Research

Multiple & Overlapping Identities The Case of

Thomas Misco & Lena Lee

Introduction is a lack of consciousness about race, with but rather unceasingly changes through a acceptance of the dominant culture as variety of experiences, intentions, desires, Over the last several decades, the superior. The other common stage involves and powers (Foucault, 1966). In other words, discourse of multicultural education has awareness and establishment of non-racist subjectivity is constantly in the process of emphasized the study of ethnic identity identity in order to take responsibility for reproduction and transformation. development in order to better understand social injustice. As a result, each individual’s identity diversity and gain more specific knowledge However, in most of these studies the may not be formed only through their de- about different ethnic groups and ethnic- identity development models have too often pendence on others’ perspectives. Rather, ity. Examining identity acknowledges that ignored several ethnic minority groups a group of people can shape and renew socio-cultural issues are interwoven with within the . As Grant (1997) itself, and their individual selves, through individual feelings, thoughts, and fears asserted, ethnic identity involves many dif- a continual process of struggle. that lead people to have certain behavior ferent characteristics such as nationality, Instead of considering ethnic iden- toward themselves as well as others. citizenship, and language. As a result, these tity as an unchangeable and permanent In particular, ethnic identity develop- significant “markers of identity” (p. 9) can be ontological foundation, in this study we ment theory (e.g., Atkinson, Morten, & Sue, related to how each individual juxtaposes view it as multilayered and continually 1979; Cross, 1991; Hardiman, 2001; Har- any given determinant of identity as well as evolving (Bauman, 2003; Foucault, 1966). diman & Jackson, 1997; Helms & Cooks, what determinants they view as significant We emphasize the dynamics of identity 1999; Ortiz & Rhoads, 2000) has identified or insignificant in a socio-cultural, histori- by examining how each educator we in- certain stages of identity development cal, geographic, and political realm, result- terviewed in Guam’s post-colonial context for both minority groups and dominant ing in mirroring identity as a strategic and understood and interpreted one’s own eth- groups. Several studies have described a positional choice (Hall, 1996). nicity, which serves as a core of traditional variety of identity models (e.g., Atkinson, In addition to the importance of self- ethnic identity study (Phinney, 1996). Morten, & Sue, 1979; Carney & Kahn, perspective on identity development in 1984; Carter, 1995; Cross, 1991; Gay, 1984; multicultural education, another critical Problems of Context: Guam Hardiman & Jackson, 1997; Helms, 1994; question about self has to do with how an Jackson, 2001; Phinney, 1990; Tatum, 1992; individual perceives and views the other. Guam is the western-most territory Terry, 1977; Vandiver, 2001) and these The identity of minority groups is not of the United States, situated in the Pa- various models consist of stages that have always a reality that can be completely cific Ocean 3,700 miles west-southwest of features in common. determined by the will of a person in a mi- . The largest island of , For instance, identity development for nority group. Rather, it is often determined Guam is 30 miles in length and ranges minority groups typically includes such by others. from 12 to 4 miles in width. Indigenous to stages as conformity and acceptance (the These “others” become a mirror which Guam are the and their stage of internalizing and valuing the ma- reflects both self and others in a way that language. jority culture as desirable and superior), can prevent understanding their true The 2000 census, which has limited resistance (the stage of rejecting and chal- identities since they often see themselves parameters for disentangling Guam’s di- lenging the majority culture), and reflection as others see them. In this manner, the verse population of 154,805, lists 75,851 and integration (the stage of redefining an question of identity in a particular context Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Island- independent sense of self and incorporat- moves from the subjective domain of the ers, 51,106 Asian, and 10,660 White per- ing both one’s culture and dominant social “self” to the objective domain of “others,” sons within Guam. Approximately 37% of values into one’s own identity). illuminating what Sartre has called, “be- Guam residents categorize themselves as Dominant group identity typically fol- ing-for-other” (1943), which refers to an Chamorro and 47% were born off the island lows a different model in which two stages individual’s tendency to be dependent on (Census, 2000). Guam residents claiming are commonly found. The beginning stage others for one’s sense of self. two or more ethnic origins or races in the Thus, subjectivity is not only based census included 13,687 or 9% of the popula- Thomas Misco and Lena Lee on others’ gazes, but is also established by tion. Those speaking only English at home are associate professors the continual process of struggle between number 52,831 (34%), while roughly 30,000 in the Department of Teacher Education ongoing power and resistance to that power speak Chamorro (19%), 30,000 speak of the School of Education, Health, & Society (Foucault, 1966). The subject is not fixed, Philippine (19%), and 24,000 (15%) speak at Miami University, Oxford, Ohio. another language.

