DOCSLIB.ORG

Colossians Philemon

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Colossians Philemon CAMBRIDGE GREEK TES1'AMEN1' GENERAL EDITOR A. NAIR NE, D.D. REOIUS FROFEBBOB OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVEBBITY OF OAlrlDRIDGE THE EPISTLES OF PAUL THE APOSTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS AND TO PHILEMON CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESB LONDO:Ff: FETTER LANE NEW YORK The Macmillan Co. BOMBAY, CALCUTTA and :l\lADRAS Macmillan and Co., Ltd. TORONTO The MacmillJln Co. of Canada, Ltd. TOKYO Maruzen-Kabushiki-Kaisha All rights reserved THE EPISTLES OF PAUL THE APOSTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS AND TO PHILE1\fON EDITED BY A. LUKYN WILLIAMS, D.D. HON. CANON OF ELY WITH INTRODUCTION .AND NOTES CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSI'l'Y PRESS 1928 }'frst Edition 1907 Reprint«l 1928 l'r.INTED IN GREAT BRITAIN PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR. HE General Editor does not hold himself respon­ T sible, except in the most general sense, for the statements, opinions, and interpretations contained in the several volumes of this Series. He believes that the value of the Introduction and the Commentary in each case is largely dependent on the Editor being free as to his treatment of the questions which arise, provided that that treatment is in harmony with the character and scope of the Series. He has therefore contented himself with offering criticisms, urging the consideration of alternative interpretations, and the like; and as a rule he has left the adoption of these suggestions to the discretion of the Editor. The Greek Text adopted in this Series is that of Dr Westcott .and. Dr Hort with the omission of the marginal readings. For permission to use this Text the thank~ of the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press and of the General Editor are dt1e to Messrs Macmillan & Co. 1 JJecember, 1906. PREFACE. HEN I accepted the invitation of the late General W Editor (the present Bishop of Ely, Dr Chase) to write a commentary upon the Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon, I hardly realized the difficulty of the task or the length of time that it would require for its accomplishment. For not only is the Epistle to the Colossians one of the hardest of St Paul's writings, but the existence of two such admirable commentaries as those by Bishop Lightfoot and Bishop Moule, though affording invaluable help towards the elucidation of the Epistle, lays a heavy burden on him who attempts to follow them. It had been comparatively easy, but, alas, superlatively dishonest, to extract the pith of their work and knead it into a new form. l3ut this being out of the question, nothing remained but to use concordances (Geden for the New Testament, Hatch­ Redpath for the Septuagint), and Grammars (Winer­ Moulton, 1870, Blass, E. Tr. 1898, and latterly J. H. Moulton's Prolegomena), as thoroughly as possible, and only after an independent examination of the language and thoughts of the Epistle to refer to commentaries upon it. A list of those that have been used will be found on p. lxv. But the work would have been much more imperfect than it still is if the present General Editor had not given to it much painstaking cal'e, and made many suggestions. AL.W. Adve-nt, 1900. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTIONS. COLOSSIANS. PAGE I. Destination. The Church at Colossae ix II. Occasion xii III. The False Teaching xvii IV. The Doctrine and the Worship of Angels xxii V. ·canonicity , .. xxxviii VI. Genuineness and Integrity xl VIL Place and Date. Relation to the other Epistles of the same Group xlvi VIII. Authorities for the Text ... liv IX. Analysis lxiii X. Commentaries lxv PHILEMON. I. Canonicity and Genuineness lxvi II. Its relation to Slavery lxviii III, Analysis lxxiv 1V. Commentaries lxxiv TEXTS. Colossians 1 Philei;non 8 NOTES. Colossians 11 Philemon 172 INDICES. Colossians. Greek words with Tables •.• 193 Philemon. Some of the Greek words ... 206 ASIA MINOR IN THE Tl!11E OF ST PAUL ... at end of volume ix INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. DESTINATION-THE CHURCH AT CoLossAE. 1. OF the two forms Colossae or Colassae the former is evidently the older, as o alone is found on coins before the third century A.D. (" even as late as the reign of Gordian A.D. 238-244 when they ceased to be struck," Lightfoot), and in the more trustworthy MSS. of writers who lived before that time (Herodotus, vu. 30, and Xenophon, Anab. I. 2. 