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Millenarian Movements Missionaries MISSIONARIES HoL:\!ES, DouGLAS. "A Peasant-Worker Model in a gospel." Missionaries see their work as bringing "good Northern Italian Context." Ame1·ican Ethnologist 10 news." Originally, this was a message of salvation and (1983): 734-748. a call for conversion, but today more and more mis­ KEAR:--:EY, M!CHAEL. ''From the Invisible Hand to sionaries stress the fact that they want to make people Visible Feet: Anthropological Studies ofMigration conscious of their situation in a rapidly changing and Development." Annual Review ifAnthropology world. Generalizing about missionaries, however, is 15 (1986): 331-404. not possible. They include verticalists, who limit LA.;viPHERE, LoUISE, ed. Structuring Diversity: Ethno­ themselves to preaching, and horizontalists, who are graphic Perspectives on the New Immigration. Chi­ dedicated to practical work, and theyvaryfrom cultural cago: University of Chicago Press, 1992. relativists to fundamentalists. LEWIS, OSCAR. "Urb-anization Without Breakdown." Missionary activities took on a global dimension Scientific Monthly 75 (1952): 31-41. in the sixteenth century (the Age of Discovery) and MASSEY, DouGLAs, RAFAEL ALARco:-.:, JoRGE again at the end of the nineteenth century with the DURAND, and Hu:vmERTO Go;-.;zALEZ. Return to upsurge of colonialism in Mrica (Neill 1964). Mis­ Aztlan: The Social Process ifInternational Migration sionaries were an inherent part of the colonial scene, .from Westem Mexico. Berkeley and Los Angeles: together with administrators, merchants, settlers, and University of California Press, 1987. • anthropologists. All of these people contributed to the RAVENSTEI:-.:, ERNEST G. The Laws of Migration. destruction of local cultures, even by simply being journal rfthe Royal Statistical Society 52 (1889): 241- there with their tools, crops, medicines, books, andt 305. money. Missionaries were particularly well represented REDFIELD, RoBERT. "The Folk Society." American in Mrica, Oceania, and Latin America. Societies in journal if Sociology 52(4) (1947): 293-308. the influence sphere of such great religions as Islam, ScHILLER, NINA. GLJCK, LJ:-\DA BASCH, and CRJSTI:--:A Buddhism, Hinduism, Confucianism, Shinto, and BLA.NC-SzA:-.:To:-.:, eds. Towards a Transnational one should add-communism, were much less fre­ Perspective on Migration: Race, Class, Ethnicity, and quently visited by missionaries, not in the least because Nationalism Reconsidaed. New York: New York they were often barred by political and legal means Academy of Sciences, 1992. from entering. Missionaries are in two ways relevant to anthro­ MILLENARIAN MOVEMENTS pologists: they are, in a sense, their colleagues (and antipodes), and they are also "objects" of anthropo­ SEE: Religion; Religious Conversion logical study. COLLEAGUES AND ANTIPODES MISSIONARIES Most anthropologists see themselves as the opposite of missionaries, but it cannot be denied that they have issionaries can be broadly defined as propa­ much in common. Both missionaries and anthropolo­ M gandists of a religion. Within the more nar­ gists work in a foreign culture and take an interest row perspective of anthropology, missionaries are in the people of that culture. Both also have facili­ nearly always preachers of the Christian faith outside tated colonialism by being brokers between colonial the so-called Christian world. Catholic missionaries authorities and local populations, and both have are usually unmarried priests, Brothers, or Sisters, carried out and published ethnographic work. In the whereas Protestant missionaries are often married men field, missionaries were indeed the other foreigners and women who live with their families in a foreign who were most likely to be encountered by anthro­ country. Missionary work consists of direct preach­ pologists. The latter usually spent one to two years ing or practical work, such as education, health care, doing research, whereas it was not uncommon for and agricultural activities. Missionary zeal has always missionaries to stay for the duration of their lives. been a characteristic of the Christian faith. In his first Meetings abroad between anthropologists and mis­ letter to the Corinthians, St. Paul, the first great mis­ sionaries sometimes led to mutual companionship and sionary, wrote: "Woe for me if I do not preach the exchange of ethnographic data, but they could also 797 MISSIONARIES be the cause of irritation and animosity, when the dif­ the language enabled them to write richly detailed and ferences in objective and perspective were too great insightful anthropological accounts. Most missionar­ (Beidelman 1982). ies also felt more affinity with the anima religiosa of the people they stayed with than atheist anthropolo­ Missionaries as well as anthropologists