FALL 2012 23 Research

Guam is an “important crossroads to other residents of Guam (Rapadas, basal programs with few books highlighting for an assortment of multinational and Balajadia, & Rubinstein, 2005, p. 169). In anything about Guam. Some educational multiethnic interests” and is a complex, addition, Chamorro are over-represented institutions made attempts towards a more creolized culture brought on by centuries in the penal system and experience higher culturally responsive education through of “intercultural mixing as the principal rates of suicide and family violence than classes in the 1970s, form of indigenous social and cultural ar- that of other ethnicities, as many are “un- but according to Hattori U.S. cultural he- ticulation” (Diaz, 2010, p. 17). The island able to adjust and fully benefit from the gemony is firmly entrenched and is a force is experiencing rapid social and economic modernization, globalization, and technical contrary to maintaining the indigenous changes, but over 20% of Guamanians advancements that a selected few, includ- history and culture (Hattori, 2011). live in poverty (Census, 2000; Rapadas, ing some indigenous people, are able to To address needs of a multicultural Balajadia, & Rubinstein, 2005). enjoy” (Rapadas, Balajadia, & Rubinstein, student population, teachers have posi- A history of colonial dynamics has very 2005, p. 166). All of this is similar to other tioned students as writers and illustrators much informed multiculturalism in Guam. instances of indigenous people suffering and have taken on an active role in modify- For roughly 500 hundred years without within the confluence of present and his- ing and adapting available curriculum for pause, Guam has experienced colonialism toric colonization and globalization: local needs (Foley & Petty, 1996). Moreover, of some variety. In 1521, Magellan sighted Hattori (2011) has noted the Chamorro The failure to thrive is generalized and Guam, which not only marked the begin- perpetuated even outside their native cultural values of interdependence, re- ning of long-term Spanish colonization but lands, because in U.S. communities all spect for nature, filial piety, respect for also the murder of many residents. In 1898, over the mainland, native peoples like elders, and respect for social position as the Treaty of Paris transferred Guam to Hawaiians, Chamorus, and Maoris are inafa‘maolek, or “making it good for each the United States as a territorial posses- struggling for economic and cultural other” (p. 221). sion. Guam was held by the U.S. until 1941 survival. Clearly, it is a struggle that they The “absence of this indigenous episte- when the Japanese invaded and occupied are losing. We are rapidly witnessing the mology in favor of the standard American deaths of cultures all over the world and the island. curriculum” is also found outside of educa- in this part of the world, there seems to be The United States liberated Guam little that is being done. (Rapadas, Balajadia, tion in the social, economic, and political from Japan in 1944 and by 1950 had es- & Rubinstein, 2005, p. 166) institutions and the “massive land takings tablished the Organic Act, which brought that concurred with the ‘gift’ of U.S. citizen- about home rule in Guam as an unincorpo- In short, forces of globalization, ship” (Hattori, 2011, p. 221). Most clearly rated territory of the United States, thus urbanization, popular culture, and the Americanization is evident in language providing a special form of U.S. citizenship. presence of the U.S. military have influ- use as only 22% of Guam’s residents still Within the larger teleological political enced Chamorro cultural transformation, speak the Chamorro language. trajectory of democratization, home rule especially over the past 50 years (Hattori, was a significant milestone (Diaz, 2010). 2011). Here we find challenged ideas of Methodology Alternatively the Spanish, Japanese, “indigeneity based on presumptions about and the United States have instituted cultural purity and insularity” and a “thick Considered as outsiders because we policies that transformed Chamorro life, veneer” culture that has interweaving his- were not from Guam, we were known to the leading some to suggest that the aggregate tories which ultimately provide context for respondents as researchers from the U.S. effect was “cultural genocide” (Rapadas, “ferocity of indigeneity” (Diaz, 2010, p. 27). mainland and we projected ourselves as Balajadia, & Rubinstein, 2005, p. 149). The Chamorro people experience multiple being keenly interested in the challenges For example, since the first contact with and overlapping identities, being both and pathways to broaching controversial the west in 1521, the native Chamorro indigenous to the and as issues and multicultural education in the population experienced the death of the part of the U.S. They derive most income unique context of Guam. Our previous majority of the population, language trans- from Japanese tourism and the presence international experiences and research in formation, dismantling of the matrilineal of the U.S. military, which possesses 30% international contexts allowed us to be con- hierarchical system, and the introduction of the land and constitutes 20% of the scious of such limitations and to assume a of Christianity, which ultimately displaced population (Hattori, 2001). more transnational and global perspective the native naturalistic religion. A complicated context thus informs on controversial issue instruction. As a result of the Japanese period, the education in Guam. For example, the As a preliminary study we employed Americanization of the Chamorro people University of Guam (UOG) highlights the qualitative methods primarily because received significant assistance, because confluence of ethnicities in its student they are well-suited for addressing re- the Japanese invasion and brutal occupa- population, enjoying status as the most search problems concerning norms, struc- tion drove Chamorro to their American diverse university within the Western As- tures, conditions, and processes (Glaser “colonial overseer, with religious zeal and sociation of Schools and Colleges (WASC). & Strauss, 1967), features that were at cultural prescriptions of gratitude and Faculty at UOG are 20% Chamorro, 58% the heart of our research questions. These loyalty” (Diaz, 2010, p. 13). Caucasian, 10% Asian, and 5% Pilipino questions contained normative elements Today, native Chamorro struggle “to (Johnson & Inoue, 2001). and assumed a constructivist ontology, make it in their own home in today’s very Yet numerous challenges exist as fitting the post-positivistic nature of quali- complicated world” and Chamorro fami- public education has experienced colo- tative methods which asserts that there lies experience “overwhelming suffering,” nial forces and nefarious consequences is not one reality, but rather multiple in- including high rates of physical ailments of importing American public education terpretations and renderings of the world such as diabetes, strokes, heart disease, (Hattori, 2011). In public schools, for ex- (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 2001). and decreased general health compared ample, reading is taught with American Although many cross-cultural re-

MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION 24 Research searchers select countries on the basis themselves volunteered to serve as respon- as blended backgrounds of Filipino, Asian, of where they can gain access, we feel dents. and Outer Island ethnicities, many in that access is not sufficient justification A total of 36 educators agreed to par- Guam identify first with the village they to conduct a study. Instead we needed to ticipate and each was interviewed. This are from rather than with their ethnic provide thoughtful justifications as to why sample was non-random and purposive as background. we were pursuing research where we were it sought out all informants of the target One middle school teacher’s narrative (Hahn, 2006). In this case, the dearth of population. We also collected and analyzed demonstrated such a mixed identity when educational research in this field, the im- curricular documents from Guam schools, she indicated that: portance of Guam within the Pacific and including textbooks, competency objectives, . . . that is a problem. If you are born on global community, and the importance of and trade books that serve as a source of Guam you are Guamanian American. understanding the next generation of mul- information to teachers regarding multicul- Those who are from the Philippines are ticultural democratic citizens provided our tural education and controversial issues. Asian and Chamorro and Chuukese are primary justifications. Pacific Islanders. And I’m mixed and so Drawing on an established network of Data Analysis many are mixed—what am I? contacts within UOG and the Guam Public Rather than apply analytical tools a These issues of identity are compli- Schools, we embarked on a study to explore cated and expansive and constitute contro- the following research question: priori, we followed both the suggestions of numerous qualitative methodologists as versy in Guam. Due to this nature of these Given the diverse and overlapping well as the direction of the data to inform identity issues, Guamanian teachers and identities within Guam, how do our emergent approach. Data were reduced students rarely discuss them in schools. teachers and teacher educators think and organized by recurring themes that fit As a respondent from higher education about identity as an educational and within the established research questions. pointedly stated; sociocultural context? In an attempt to retain conceptuality, we Teachers don’t want to touch it. They say took care to not dilute “thick description their job is to teach math, not deal with Data Sources into thin description,” that is, not to weaken this because it produces controversy. the depth and value of the data (Steiner- We explored the perceptions and ideas During the course of this study we Khamsi, Torney-Purta, & Schwille, 2002). of identity that Guamanian teachers had collected data in three forms: interview By examining recurring themes and and connected them to their educational responses, curricular materials, and field comparing these themes to other in- contexts. First, in the sections that follow, notes. Semi-structured interviews were stances across interviews, we engaged in we address Chamorro, the native ethnic conducted with 15 elementary classroom a form of constant comparative analysis group in Guam, and the ways in which iden- teachers, eight secondary social studies (Glazer & Strauss, 1967). This constant tifying as Chamorro has cascading implica- teachers, three university professors and comparison resulted in independent cat- tions for relationships within and outside administrators, and 10 principals. All of egory development by the two researchers, of Guam. We then explore the concept of the respondents work for the Guam Public leading to clarification of each category Guamanian, as an identity construct that Schools or UOG. and the condensation and expansion of many Chamorros reject within a compli- In each case, simultaneous tran- categories, triangulated against both the cated colonial and independence context. scription was performed using a laptop data and each researcher’s interpretation Finally, we disengage or untangle computer in order to facilitate maximum (Macgillivray & Jennings, 2008). the relationship of Guam and the U.S. as ease and comfort for respondents. This Our final categories and themes part of identity formation. This relation- was done because through our experiences were placed into meaningful sequences ship with the U.S. is contained within an conducting research in other societies, we that formed the sections of our findings additional layer that includes the identity have come to realize the general aversion in response to the research questions of Outer Islander and Chuukese immi- respondents have to anything they report (Glesne, 2005). These categories informed grants, all of which further highlights and being captured in a recorded format. theme production and captured related shapes the complex contours of identity We engaged in informal conversations interview responses, creating a process of within Guam. with numerous community members and data reduction into manageable forms and captured these data within field notes. reassembled data which enabled interpre- Finally, we visited numerous historical tations (LeCompte & Schensul, 1999). Chamorro and cultural sites of significance to better Although findings in this context The indigenous ethnic group Cham- understand the context informing educa- are not necessarily applicable to another tion within Guam. orro is not easily delineated. Identities context, they have the potential to gener- in Guam are multiple and overlapping. In recruiting participants for the ate hypotheses for other current or future study, we employed an exhaustive strat- Considering the island’s history of im- contexts and can inform policy and practice migration, intermarriage, and status as a egy of inviting every teacher in the Guam implications not only for the context under Public School System to participate. In U.S. territory, and we often found the idea study, but for similar contexts as well (Hahn of Chamorro ethnicity to be quite fluid. keeping with Guam’s Department of & Alviar-Martin, 2008; Schofield, 1990). Education instructions, we contacted each For example, one respondent in higher school administrator through email during education suggested that Chamorros are Findings the months preceding the data collection. “not a hyphenated people” but that being indigenous necessarily includes multiple These administrators acted as liaisons Mixed and overlapping identities are identities. He went on to assert that Cham- between us and prospective respondents quite common in Guam. In addition to orros are the “official people of Guam and and in many cases the administrators Chamorro and U.S. identification, as well