6, vide infra). Observe (see Notes on Textual Criticism) that in i. 2 "Coloss." is certain, whereas in the Title, which is doubtless not Pauline, and probably somewhat late, and in any case is more liable to alteration than the body of the Epistle, the evidence is very conflicting and is perhaps in favour of the a 1• 2. " Colossae was situated at the lower western end of a narrow glen some ten miles long2• On the north and east the broken skirts of the great central plateau hem in the glen. On the south Mount Cadmos rises steep above it. On the west a low rocky ridge about two miles in breadt,h divides it from the lower Lycus valley. This glen forms a sort of step between the lower Lycus valley, which is an eastern continuation of the long narrow Maeander valley, and the central plateau, to which it affords the easiest approach ; and the great highway from the 1 Ramsay thinks KOAM,:rc1.i is nearer the Phrygian form and was grecized to suggest a derivation irom KoXo.-.-os, Cities and Bishoprics, p. 213. 2 See detailed map in Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire, p. ¾72. X INTRUDUCTION western coast to the Euphrates valley traverses it. The river Lycus flows down through the glen, rising in a series of vast springs at its upper eastern end1." Herodotus vn. 30 states that Xerxes on his march west came to Colossae a great city of Phrygia, in which the R. Lycus falls into a chasm and disappears, and then after about five stadia re­ appears and empties itself into the Macander 2• But although it is probable that at some remote period the river did again pass underground when leaving the "glen," this can hardly have been the case so recently as the time of Herodotus. He seems to have misplaced the scene of the popular belief referred to in the 8 preoeding note • Some six miles nearly due west further down the valley, on rising ground between two tributary streams, but about a mile ·from the R. Lycus itself, was Laodicea, a much richer and larger city than Colossae. It was not only on the same great road as Colossae, but formed the junction at which five large roads met. Hierapolis was some five miles nearly due north of Laodicea, and seven or eight north-west of Colossae, on the northern edge of the valley and on the direct road from Laodicea to Philadelphia and Sardis 4• It is thus clear that Colossae's own position on the great road, and its proximity to Laodicea in particular, and in some measure to Hierapolis, made it peculiarly accessible to intellectual and religious movements. It was no out-of-the-way village or country 1 Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire, p. 472. He proceeds to state the popular belief that the Lyons in reality finds its source in the salt lake, Anava, some 20 miles east of the head of the glen, to which it finds its way by an underground passage, and appears to think that this is probably true (see also his Cities and Bishoprics, pp. 209-211). 2 a:rrlKero is Ko:\oo-uch, 1r6:\,v /.wy&.:\11• <I>piryl11s, iv rii A6Kos 1r0Taµ.os is xMµa yijs io-{3&.:\:\wv dq,avlf<Ta<, bre,Ta 01(1. o-Tao,w, ws 1rlvu p,&.:\,uT&. "11 dvrupatvbµ.<POS b<o,oo, Ka! O~T05 f.S TOP Mala,opoP, 3 See Ramsay, loc. cit. • See especially J. G. C. Anderson's Map 1903 in Murray's Handy Classical Series. A clear map of the roads is to be found in Ramsay's article in Hastings' D.B. v. p. 400; on p. 388 he gives details of what he calls "the Central Route between Rome and the East," on which Colossae lay. POSITION OF COLOSSAE xi town, to which news travelled late. It was in touch with all shades of opinion, and was exposed more than most places of its size to influences both from the coast and from the eastern mainland. 3. It was situated in the old territory of the Phrygians\ and in the Roman Province of Asia. 4. The history of Colossae is but scanty, and by the time of St Paul it had lost, apparently, some of what earlier importance it possessed, for whereas Herodotus mentioning Xerxes' visit (vide supra) speaks of it as 71'oA,s ,.wya.AtJ ~pvyltJs, and Xenophon as 71'oA,s ol1<.ovp.ivtJ, ~i,lial,_,.wv ,cat µ,£y6),t) when Cyrus stayed there (Anab. L 2. 6), Strabo (c. 24 B.c.) calls it only 71'oA,u,_,.a (xn. 8. 13). Laodicea appears to have outstripped it2, more especially in political and commerciai influence, and Hierapolis, as it seems, in popularity for its baths. "Without doubt," says Bp Lightfoot, "Colossae waa the least important Church, to which any epistle of St Paul was addressed." 1 For the limits of "Phrygia" at different times, see Ramsay, Hastings' D.B. lll, P· 864. 2 So also Laodicea, but not Colossae, is addressed in Rev. iii. 14-22. COL, b Xll CH.APTER II. OCCASION. 1. .ASSUMING for the present the Pauline authorship of the Epistle (seech.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Exiling Bishops: the Policy of Constantius II
