Annual Report of Actl V L T L Es 2011
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List of Participants
JUNE 26–30, Prague • Andrzej Kremer, Delegation of Poland, Poland List of Participants • Andrzej Relidzynski, Delegation of Poland, Poland • Angeles Gutiérrez, Delegation of Spain, Spain • Aba Dunner, Conference of European Rabbis, • Angelika Enderlein, Bundesamt für zentrale United Kingdom Dienste und offene Vermögensfragen, Germany • Abraham Biderman, Delegation of USA, USA • Anghel Daniel, Delegation of Romania, Romania • Adam Brown, Kaldi Foundation, USA • Ann Lewis, Delegation of USA, USA • Adrianus Van den Berg, Delegation of • Anna Janištinová, Czech Republic the Netherlands, The Netherlands • Anna Lehmann, Commission for Looted Art in • Agnes Peresztegi, Commission for Art Recovery, Europe, Germany Hungary • Anna Rubin, Delegation of USA, USA • Aharon Mor, Delegation of Israel, Israel • Anne Georgeon-Liskenne, Direction des • Achilleas Antoniades, Delegation of Cyprus, Cyprus Archives du ministère des Affaires étrangères et • Aino Lepik von Wirén, Delegation of Estonia, européennes, France Estonia • Anne Rees, Delegation of United Kingdom, United • Alain Goldschläger, Delegation of Canada, Canada Kingdom • Alberto Senderey, American Jewish Joint • Anne Webber, Commission for Looted Art in Europe, Distribution Committee, Argentina United Kingdom • Aleksandar Heina, Delegation of Croatia, Croatia • Anne-Marie Revcolevschi, Delegation of France, • Aleksandar Necak, Federation of Jewish France Communities in Serbia, Serbia • Arda Scholte, Delegation of the Netherlands, The • Aleksandar Pejovic, Delegation of Monetenegro, Netherlands -
Nazi Germany and the Jews Ch 3.Pdf
AND THE o/ w VOLUME I The Years of Persecution, i933~i939 SAUL FRIEDLANDER HarperCollinsPííMí^ers 72 • THE YEARS OF PERSECUTION, 1933-1939 dependent upon a specific initial conception and a visible direction. Such a CHAPTER 3 conception can be right or wrong; it is the starting point for the attitude to be taken toward all manifestations and occurrences of life and thereby a compelling and obligatory rule for all action."'^'In other words a worldview as defined by Hitler was a quasi-religious framework encompassing imme Redemptive Anti-Semitism diate political goals. Nazism was no mere ideological discourse; it was a political religion commanding the total commitment owed to a religious faith."® The "visible direction" of a worldview implied the existence of "final goals" that, their general and hazy formulation notwithstanding, were sup posed to guide the elaboration and implementation of short-term plans. Before the fall of 1935 Hitler did not hint either in public or in private I what the final goal of his anti-Jewish policy might be. But much earlier, as On the afternoon of November 9,1918, Albert Ballin, the Jewish owner of a fledgling political agitator, he had defined the goal of a systematic anti- the Hamburg-Amerika shipping line, took his life. Germany had lost the Jewish policy in his notorious first pohtical text, the letter on the "Jewish war, and the Kaiser, who had befriended him and valued his advice, had question" addressed on September 16,1919, to one Adolf Gemlich. In the been compelled to abdicate and flee to Holland, while in Berlin a republic short term the Jews had to be deprived of their civil rights: "The final aim was proclaimed. -
Billy Graham in West Germany: German Protestantism Between Americanization and Rechristianization, 1954–70
Billy Graham in West Germany: German Protestantism between Americanization and Rechristianization, 1954–70 Uta Andrea Balbier Billy Graham in Düsseldorf, June 1954 (Bundesarchiv, Picture 194-0798-41, Photo: Hans Lachmann) In June 1954, American evangelist Billy Graham came to the Federal Republic of Germany for his first revival meetings. In Frankfurt, he preached at the American Christ Chapel, in Düsseldorf at the Rheinstadium, and two days later he closed his first German campaign with a service at the Olympic Stadium in Berlin. Thousands came to see him and hundreds stepped forward at the end of the service to publicly accept Christ as their Savior. Another campaign fol- lowed in 1955. The American preacher then returned to Germany again dur- ing the 1960s, and his work there peaked in 1970 with his EURO 70 campaign.1 Graham’s campaigns in Germany were not foreign spectacles, but rites of passage in German Protestantism. For many actors in the religious field, Gra- ham evoked and catalyzed fear of secularization and hopes for rechristianiza- Zeithistorische Forschungen/Studies in Contemporary History 7 (2010), S. 343-363 © Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen 2010 ISSN 1612–6033 344 Uta Andrea Balbier tion. Being an icon of religious modernization and a return to the traditional at the same time, he became a focal point of self-reflection for German Protes- tants in the 1950s and 1960s. Church leaders, theologians, and laymen used Graham’s campaigns to discuss secular and political challenges and deep social transformations in the religious and secular sphere. Therefore, leading Protes- tant bishops such as Otto Dibelius and Hanns Lilje supported Graham’s cam- paigns. -