FALL 2012 25 Research the official culture of Guam.” He continued group.” Those core values, he suggested, sity professor told us that, because they by asserting that there is a divergence in are actually what determines whether have dealt with disaster for so long—such the degree to which Chamorros want to ex- or not someone is Chamorro, rather than as “Super Typhoon,” which once destroyed ert more influence or control of Chamorro ethnic proportionality. Chamorro values, “90% of the houses and displaced the major- identity within Guamanian institutions. he noted, include a focus on the family, ity of the population”—a theme of constant One middle school principal felt that respect, shame, and intergenerational as change has always emerged in Chamorro Chamorro identity very much depends on well as geographical connections. identity. The professor noted: who one speaks with. For him, any native of He suggested that the “strong sense of Despite the fact that Guam is at its best shame carried by Chamorros” is connected Guam, independent of ethnic background, in a disaster, Chamorros are optimistic “will identify as being Chamorro” and to an infinite sense of reciprocity with oth- and happy because everyone gets moving. Chamorros can exist despite intermarriage ers. He noted that if a “visitor hurts, the They are worried about friends and with other ethnic groups. The generation Chamorro hurts too.” When someone is families. We have a long-term memory of before his used the term “Guamanian,” with in need, the Chamorros want to respond having to deal with trauma, recovering, 90% of Guam’s population being Chamorro, because “they too will be in need.” Because getting past it, and moving forward. these core values actually determine eth- thus making the terms Chamorro and Gua- In spite of the accepting spirit of the nicity, he felt “anyone can come to Guam manian interchangeable. Chamorro people, several respondents and be a Chamorro” and “that is how we Currently, less than 50% of Guam’s reiterated the status of Chamorro as the have survived for hundreds of years.” population is Chamorro, since “anyone can “official” or “original” people of Guam. An One elementary principal at a school come here and become Guamanian,” and elementary ESL teacher suggested that where Chamorros are a minority stated: this led to numerous respondents indicating Chamorros are still at the top of any cul- the importance of identifying as Chamorro. We [Chamorro] are very accepting—you tural hierarchy and enjoy a sense of the Once the clear majority group, the Cham- always find prejudice, but you don’t really “dominant identity.” In addition, there orro people are now a plurality given the find it here. We [Chamorro and immigrant is “assimilation toward a U.S. identity in influx of additional , Outer Island populations] are all alike in every way and many ways,” because, as one elementary immigrants, and military personnel. we are all the same. principal indicated, people in Guam “are The southern part of Guam is most A high school social studies teacher so Westernized—even the Chamorro” and heavily Chamorro while the northern part, made sense of this assertion by citing Guam is a “melting pot—it’s a Western including the major cities, airport, and students who melting pot—made in America.” U.S. Air Force Base, is a much more di- In discussing such Westernization verse mixture of Outer Islanders, Filipino, . . . love to discuss different races but they in Guam, a Chamorro teacher claimed don’t want to talk badly about anyone. Asians, and those from the U.S. mainland. that due to becoming a teacher within a Teachers in the south remarked that “ev- They really don’t want to criticize anyone, which is part of the Pacific culture. Western educational milieu and enduring eryone is practically related to everyone repeated criticism from her family that her else here,” and as a result, with frequent Similarly, one middle school princi- identity is no longer Chamorro, her “inside intermarriage of ethnic groups, there is a pal asserted that the core and pervasive is White but I’m still Chamorro.” sense of social capital related to discipline Chamorro value of respect ultimately As a result of more intermarriage and educational remediation. serves to both promote and discourage across ethnic lines, conflict has diffused. Over the past 25 years, movements conversation, most often avoiding those Therefore, some have suggested that “if to strengthen the Chamorro identity topics that are contested or controversial. there was a dominant culture, it would have emerged, including dance groups, Others, including a respondent in high- be Chamorros from Guam” and another clubs, and public mandates requiring the er education, added a different but related elementary teacher felt “there is very teaching of the Chamorro language. One perspective, stating that as a Chamorro it much a hierarchy [among ethnicities]” respondent in higher education character- is easier to form distinctions between “us” with Chamorro occupying a privileged ized this as “a movement to prioritize the (Chamorro) and “them” (i.e., Outer Island- position. culture and identity.” ers). She indicated that the Chamorro have In addition to the process of Western- For instance, there is a strong em- a simple concept of distinguishing others ization, World War II served to irrevocably phasis for all students in Guam to learn by identifying only two groups outside of influence Chamorro culture and its tradi- Chamorro. One elementary teacher noted Chamorro—one is “Gilagu (others who tions. Before the 1940s, “everyone was it is “the indigenous language of the host are White) and the other is Gipalau (other reliant on their farms.” Although many people, although the language of instruc- Brown people).” However, Chamorros often worked in lower-level jobs, mainly due tion is in English.” At the university level, think, she suggested, that they are all from to discrimination, most Guam residents however, much of the attention to Cham- —“just one large group of others” relied on sustenance from farms. Between orro is directed toward infighting over because “Chamorros don’t recognize these 1940 and 1950, a university respondent nuanced distinctions, such as how to spell as different groups of people.” posited, “94% of the farms disappeared and “Chamorro,” what the correct traditional Living in the typhoon belt and home to much of the land fell into military owner- dances are, and to what extent efforts frequent natural disasters has also made ship.” With devastation from the war and should be made to aggressively exert the the Chamorro identity and culture ready military annexation of land, Chamorros culture within Guam. to accept change as a part of everyday life were “forced into a cash economy” and

When discussing who a Chamorro and still remain positive. For example, sustainability is now very much located is, one middle school principal empha- Chamorros do not have an understanding within that system. Thus, this resulted sized the Chamorro people’s core values of family heirlooms for they “own nothing in their dependence on external economic which made them “survive as an ethnic that is attached to longevity.” One univer- factors whereby “if shipping was cut off to

MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION 26 Research

Guam, there would be chaos in a week. We orro and Pilipino might have their ethnic and identity to the students and a respon- have no economic backbone.” identity tattooed in some fashion on their dent in higher education indicated that Until recently, Discovery Day was a arm, who would want to have a tattoo, there is a division over the extent to which mainstay in the curriculum, commemorat- ‘Guamanian’?” This respondent went on citizenship in the United States is a norma- ing March 7th, 1521, when Magellan “dis- to suggest that most “wince” at the term. tive issue. Some are proud of this designa- covered” Guam, although this day actually One elementary school principal also tion, but many feel as though they are not is marked by murder and the beginnings of recalled that in the past the term was used, treated like other citizens. New immigrants, colonization. Schools supplanted this cele- “but lately nobody says Guamanian.” The he suggested, may feel they are immigrating bration in the school calendar with “Cham- fluid nature of Chamorro self-identifica- to Guam while others stress that they are orro Month.” Even though its name does tion helps explain this, as described by a immigrating to the United States, saying not reflect the rich multiculturalism and female second grade teacher. She has lived “no, I’m immigrating to Guam, USA.” complicated identity formation of Guam in in Guam for 40 years and is a second-gen- This “social bargain,” which one higher a sufficient way, several elementary teach- eration Filipino immigrant. In spite of this education respondent articulated for im- ers emphasized that Chamorro Month is fact, she did not identify herself as either migrants who enter Guam, is quite compli- really dedicated to the preservation and Filipino or Guamanian. Rather, she chose cated given the multiple ethnic identities. respect of all cultures, in which students her identity as Chamorro, saying that For instance, most respondents suggested from different backgrounds showcase the “I feel that a lot of our families are half the affiliation with the United States was unique elements of their ethnicity. Chamorro and half something else.” purely one of citizenship and had very little In this pan-ethnic approach, students The current governor of Guam is sup- to do with their self-reported identity. work to preserve cultural identity. Among portive of fostering a pan-Guam identity One middle school teacher posited that our respondents two social studies teach- with the concept of Guamanian but, as a “you don’t find people saying ‘I’m an Ameri- ers and a principal in a middle school higher education respondent claimed, can’—it’s assumed already. Being American viewed this as essential for children not . . . local people don’t say they are is implied.” However, he also asserted that only from different cultures, but also for Guamanian. There is no such thing as this contested normative issue, of what Chamorros who “are very different” and being Guamanian—rather, I am from Guam’s relationship should be in rela- who “have lost so many skills because we Guam. Only those who are not from here tion to the U.S., is very much a live issue. are all so Westernized.” As one middle like the name, Guamanian. Although he used to desire independence school social studies teacher mentioned, and complete autonomy for Guam, he is no Similarly, a high school social studies children can have an opportunity for longer sure as the “issue lacks clarity.” teacher suggested Guamanian is a “weird “learning to make canoes—learning from He used as an example, term” while other respondents noted that these other cultures.” since she competes against Miss America “we don’t separate ourselves in that way.” in world beauty competitions even though Respondents from higher education Guamanian they are technically both American: “What suggested that the real identity contro- would you say to Miss Guam? ‘It’s really Those unfamiliar with Guam often versy relates to social inequality in terms of hot here and it’s far from San Francisco?’ suggest that the concept of being Gua- “who is on the bottom of the ladder—[the] That about sums it up!” manian should have some currency as newest immigrants are there . . . always. This respondent continued to state: it inclusively brings together multiple Now those are Chuukese.” For this reason, backgrounds and advances an identity for one middle school social studies teacher [Most people on Guam are] oblivious to all of those living on Guam. But as one tends to use the term Guamanian more in how far Chuuk and Yap are from here. respondent in higher education suggested, his class. He noted that: But they know how far Japan is or Hawaii or San Francisco is—so that is how the concept “Guamanian” was exported Guamanian is a nice term to put everyone your psychological speaking is linked to to Guam as a term meant to separate in the same boat so as to not separate identity—raising people to be where they Chamorros living in Saipan and those liv- people by ethnicity . . . I tell the students are, not pro or anti-American. ing in Guam. Originally interchangeable they may wish to identify as Filipino or with Chamorro, Guamanian now refers Chamorro but I talk more about being For this respondent, framing the issue of primarily to residency in Guam, with only Guamanian. identity is critical in education. Accord- non-Chamorros employing the term. ing to him, “it’s the teachers’ job to help All of our respondents had vague, Guam, U.S.A them navigate their incompletely formed confusing ideas about the meaning of identities.” Guam license plates contain two Guamanian. For instance, an elementary On the question of the fluidity of slogans: “Tano Y Chamorro” (“Land of the teacher confessed, “I really don’t know Chamorro as an ethnicity, other respon- Chamorro” in the Chamorro language) and what it means to be Guamanian . . . born dents stressed how important it is to not “Guam, USA” (in English). Prior to 1986, in Guam? I’m not sure.” Meanwhile, it focus on distinctions. For example, elemen- license plates read “Hafa Adai” (standard would take “five years to explain” who is tary teachers indicated that: greeting of “hello” in Chamorro). A respon- Chamorro and Guamanian, according to dent in higher education suggested the . . . there are some parents who say they an elementary school guidance counselor. notation on the license plate was to remind are only Chamorro and not American, but Another higher education respondent’s I think we’ve been under the U.S. so long everyone of their “second-class citizenship” remarks clearly reflected this obscurity of that there is no separation—ever since we and “being American within our identity is Guamanian. He stressed that the concept were liberated from the Japanese, we don’t really quite thin.” of Guamanian is an empty one, containing separate the two. One elementary teacher pointed to the no real sense of identity “whereas Cham- license plate as giving a sense of belonging One high school teacher felt White peo-