    University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Classical Studies Faculty Publications Classical Studies 2014 Exiling Bishops: The olicP y of Constantius II Walter Stevenson University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/classicalstudies-faculty- publications Part of the History of Christianity Commons Recommended Citation Stevenson, Walt. "Exiling Bishops: The oP licy of Canstantius II." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 68 (2014): 7-27. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Classical Studies at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classical Studies Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Exiling Bishops: The Policy of Constantius II Walt Stevenson onstantius II was forced by circumstances to all instances in which Constantius II exiled bishops Cmake innovations in the policy that his father and focus on a sympathetic reading of his strategy.2 Constantine had followed in exiling bishops. While Though the sources for this period are muddled and ancient tradition has made the father into a sagacious require extensive sorting, a panoramic view of exile saint and the son into a fanatical demon, recent schol- incidents reveals a pattern in which Constantius moved arship has tended to stress continuity between the two past his father’s precedents to mold a new, intelligent regimes.1 This article will attempt to gather
    [Show full text]
  • Durham E-Theses
    Durham E-Theses The Meletian schism at antioch Barker, Celia B. How to cite: Barker, Celia B. (1974) The Meletian schism at antioch, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9969/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk THE MSLETIAN SCHISM AT ANTIOCH THE MELETIAN SCHISM AT ANTIOCH THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM BY CELIA B. BARKER, B.A. (Dunelm) FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS Department of Theology, Date: April,1974. University of Durham. (1) The object of this thesis is to examine the schism in the Church of Antioch during the Arian Controversy of the Fourth century, with a view to establishing what coherent order, if any, can be found in the course of events, and to show how the interaction of theological emphases and personal prejudices exacerbated and prolonged the Antiochene divisions.
    [Show full text]
  • Martyrdom As a Spiritual Test in the Luciferian Libellus Precum
    Nonne gratum habere debuerunt: Martyrdom as a Spiritual Test in the Luciferian Libellus Precum One of the many ways in which Christians throughout antiquity defined themselves in relation to Jews and pagans was the special role that martyrs played in the Christian tradition.1 Ironically, in the fourth century martyrdom frequently served to draw boundaries not between Christians and Jews or pagans, but between different groups of Christians. Christians readily adapted their old mental frameworks to fit the new circumstances of an empire supportive of Christianity. This process is most clearly apparent with regard to one such group, the Luciferians. No scholar has yet pointed out how the Luciferians construct their group’s history by who persecutes and who is persecuted. Their unique emphasis on martyrdom as a spiritual test has also escaped notice. Although in many respects these are typical behaviors for late antique Christians, the Luciferians offer a great – and overlooked – example of a schismatic group developing a separate identity from these same, typical behaviors. This schismatic group developed after a disciplinary dispute. The Council of Alexandria was called in 362 to decide if a group of bishops who had signed the “Sirmian Creed” at the Council of Rimini should be allowed to return to the Church and retain their clerical rank – bishops remaining bishops, deacons remaining deacons, and so on.2 They agreed to this. A small group of Christians, however, disagreed with the decision of the council. Lucifer of Cagliari, an exiled bishop who had expressed dissatisfaction with the council, probably led this group. They called the bishops who had sworn to the Arian creed “praevaricatores” (‘traitors’), much like the Donatists called their enemies “traditores.” They refused to hold communion with most other bishops of the Church, because those bishops held communion with these praevaricatores.
