign financial support, as well as in

the development of the tertiary sector (also called service sector). This caused a soaring demand for offices, and new construction projects of business properties started off. This lead to a transformations more visible in Bucharest city, where the number of high rise office buildings is ever increasing in the central areas, but also at the periphery (for instance, in the Northern part). Several of these projects developed in the capital city are controversial in terms of their location, as they overshadow important religious, architectural or cultural symbols. Nonetheless, it is not only a matter of lack of integration in the surrounding landscapes, but also of cultural uniformity that they create in a larger context, that of the international arena. They represent the ‘signature’ architecture of a globalized world and generate homogeneous cityscapes devoid of their local imprint or cultural determinism.

In what regards landscape architecture styles, this study portrayed how the Gardenesque flowerbeds, Victorian Gardenesque ‘tropical paradise’ and Picturesque style have been used in the design of parks and green areas in Romanian cities in their simplified version, replicated globally. Moreover, the manner in which topiary art was adopted in green spaces in Bucharest city leaves much to be desired from an aesthetical standpoint. Currently, in all three cityscapes there is a lack of continuity between the different urban units, thus it is fundamental to enhance their interdependence and functional coordination in the future. This could be achieved by designing infrastructural nodes and more green corridors that are connected to the blue infrastructure and sustain resilient ecological systems.

To conclude, the three Romanian cities analyzed in this paper present different degrees of assimilation of global elements. Bucharest is clearly the example where most interventions have taken place as to affect the urban fabric and redistribute the functions and importance of different areas of the city. Nevertheless, all the three urban centres have their distinctive character that should be enhanced by undertaking a ‘cultural hybridization’ approach aimed at preserving their identity and local ‘sense of place’.

7. Annexes

(1) QUESTIONNAIRE FOR ALPAB

1) Which are the main species of plants used for landscape arrangements in Bucharest city? 2) Where does the dendro-floral plant material come from? What exactly is grown in the local nurseries and greenhouses, and what is imported (from where)? 3) What is the landscape architecture specific of parks in Bucharest? Are the design styles of Western countries used as a model of inspirations for our parks? 4) What type of ornamental constructions are encountered in parks and green areas of the city (such as fountains, pavilions, decorative vases, statues, etc.)? How do you appreciate their aesthetics and attractiveness? 5) Who takes charge of the design and aesthetics of parks (are there landscape architects employed)? 6) What is the current state of connection between green areas and micro-infrastructure (lanes for cycling, pedestrian zones incorporated in the cityscape)? 7) What is the current degree of implementation of the following concepts: green roofs, green walls, community gardens? 8) What measures should be undertaken in order to enhance the design and quality of green areas in the city? 9) Which are the future directions for the development of green areas and parks in Bucharest city?

(2) PATRICIPANT QUESTIONNAIRE NO

City Date Time

RESPONDENT’S DETAILS (Please encircle the appropriate box below) Gender Male Female Further Age Youth (16-25 Adult (26-50 Senior (51- explanations years) years) years) Studies Highschool University Master

Occupation Student Employed Unemployed

Wage Without 700 -1400 lei 1400-3000 lei 3000 - > 5000 5000 lei lei Residential Single Two adults Two adults with Block: category without chilren children House:

Relation to Resident Communter Residential the place area:

1) Mention, in your own words, what is the meaning of the following elements in your city: a. Colorful flower bed arrangements b. High rise office buildings c. Advertisement banners d. Commercial centers e. Lawns f. Palm trees and other unusual plants g. Topiary (clipping) art

2) What attributes or particular landscapes define the identity of your city? 3) Do you consider that any certain type of development has affected the identity of your city? How? 4) Which are the possibilities for using green areas (rooftop, inner courtyards, allotment gardens, parks, etc.) for social interaction with your neighbors? 5) What changes would you like to see in parks and green areas and what elements would you like to keep?

8. Acknowledgment

I would like to express my gratitude to all those who supported me in completing this research. Foremost, I would like to sincerely acknowledge the supervision of Hon. Dr. Prof. Maria Ignatieva, whose continuous support and confidence, stimulating suggestions and immense knowledge helped me write this thesis. Her advice motivated me in all this time and I could not have imagined having a better advisor and mentor for my study.

I am extremely grateful to my evaluator Prof. Dr. Per Berg, for his constant help during my academic years and his enthusiastic feedback. I am also thankful to the examiner Dr. Gloria Gallardo for her encouraging words and constructive comments.

I want to especially thank Prof. Dr. Ioana Tudora for the numerous research materials she provided to me on multiple occasions, her valuable insights and inspirational ideas.

I am obliged to Prof. Dr. Horatiu Rusu for enlightening me the first glance of research in the area of globalization theories and offering me his book for studying.

I am grateful to Vlad Cristinel, the Chief Architect at Ramnicu-Valcea municipality, for the enriching and stimulant conversations we had, and for providing me with photographs and documents absolutely necessary to conduct this study.

I want to thank Daniou Magdalena Elena, Director of Green Spaces and Nurseries, Piete Prest, Ramnicu-Valcea, for her enthusiastic help, invigorating ideas and the valuable data offered for this research.

I am also obliged to ALPAB ‘The Bucharest Administration of Lakes, Parks and Green areas’, for their sincere collaboration and support with extremely necessary data for conducting my thesis research.

I am also very grateful to Vladut Dan Vladimir, Director of Parks and Green spaces Service at Sibiu Municipality, for the data provided and his enormous help to visit the local nurseries and greenhouses as well as the parks and green areas in town.

Especially, I would like to thank my family, whose love, patience and motivation enabled me to complete my master thesis research.

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