FALL 2012 27 Research ple are often called “Americans,” while even Tenth Edition (SAT10) in fourth grade, vernacular for referring to Chuukese is though those born on Guam and who have which is the basis for school report cards. “FOB,” or “fresh off the boat.” U.S. citizenship default to the Chamorro Rather than teach Guam history with reg- Respondents suggested that many classification. Focusing on Chamorro cus- ularity, which is standard practice for 4th come to Guam to get residency and, as a toms and holidays, as well as core values grade social studies in the mainland along result, their allegiance is not to Guam but of the U.S. constitution and U.S. holidays, with each state’s history, the school is more rather they use it as “a tool to become a U.S. these teachers felt there is a consistent focused on what the SAT10 measures. Citizen.” Others come to Guam in order to blend of Chamorro and American culture One second grade teacher talked about have their children since they will then fostered within the schools. Both the U.S. her frustration with “using mainland so- be U.S. citizens at birth. Although all of national anthem and Guam hymn are sung cial studies textbooks—all textbooks are the outer islands rejected the offer of U.S. in schools most days, and both the U.S. and bought off island—all my other resources Territorial status, they enjoy “Free Associa- Guam flags hang outside of each school. are off island.” tion” and can come to Guam without a visa One school’s recent winter program This imported curriculum has proved and then “have their citizenship through was titled “A tribute to America” in order to be a controversy. A higher education their babies.” to commemorate the 10 years since the 9/11 respondent felt the “stateside books totally Chamorro and English are taught not attacks. In this elementary school of Cham- negate indigenous knowledge.” Two middle only for unifying and pragmatic reasons, orro, Filipino, and Chuukese students, the school social studies teachers indicated that but also to remind new immigrants that unifying focus was on traditional mainland it is really up to the teachers how Guam “Chamorro is the indigenous language of Christmas songs, patriotic themes, and the history is taught, if at all, since it is limited the host people” in Guam. U.S. flag. One teacher claimed that: to the fourth grade. Rather, “they too teach One of “the host people” in Guam, to the test (SAT10) and study treatment of an elementary school respondent who is . . . it doesn’t bother them that they don’t vote for the president—they can still have Native Americans and try to relate it to the 25% Japanese and received her education the right to vote. They just vote for local example of the Spanish here.” on the mainland, shared ideas on how people and they understand that [the As a result, one respondent in higher to understand children of the other eth- concept of voting]. education felt that Guam schools too often nic groups. Because her generation was neglect their own community and culture. “embarrassed to speak Chamorro” and For those teachers and students who He stated that it is easy for the teachers “we would look down on those who speak are involved in the decolonization move- to “ignore the familiar” under these edu- Chamorro,” she now feels remorseful: ment, citizenship and other affiliations with cational circumstances: the U.S. are something they are more than Especially when I see the students now happy to relinquish. However, to those who Why require them to understand those tease each other about the Chuukese . . “hold a view of citizenship as a reward for things so distant from here? Many of . those who are born in Guam who speak Chuukese even tease the new students. their suffering—‘I was beaten and then got the kids have not been to the mainland and less than 5% will venture beyond When asked who is Chuukese in class, citizenship’,” being American is still very Hawaii. students are reluctant and scared to raised meaningful and significant. Therefore, as hands. But we say never to be ashamed of these teachers indicated, “that’s a very heat- Hence, one of the biggest challenges culture. To embrace it. Be proud of it. ed issue—anytime we talk about decoloniza- these teachers found was to tion that’s probably at the top—citizenship A middle school teacher also spoke . . . relate that world [the U.S. mainland] and economic issues.” of the Chuukese as “our brothers and with our world. We teach to the SAT10 and sisters on neighboring islands” who “come In spite of having an often loose as- we have to teach to these tests. Everything to Guam for a better life . . . but they are sociation with the U.S. in terms of identity, has to be done toward that. the schools in Guam employ textbooks and of a different culture and there is culture shock.” Many principals and teachers are assessments written on the mainland. Outer Islanders and Chuukese The central role of Guam’s Department of sympathetic—after all, this is quite a tran- Education relates to seeking uniformity of Our study respondents asserted a sition for many students, many of whom school curriculum. Some principals readily reality of school life as “total integration” “took the canoe to get to school” when they and happily adopt such materials in des- where “kids really play with one another lived in Chuuk. Other students are just perate attempts to boost test scores among based on likes, not cultures. It’s the inter- “rarely supervised by parents” and “the highly proportions of immigrant students ests that groups them.” Another elemen- challenging part of this school is really who lack skills in English and Chamorro. tary school principal from the northern the home—talking about these issues and In the main, however, there is great part of Guam felt “race and ethnicity is addressing the issues. They are willing to concern that the textbooks cover and dis- not an issue in elementary school” and a assist but it doesn’t happen.” cuss issues that are quite literally foreign teacher from that school recalled that she Another controversial multicultural and are not mindful of Guam or its history. “never thought about it—it’s all kind of issue is the incongruity of Chamorro Because of this irrelevant curriculum, a meshed together—a diverse melting pot.” and Outer Islander values. Although the higher education respondent expressed In spite of this inclusive and fluid schools make efforts to provide outreach his concern: “If you close the doors and nature of what it means to be Chamorro, to parents, they often are frustrated and windows to your classroom, would students respondents revealed how easy it is to not “tearing out our hair” with the lack of know you are in Guam? If not, there is a be accepted as Chamorro. Outer Islanders, participation of immigrant parents. An real problem here.” in particular those from Chuuk, constitute elementary teacher has found “very dif- A principal also voiced concerns about another controversy within Guam. A middle ferent values of childhood education” and using the Stanford Achievement Test’s school principal suggested that the common that too often parents will “just nod and agree while not understanding.”