    [Show full text]
  • Is Mormonism Christian? an Investigation of De Nitions, Part 3
    Is Mormonism Christian? An Investigation of Denitions, part 3 Back to part 2 of “Is Mormonism Christian?” Claim 12. “The Christian position,” asserts “Dr.” Walter Martin, “has always been based upon a literal acceptance” of the virgin birth.436 Certain early Mormon leaders speculated about the mode of Jesus’ conception along quite non-traditional lines. Therefore, Mormonism is not Christian.437 Response. We will ignore the fact that these scattered nineteenth-century speculations were never canonized by the Mormon Church, and that no comparable statements occur in Latter-day Saint scripture. We will pass over the unfairness of holding Mormons to statements that they and their own leaders have never deemed authoritative or binding (and we will deprive ourselves of the great entertainment that would ensue were we to call our Protestant critics to account for every speculation advanced by their pastors and reformers of the past ve centuries).438 We will ignore the fact that the New Testament is not specic about the mechanism of Jesus’ conception. We will decline to notice the fact that some denunciations of Mormonism seem to betray a Neoplatonic and gnosticizing disdain for the material cosmos, a discomfort with the body and with sexuality that is utterly foreign to the Bible.439 Is it not relevant that Mormonism resolutely proclaims the divine Sonship of Jesus? The speculations that most incense the critics are simply literalistic interpretations of the divine paternity alluded to in the title, “Son of God.” While certain early Mormon leaders may occasionally have reinterpreted the concept of “virgin birth,” they never for a moment suggested that Jesus was begotten by a mortal man, nor that his father was any other personage than God.
    [Show full text]
  • St. Ambrose and the Architecture of the Churches of Northern Italy : Ecclesiastical Architecture As a Function of Liturgy
    University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 12-2008 St. Ambrose and the architecture of the churches of northern Italy : ecclesiastical architecture as a function of liturgy. Sylvia Crenshaw Schneider 1948- University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Recommended Citation Schneider, Sylvia Crenshaw 1948-, "St. Ambrose and the architecture of the churches of northern Italy : ecclesiastical architecture as a function of liturgy." (2008). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 1275. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/1275 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ST. AMBROSE AND THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE CHURCHES OF NORTHERN ITALY: ECCLESIASTICAL ARCHITECTURE AS A FUNCTION OF LITURGY By Sylvia Crenshaw Schneider B.A., University of Missouri, 1970 A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Louisville in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of Art History University of Louisville Louisville, Kentucky December 2008 Copyright 2008 by Sylvia A. Schneider All rights reserved ST. AMBROSE AND THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE CHURCHES OF NORTHERN ITALY: ECCLESIASTICAL ARCHITECTURE AS A FUNCTION OF LITURGY By Sylvia Crenshaw Schneider B. A., University of Missouri, 1970 A Thesis Approved on November 22, 2008 By the following Thesis Committee: ____________________________________________ Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Philip Hughes a HISTORY of the CHURCH to the Eve of the Refo