contributed gists. Some of the most empathic ethnographic stud­ substantially to the colonial enterprise. Their relative ies were produced by missionaries such as Maurice closeness to the population made them prominent Leenhardt, Eric de Rosny, Edwin W. Smith, and intermediaries who were able to translate the indig­ Bengt Sundkler. Missionaries played a crucial role in enous concepts and needs for administrators and vice the foundation (in 1926) and early years of what is versa. Even when they opposed colonial rule, they now the International Mrican Institute, a platform could do little more than soften its effects on the in­ for students of Mrican culture. digenous population. In many cases, however, mis­ sionaries benefited from the presence of the colonial The relationship between missionaries and anthro­ power, just as anthropologists did, and supported it pologists, however, became more and more strained. to further their main objective--the promulgation of Most anthropologists disapproved of the missionary the Christian faith and the founding of Christian goal. They accused missionaries-often rightly-of communities. destroying local cultures. Missionaries forbade hea­ then practices, such as rituals, certain sexual habits, The common interest in culture was-and"still is­ polygynous marriage, and drinking. They forced the most significant bond between missiona;ies and people to get rid of their statues, temples, sacred anthropologists. Before Bronislaw Malinowski "in­ objects, and other artifacts. Missionaries personified vented" fieldwork early in the twentieth century, what anthropologists detested most: ethnocentrism. missionaries were practically the only serious students As Norman Etherinton (1983) notes: "The mission­ offoreign cultures. They learned local languages; wrote ary deserved more opprobrium even than the white dictionaries and grammars; collected proverbs, riddles, settler or the mining magnate. The latter merely songs, legends, and folktales; and described cultural wanted the Mricans' lands and labour. Missionaries beliefs and practices. Some of the most prominent wanted their souls." Anthropologists developed a ste­ missionaries in the last five centuries were Bartolome reotypical image of missionaries as preachers and de las Casas, who wrote about the culture of the agents of change, which they contrasted to their image Indians in Central America and criticized the colo­ of themselves as listeners and custodians of culture nial practices of his fellow Spaniards; Bernadino de (Stipe 1980). Interestingly, anthropologists rarely Sahaglin, who published a book about the Mexican voiced opposition to proselytism by "missionaries" Indians; Gabriel Sagard, who wrote a lively account from other religions (e.g., Buddhism, Hinduism, of his stay with the Huron Indians in Canada; Jo­ Islam). They judged the ethnographic achievements seph-Frans:ois Lafitau, who also worked in Canada of missionaries-with some laudable exceptions- as and wrote a great many books on American Indians; poor, amateurish, and biased with. Christian presup­ William Ellis, who published about Polynesian cul­ positions. As a result, the animosity between the two tures; Robert H. Codrington, who studied Melanesian groups grew, and anthropologists blotted out all traces cultures and languages; Henri A. Junod, who worked of missionary assistance and companionship from their in Mozambique and Transvaal, South Mrica, and publications. Missionaries became an embarrassment wrote an extensive ethnography abou·t the Tonga. in the academic world. Once colleagues, they had From the middle of the nineteenth century onward, become antipodes, even enemies of anthropologists. many missionaries started to correspond with "arm­ That hostility has, in the last decade, subsided to chair anthropologists," such as James G. Frazer and Wilhelm Schrnidt, who incorporated that informa­ some degree. Present-day missionaries have stopped their iconoclastic practices. They tend to have a more tion in their publications. open attitude toward local cultures and engage in Even when anthropologists began to carry out various activities to enhance the well-being of the fieldwork for themselves, missionaries held some community, and anthropologists appreciate these important advantages over anthropologists; their efforts. Anthropology is now a regular required sub­ prolonged stay in a community and their fluency in ject in most missionary-training programs, and some 798 MISSIONARIES missionaries have attempted to become more profes­ schools, they helped to build up an indigenous in­ sional in their anthropological work (Luzbetak 1988). telligentsia who could assist and eventually continue The attitudes of anthropologists toward missionaries the colonial transformation of
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