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One elementary teacher found that In the other backgrounds, they don’t know their acceptance and understanding, it was “although we are trying to get them to what is expected. When walking through difficult to find many teachers who dis- mix in with the other students, when they the schools there are pockets of students cuss different cultures in their classroom. separated by race. have recess they all group together. That’s Rather, like the middle school teacher natural I guess.” One elementary teacher Much of the work of one elementary above, most of teacher told us that “I don’t invested time in presentations on “hitting school principal is therefore heavily fo- talk about it in class—I don’t speak about and touching. What is appropriate and cused on getting new immigrants and that issue.” what is not . . . we say what is the ‘Western their families acclimated. One teacher at- Consistently mentioned as a contro- way’ and the different ways.” tempted to find a way to help and educate versial issue, immigration was immedi- Another elementary teacher sug- the child and also the family by ately tied to funding, health care, public gested that assistance, and “economic drain.” A com- . . . having workshops for parents and mon refrain was that the “Chuukese are . . . these kids don’t know how to act . . . this students. We also have an ESL program, using up all the food stamps” and “they is the ‘American way.’ It may be different character development class, a good touch in your culture, but we are in America and bad touch program, and teaching kids think maybe not enough services because and this is the right way. In their culture through music and dance. the immigrants are taking them all up.” it is something else we need to address During our talk with one middle disparities of language and culture. We In short, the focus is on “integration into school teacher, he actually discussed how have to reteach it and reteach it. western style school and a western or civi- he celebrates difference in his classroom. lized paradigm; not a real focus on inter or Unlike many other teachers in this study, One elementary school principal multicultural education. Just getting them his students worry about jobs asking found to school is the main priority.” “Why don’t you hire a Chamorro? Why are . . . most problems are out of misun- Another elementary teacher thus you hiring the Chuukese guys?” Another derstanding and different ethnic back- suggested that “we do the assimilation middle school teacher noted that the “outer grounds. In their culture, it’s ok. They inadvertently. We don’t have a lot of train- islanders are a cost—there is a sentiment didn’t know that here—simple things like ing in multicultural education.” A middle that there is a cost for education, health taking things, eye contact, praise, body school principal was a bit more optimistic, care, and public assistance.” language, gestures, facial expression, indicating that: silence. Everything.” A number of respondents felt that We are assimilated with the general Chuukese and other recent immigrants There are also differences related to population. But we also maintain some are exacting a drain on an already fragile concepts of public and private property. For customs and different ways of thinking . economy. Citing numerous benefits ranging Chamorros in Guam, families will only fish . . they group together within this school from food stamps and “easy gain through in one area. If another family came there to [predominantly Chamorro] and we have poverty and government programs,” one fish, the Chamorro family would leave and isolated cases of racism, but those kids are elementary teacher underscored and return another day. Newer immigrants not really understanding. I think the kids here have accepted the outer island kids. stressed this discord. are not aware of this traditional fishing The migration of Outer Islanders spot system, and as a result, conflicts will Although teachers openly described clearly impacts schools, especially in the sometimes arise. their school instruction as “Americaniza- north of Guam, where teachers “feel it.” Other teachers highlighted how Outer tion” and “Westernization” in particular, A teacher discussed “how the kids mingle Island immigrants will “stand too close in many situated it as underscoring funda- and the inability to adapt to a new culture the grocery line, never making eye contact mental values of equal rights. For instance, —the overcrowded classrooms—demands with in-laws of the opposite sex . . . violence more specific topics come up in relation to for new schools to meet immigration.” starts from staring like this.” Respondents law and culture. As Sandu (1997) already Respondents also cited ways in which viewed much of the work with Outer Island indicated, an elementary principal and her immigrants have values that are at odds immigrants as simple basic integration elementary teachers had some students with the U.S. constitution, which clearly into western civilization. Having neither who considered gender inequality usual constitutes a controversial issue. English nor Chamorro language skills is and normal and their parents did not send For example, one middle school certainly a major obstacle, but there are their children until they are eight or nine teacher suggested that celebrating and also challenging obstacles all groups face. year of age: practicing culture is important, but “we Some respondents brought the chil- have to follow the laws of Guam.” Re- dren’s home situation into the discussion. Since in those cultures the fathers are higher up and truancy is not a law-related spondents primarily reference the issue Many of the children have no walls or issue in the other islands, but here it is of truancy and starting kindergarten at floors or water or power, so we have to the law. They have been in Guam all these an appropriate age, but it also has to do deal with issues like that. When we do years, but they really don’t know the law with misogynistic behaviors displayed by home visits, sometimes we can’t even find that children have to be in school at 5. both children and adults. A high school the places where they live. I think if we They [those who coming from Chuuk] are teacher suggested that there is didn’t have to deal with all the financial adjusting and transitioning to Guam, but issues. so many things they don’t know at all. . . . a backlash here, but it’s tough to talk We have to report truancy and the male about. Mainly, we don’t talk about it out In response to this situation, they men- dominant thing is not acceptable. We can’t of habit not to offend. The Chamorro and tioned that blame the students because they’re coming Filipino do feel this is more their place. from that environment. . . . we also focus on what it means to be a The clash of Chamorro and Outer Is- western family; we do hygiene, breakfast, Although several teachers indicated land culture reveals itself in various forms homework, a routine . . . that is Western.