    Philip Hughes A HISTORY OF THE CHURCH To the Eve of the Refo Philip Hughes A HISTORY OF THE CHURCH To the Eve of the Reformation ■ VOL. 1 ■ VOL. 2: 313- 1274 ■ VOL. 3: 1274- 1520 file:///D|/Documenta%20Chatolica%20Omnia/99%20-%20Provvisori/mbs%20Library/001%20-Da%20Fare/00-INDEX.HTM2006-06-02 21:26:32 A HISTORY OF THE CHURCH To the Eve of the Reformation by Philip Hughes Vol. 1:Index A HISTORY OF THE CHURCH To the Eve of the Reformation by Philip Hughes Vol. 1 Main Index ■ CHAPTER 1: THE WORLD IN WHICH THE CHURCH WAS FOUNDED ■ CHAPTER 2: THE FOUNDATION OF THE CHURCH ■ CHAPTER 3: THE FIRST CONTACTS WITH THE PAGAN RELIGIOUS WORLD. ■ CHAPTER 4: THE CRISES OF THE THIRD CENTURY ■ CHAPTER 5: THE WAY OF CHRISTIAN LIFE ■ CHAPTER 6: THE CHURCH AND THE PAGAN ROMAN EMPIRE ■ CHAPTER 7: THE ARIANS, 318-359 ■ CHAPTER 8: THE CATHOLIC RESTORATION. 359-382 ■ CHAPTER 9: ROME AND THE CATHOLIC EAST. 381-453 file:///D|/Documenta%20Chatolica%20Omnia/99%20-%20Provvisori/mbs%20Library/001%20-Da%20Fare/0-ha.htm (1 of 2)2006-06-02 21:26:32 A HISTORY OF THE CHURCH To the Eve of the Reformation by Philip Hughes Vol. 1:Index ■ CHAPTER 10: THE TRADITIONAL FAITH AND THE IMPERIAL POLICY file:///D|/Documenta%20Chatolica%20Omnia/99%20-%20Provvisori/mbs%20Library/001%20-Da%20Fare/0-ha.htm (2 of 2)2006-06-02 21:26:32 A HISTORY OF THE CHURCH To the Eve of the Reformation by Philip Hughes Vol. 2: 313-1274:Index A HISTORY OF THE CHURCH To the Eve of the Reformation by Philip Hughes Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Theological and Ideological Complexities
    ABSTRACT The Donatist Church in an Apocalyptic Age Jesse A. Hoover, Ph.D. Mentor: Daniel H. Williams, Ph.D. As a dissident Christian tradition that still endured sporadic Imperial persecution, the Donatist church occupied a unique niche within the wider apocalyptic milieu of late antiquity. This was an era characterized by intense eschatological speculation, spurred on by the recent political ascendency of Christianity within the Empire, the rise of rival theological communions in its wake, and mounting anxiety over the increasing tenuousness of Roman rule in the western provinces. Despite its often-overstated estrangement from the transmarine Christian communities of late antiquity, Donatism was no stranger to this phenomenon. In this dissertation, I wish to contextualize extant Donatist interaction with apocalyptic exegesis in order to see where it remained in continuity with the wider western apocalyptic tradition and where it diverged. This is a topic which will require some nuance. The dominant tendency within early and mid-twentieth century academic discussions of Donatist apocalypticism – when it is mentioned at all – have been to portray it as evidence of an anachronistic inclination within Donatist theology or as a symptom of simmering national or economic dissatisfaction, a religious warrant for social unrest. Reacting to such interpretations, more recent discussions of Donatism which emphasize its theological viability have tended to avoid the topic altogether. In this project, in contrast, I portray Donatist apocalyptic exegesis as an essentially dynamic, adaptive theological phenomenon. As befits an ecclesiastical communion which once formed the majority church in North Africa, Donatist interaction with apocalypticism was neither monolithic nor static.