Nietzsche's Jewish Problem: Between Anti-Semitism and Anti-Judaism
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. CHAPTER ONE The Rise and Fall of Nietzschean Anti- Semitism REACTIONS OF ANTI- SEMITES PRIOR TO 1900 Discussions and remarks about Jews and Judaism can be found throughout Nietzsche’s writings, from the juvenilia and early letters until the very end of his sane existence. But his association with anti-Semitism during his life- time culminates in the latter part of the 1880s, when Theodor Fritsch, the editor of the Anti- Semitic Correspondence, contacted him. Known widely in the twentieth century for his Anti- Semites’ Catechism (1887), which appeared in forty- nine editions by the end of the Second World War, Fritsch wrote to Nietz sche in March 1887, assuming that he harbored similar views toward the Jews, or at least that he was open to recruitment for his cause.1 We will have an opportunity to return to this episode in chapter five, but we should observe that although Fritsch erred in his assumption, from the evidence he and the German public possessed at the time, he had more than sufficient reason to consider Nietzsche a like- minded thinker. First, in 1887 Nietzsche was still associated with Richard Wagner and the large circle of Wagnerians, whose ideology contained obvious anti- Semitic tendencies. Nietzsche’s last published work on Wagner, the deceptive encomium Richard Wagner in Bayreuth (1876), may contain the seeds of Nietzsche’s later criticism of the composer, but when it was published, it was regarded as celebratory and a sign of Nietzsche’s continued allegiance to the Wagnerian cultural move- ment. -
Annual Report of Actl V L T L Es 2009 Leo Baeck Institute London March 2009 Report of Activities Contents
LEO BAECK l NSTl TUTE LONDON ANNUAL REPORT OF ACTl V l T l ES 2009 Leo Baeck Institute London March 2009 Report of Activities CONTENTS Board 4 Introduction 5 Strategic Alliance of the LBI London and Queen Mary College, University of London 9 Lecture by Dr Wolfgang Schäuble, German Federal Minister of the Interior: Integration and Diversity—State and Religion in the Pluralistic Society 9 LBI Appeals 18 Tribute to Arnold Paucker 20 Peter Pulzer on Arnold Paucker 20 Arnold Paucker’s Retirement Speech 22 Obituary: Irmgard Foerg 24 Publications 25 The Year Book 25 Year Book Advisory Board 27 Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 53 (2008) 28 Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 54 (2009) 33 Novemberpogrom 1938 34 Research Projects 36 Jews in German-Speaking Academia in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries 36 A History of Visual Expressions of Antisemitism, Emotions and Morality 42 Lecture Series 44 European Leo Baeck Lecture Series 2007/2008 44 European Leo Baeck Lecture Series 2008/2009 45 FilmTalk 2007/2008 47 FilmTalk 2008/2009 49 Book Launch—Memoirs: Hans Jonas 51 Conferences 52 Antisemitism in Theory and Practice: Legacies in Cultural and Political Thought 53 International Conference «The Legacy of Hans Kohn » 55 Forthcoming Events And Conferences 57 Objects and Emotions—Loss and Acquisition of Jewish Property 57 Mutual Perceptions of Judaism, Christianity and Islam 58 Leo Baeck Fellowship Programme 59 News from the LBI Jerusalem: Highlights 2008 67 News from the LBI New York: Highlights 2008 68 Issn 1746–8663 Company limited by Guarantee Board Publications 69 Registered in England No. -
Manfred Gailus Theologie.Gesch
theologie.geschichte Beiheft 8/2013 universaar – Universitätsverlag Saarbrücken Manfred Gailus DIE MUTIGEN FRAUEN DES SOGENANNTEN KIRCHENKAMPFES UND WARUM DIE KIRCHE SIE NACH 1945 SO GRÜNDLICH VERGESSEN HAT Ein Frauenbild nach dem Willen Gottes? Im Jahr 1937 publizierten Otto Dibelius und Martin Nie- möller, zwei Heroen des so genannten Kirchenkampfes, eine gemeinsame Schrift unter dem Titel „Wir rufen Deutschland zu Gott“. Ihre hierin geäußerten Ansichten zur Frauenbewe- gung und das bei dieser Gelegenheit von ihnen eher en pas- sant preisgegebene Frauenbild riefen in einigen Kreisen, die sich dem Lager der Bekennenden Kirche (BK) zurechneten, Verwunderung und teilweise Empörung hervor. Die beiden prominenten Führungsmänner der Kirchenopposition hatten unter anderem geschrieben, die Frauenbewegung der unterge- gangenen Weimarer Republik habe die Frauen bedauerlicher- weise dazu verleitet, sich für die Politik zu interessieren, sich in Vereinen zu betätigen und am öffentlichen Leben - sei es an Vorträgen oder Konzerten und dergleichen - teilzunehmen. Auch wurde die unselige Frauenbewegung für den Geburten- rückgang verantwortlich gemacht. Den so zahlreich gewor- denen „Fräulein Doktors“ und den „großen Vereinsdamen“ - gemeint waren damit Prominente wie Gertrud Bäumer oder Marie-Elisabeth Lüders - stellten die führenden Bekenntnis- theologen die ‚gute deutsche Mutter’ gegenüber, die - wenn- gleich weniger gebildet - Kinder gebäre und sie auch ordent- lich erziehe. Letztere sei, meinten die Bekenntnistheologen, die Frau nach dem Willen Gottes.1 1 Otto Dibelius/Martin Niemöller: Wir rufen Deutschland zu Gott, Ber- lin 1937, bes. 103-105. Zur prägnanten Rolle beider im Kirchenstreit s. Klaus Scholder: Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich, Bd. 1: Vorgeschichte und Zeit der Illusionen 1918-1934, Frankfurt am Main/Berlin 1977; ders.: Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich, Bd. -