FALL 2012 29 Research of conflict including bullying. Some middle ing to another), gang fights, stabbings, and of departure for numerous controversial is- school teachers identified bullying along unspoken rules about fishing grounds. sues involving economics, politics, culture, ethnic lines as a controversial issue, one One higher education respondent and geography. that further leads to gangs and perpetuates revealed a sentiment of some in Guam The enduring effects of 490 years of division within society as students become to prevent the Chuukese from coming to colonialism are also present. The genera- adults. These teachers’ interpretation of Guam. But the reality is “a lot of them were tional and often engrained passivity and bullying varied, whereby some respondents born in Guam. Many can’t really go back fosters a default setting of fait accompli. undermined this assertion claiming that home as they would now be considered As the Japanese continue to develop ho- bullying of this sort was “isolated” and “A Guamanian.” Underlying all of this tension tels and buy more real estate and the U.S. lot of it has to do with student identity is the larger perception of Chuukese taking military annexes more land and moves in within the school group. Once they get past on disproportionate and finite resources more personnel, those in Guam, both locals and accept it, it’s not a problem.” from the “original” members of Guam, the and immigrants, often express an accepting But two other middle school teachers Chamorro. response. suggested “bullying is all by race” and one Active citizens who engage issues recalled that Discussion and Conclusion find succor in experiencing, at time, some . . . when I grew up, it was all Chamorro sense of efficacy which those in Guam Identity serves as a fulcrum educa- rarely indicate. An essential characteris- versus Filipino conflict. Now Chamorro tional issue within Guam. The “official and Chuukese have conflict. What I’ve tic of democratic societies is the ability of always tried to address is that we are all people,” Chamorro, are not only declining citizens to discuss controversial issues in Micronesian. in number in relation to new immigrants order to celebrate diversity, respect indi- and member of the military, but they are viduals and groups, extend equal rights In addition, middle school teachers also increasingly dispersed through ethnic to all human beings, respect evidence in posited most cultural conflict comes “from intermarriage. As a result, the inclusivity the formation of beliefs, and be open to the mainland—anyone, not just White of “Chamorro” serves to simultaneously changing one’s mind within a criticality Americans—it could be a Chamorro from retain and strengthen the ethnicity while informed by rational inquiry (Chikoko, the mainland.” In some schools, gangs irrevocably change it toward a more geo- Gilmour, Harber, & Serf, 2011). ultimately form along cultural lines, graphic and value-laden concept. Schools in Guam function to American- which constitute another controversial This open-door ethnicity begets con- ize immigrants by adjusting different socio- issue. Teachers use this as a “teachable troversy in the dual identity of U.S. terri- cultural values to American mainstream moment—we take time to discuss our dif- tory and sovereign state, while maintain- beliefs and practices which are considered ferences and similarities.” ing a stance of hospitality, helpfulness, and norms, such as the matters of hygiene, One middle school teacher perceived acceptance. Yet, avoiding activities which manners, and farming and food prepara- Outer Island immigrants as “sticking to- run counter to core Chamorro values and tion process. However, the educators in gether, not say anything in class, and not having a deep aversion to “talk badly about this study manifested their different ways socializing with others. It’s part of their anyone,” the Chamorro people risk a deep- of understanding and an empathy for new culture too.” A middle school principal sug- ening fatalism, passivity, and increased immigrant children and identifying who gested that the school she came from colonialism. they are. . . . didn’t have that friction—it was a Alternative identifications, including Due to the unique Guamanian circum- bigger school and the first year we had Guamanian, are a threat to Chamorro-ness stance of multiple, mixed, and complicated a riot—a big clash, but after that we and are a painful reminder of colonialism’s identity formation, they must deal with a had the team leaders getting together hoary role in Guam’s history. Tensions with triple standard not only for themselves and addressing it with the teachers . . . the mainland U.S. involve simultaneous but also their students, including reviv- when we have an issue we discuss it in pride and benefit, as well as delegitimiz- assemblies too. ing Guam’s native culture of Chamorro, ing indigenous knowledge, political mar- embracing the different cultures from new A respondent from higher educa- ginalization, and geographic exploitation. immigrants, and incorporating them into tion indicated “a lot of fighting in high Textbooks from the mainland and the American mainland’s educational practices schools—mostly ethnic grouping.” The prominence of the SAT10 speak to an ongo- and culture at the same time. ethnic grouping is really not as clear cut ing cultural and intellectual colonialism, Their “markers of identity” (Grant, as Chamorro versus Chuukese. Rather, as which is, in turn, passed on to Outer Island 1997, p. 9) are formulated by compromis- one high school teacher asserted, immigrants at the hands of Chamorro-led ing diverse identities and roles existing in U.S. public education institutions. a Guam context. In this process of mark- When they say Chuukese that can be Occupying this position of both lo- hundreds of different islands and different ing identity, the respondents indicate that languages and those kids identify with cal hegemony and U.S. subservient has Guam can simultaneously be majority their island, not the main island of Chuuk. brought forth a delicate balancing act of re- Chamorro while acknowledging “the oth- We do get a big influx from the main sisting further colonization, while proudly ers” as minorities who to date have received island, but they are don’t identity with engaging in westernization and civilizing insufficient attention as Americans. “Chuuk” much—they are something else. new immigrants. Given the “drain” of As a result, efforts are needed to mir- new immigrants and their free associa- From this perspective, outside the ror new immigrants to reflect themselves tion created by mainland law, Chamorros classroom is a narrative of misunderstand- and their past experience. Simultaneously, and those in Guam experience mixing of ing involving fruit trees perceived to be in each of these groups continues to struggle values and cultures at multiple levels. The usufruct (the right to utilize and enjoy the developing their unique identities by tak- position of intersection serves as a point profits or advantages of something belong- ing account of their own views of and needs

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