    [Show full text]
  • Early Modern Catholic Reform and the Synod of Pistoia Shaun London Blanchard Marquette University
    Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Dissertations (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Eighteenth-Century Forerunners of Vatican II: Early Modern Catholic Reform and the Synod of Pistoia Shaun London Blanchard Marquette University Recommended Citation Blanchard, Shaun London, "Eighteenth-Century Forerunners of Vatican II: Early Modern Catholic Reform and the Synod of Pistoia" (2018). Dissertations (2009 -). 774. https://epublications.marquette.edu/dissertations_mu/774 EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY FORERUNNERS OF VATICAN II: EARLY MODERN CATHOLIC REFORM AND THE SYNOD OF PISTOIA by Shaun L. Blanchard, B.A., MSt. A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Milwaukee, Wisconsin May 2018 ABSTRACT EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY FORERUNNERS OF VATICAN II: EARLY MODERN CATHOLIC REFORM AND THE SYNOD OF PISTOIA Shaun L. Blanchard Marquette University, 2018 This dissertation sheds further light on the nature of church reform and the roots of the Second Vatican Council (1962–65) through a study of eighteenth-century Catholic reformers who anticipated Vatican II. The most striking of these examples is the Synod of Pistoia (1786), the high-water mark of “late Jansenism.” Most of the reforms of the Synod were harshly condemned by Pope Pius VI in the Bull Auctorem fidei (1794), and late Jansenism was totally discredited in the increasingly ultramontane nineteenth-century Catholic Church. Nevertheless, many of the reforms implicit or explicit in the Pistoian agenda – such as an exaltation of the role of bishops, an emphasis on infallibility as a gift to the entire church, religious liberty, a simpler and more comprehensible liturgy that incorporates the vernacular, and the encouragement of lay Bible reading and Christocentric devotions – were officially promulgated at Vatican II.
    [Show full text]
  • God and the Trinity in the Fathers – II
    67 GOD AND THE TRINITY IN THE FATHERS - 11 Joseph Lupi Arianism ARIUS put forward a one-sided solution to the half measures of the subordina­ tionism of pre-Nicene theology. His starting point was the Christian kerygma and his continual concern was to clarify the tensions evident in the subordinationism of the pre-Nicene theology. Elevated to the priesthood he was commissioned to expound the Scriptures probably at Baukalis in Alexandria; his character was that of a person capable of making vigorous supporters and vigorous enemies. In a letter to the emperor Constantine, Arius says he derives his belief in the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit from the Gospels. This is quite true, in fact the whole of the controversy centered round a number of Scripture passages differently interpreted. These interpretations depended more or less on one's particular understanding of monotheism. Influenced by Middle Platonism, pre­ Nicene writers developed a subordinationist theology, which was considered orthodox till Arius appeared. What produced the change from a tolerable, unclarified subordinationism to intolerable Arianism? We have Arius' doctrine explained in a letter he wrote to Alexander of Alexandria in 320 where he writes: "We have only one God uncreated, unbegotten - agennetos - who alone is eternal, alone without origin, alone possesses immortality, who alone is wise, who alone is good; the sole ruler, the judge of all, the ordained and governor, unchanging and immutable, righteous and good, the, God of the Law and the prophets of the New
    [Show full text]
  • Christians Breathed a Sigh of Relief When Constantine Proclaimed Christianity the State Religion, Believing This Would End the Bloodshed and Martyrdom
    Christians breathed a sigh of relief when Constantine proclaimed Christianity the state religion, believing this would end the bloodshed and martyrdom. But it was all too short a time until they were facing persecution once more -- from others who claimed to be Christian. When Christianity became the state religion, many people adopted it for political reasons. Others adopted it without truly understanding it. Under these circumstances heresy found fertile ground. One of the most powerful heresies was Arianism which claimed that Jesus was not God (a heresy that has never completely died out). The Arians were powerful people, including nobles, generals, emperors. They commanded armies and senates. True Christianity was in real danger of being stamped out once again. Eusebius had learned how to stand as a Christian from his father, who died a martyr in Sardinia. After his father's death, he grew up in Rome where he was ordained a lector. This was a time when bishops were elected by the people and local clergy. When the people of Vercelli saw how well he served their Church, they had no doubt about choosing him as bishop. Pope Liberius also noticed his abilities and sent him on a mission to the Emperor Constantius to try to resolve the troubles between Arians and Catholics. Seeming to agree, Constantius convened a council in Milan in 355. The powerful Arians however weren't there to talk but to force their own will on the others. A horrified Eusebius watched as his worst fears were confirmed and the Arians made this peace council into a condemnation of Saint Athanasius, their chief opponent.
    [Show full text]
  • La Teología De La Transfiguración En Los Padres Latinos
    Universidad de Navarra Facultad de Teología Emmanuel MARFORI Y CUELLO La teología de la transfiguración en los Padres Latinos Extracto de la Tesis Doctoral presentada en la Facultad de Teología de la Universidad de Navarra Pamplona 2010 Ad normam Statutorum Facultatis Theologiae Universitatis Navarrensis, perlegimus et adprobavimus Pampilonae, die 28 mensis aprilis anni 2010 Dr. Lucas Franciscus MATEO-SECO Dr. Ioannes Antonius GIL Coram tribunali, die 25 mensis iunii anni 2009, hanc dissertationem ad Lauream Candidatus palam defendit Secretarius Facultatis Sr. D. Eduardus FLANDES Excerpta e Dissertationibus in Sacra Theologia Vol. LVI, n. 2 Presentación Resumen: La Tesis se centra en las principales afir- Abstract: The Dissertation focuses on the principal maciones teológicas de escritores en latín (la mayoría theological affirmations of writers in Latin, mainly de los cuales eran Padres de la Iglesia) sobre la Trans- Church Fathers, about Jesus’ Transfiguration, accor- figuración de Jesús, según los Sinópticos. Después de ding to the Synoptic Gospels. After dealing with twelve tratar sobre doce documentos íntegros sobre el tema, complete documents on the topic, the Dissertation se pasa a lo que treinta y ocho autores dicen sobre la passes on to what thirty-eight Latin authors have to Transfiguración, bien aludiendo a ella, bien sólo men- say about the Transfiguration narratives, whether they cionándola, bien explicándola. allude to it «or a part of it», or mention it, or deal with it more thoroughly. Los autores en latín no se han propuesto a hacer una teología sistemática sobre la Transfiguración de Jesús. The Latin authors discussed did not do a systematic Sin embargo, su referencia a la Transfiguración de Je- theology about Jesus’ transfiguration.
    [Show full text]
  • Athanasius of Alexandria
    Athanasius of Alexandria “Athanasius” redirects here. For other uses, see Church, Oriental and Eastern Orthodox churches, the Athanasius (disambiguation). Lutherans, and the Anglican Communion. For the Italian bishop, see Athanasius I (bishop of Naples). 1 Biography Saint Athanasius of Alexandria (/ˌæθəˈneɪʃəs/; Greek: Ἀθανάσιος Ἀλεξανδρείας, Athanásios Alexandrías; c. 296–298 – 2 May 373), also called Athanasius the Great, Athanasius the Confessor or, primarily in the Coptic Orthodox Church, Athanasius the Apostolic, was the twentieth bishop of Alexandria (as Athanasius I). His episcopate (because of the importance of the see, considered an archbishopric by Rome, the Coptic papacy, or an Orthodox patriarchate) lasted 45 years (c. 8 June 328 – 2 May 373), of which over 17 were spent in five ex- iles ordered by four different Roman emperors. Athana- sius is a renowned Christian theologian, a Church Father, the chief defender of Trinitarianism against Arianism, and a noted Egyptian leader of the fourth century. Conflict with Arius and Arianism as well as successive Roman emperors shaped Athanasius’ career. In 325, at the age of 27, Athanasius began his leading role against the Arians as his bishop’s assistant during the First Coun- cil of Nicaea. Roman emperor Constantine the Great had convened the council in May–August 325 to address the Arian position that the Son of God, Jesus of Nazareth, is of a distinct substance from the Father.[1] Three years after that council, Athanasius succeeded his mentor as archbishop of Alexandria. In addition to the conflict with the Arians (including powerful and influential Arian churchmen led by Eusebius of Nicomedia), he struggled against the Emperors Constantine, Constantius II, Julian Statue in Catania, Sicily.
    [Show full text]