Weimar Culture and the East European Jews, 1918-1923
13 The Double Exile: Weimar Culture and the East European Jews, 1918-1923 STEVEN E. ASCHHEIM \leimar society continues to fascinate us partly because of the ironic connection between cultural creativity and political brutalization.l As unwelcome "insiders" of an unwanted Republic, German Je1•s were located at the very center of this dialectic, the concrete link tying these polarities. Their real and symbolic role in the disposition of \leimar Germany has been am!Jly documented.2 lluch less attention :1as been given to the role of the :>ast European Jews (Ostjuden) in Germany during this period. This constitutes a serious gap. Ostjude;1 were the first and mos t vulnerable targets of the newl~r radicalized anti-Semi tism. As a highly visible foreign minority, they were obvious victims of the growing climate of political violence. At the same time they greatly complicated German Jewry's mm e~osed situation and, in many ways, conditioned its responses. llecause the Ostjudenfrage (~uestion of the Eastern European Jews) was portrayed as a German Schicksalfrase, it was transformed into a probler.1 of vital popular and national concern. No treatment of the relationship between \Jeimar culture, the Jews, and anti Semitism would be complete without it. To be sure, tl1e problern of East European Jews was not new to Germany. The geographical proximity of Po land to Germany was a special circumstance attending the course of German Jewish emancipation. German Jews were never able to forget that they shared a comnon border with the unemanci11ated Eastern ghetto masses. Throughout the nineteenth and into the twentieth century, German Jewish historywas conditioned by this presence, both as myth anJ reality. -
Religion and Socialism in the Long 1960S: from Antithesis to Dialogue in Eastern and Western Europe
Contemporary European History (2020), 29, 127–138 doi:10.1017/S0960777320000077 INTRODUCTION Religion and Socialism in the Long 1960s: From Antithesis to Dialogue in Eastern and Western Europe Heléna Tóth and Todd H. Weir History Department, Otto-Friedrich-University, Fischstrasse 5/7, 96047 Bamberg, Germany [email protected] One of the most remarkable transformations of European society and politics during the Cold War period was in relations between socialism and religion. Extreme hostility between revolutionary socialism and Christianity had been a structural component of major political conflicts in the trans-war period of 1914 to 1945. With an eye to violence against churches in Mexico, Spain and the Soviet Union, Pope Pius XI had declared in 1937 that ‘for the first time in history we are witnessing a struggle, cold-blooded in purpose and mapped out to the least detail, between man and “all that is called God”’. Upon the German invasion of his native Netherlands in 1940, Europe’s leading ecumenical spokesman Willem Visser ’t Hooft similarly spoke of the Christian struggle against godlessness as ‘a war behind the war’ that had begun ‘long before September 1939 and will certainly go on long after an armistice has been con- cluded’.1 This hostility flowed into the accelerating polarisation of European politics and diplomacy in the immediate post-war period that led to the Cold War.2 Events such as the exchange of letters between US President Harry S. Truman and Pope Pius XII in 1946 confirming the Christian core of Western civilisa- tion or the show trial of Cardinal József Mindszenty in Hungary in 1949 were moments of deep symbolic significance that welded religion to the solidifying political rhetoric.3 As Dianne Kirby writes, ‘for many who lived through the period, the Cold War was one of history’s great religious wars, a global conflict between the god-fearing and the godless’.4 In the 1960s, however, the situation changed dramatically. -
University of Warwick Institutional Repository: a Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Phd at The
University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/58889 This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. Social values in some novels of the 'Heimatkunst' movement Donald Watts, B.A. Hans. (East Anglia), M.A. (WarwiCk) Doctor of Philosophy Universi ty of Warwick Department of German Studies April, 1975 BEST COpy AVAILABLE Variable print quality The thesis compares the values and attitudes promoted in the fiction of five authors associated wi th the 'Heimatkunst' movement. The introduction attempts a definition of the term 'Heimatkunst' and then proceeds to an examination of the theoretical writings of Adolf Bartels and Friedrich Lienhard, indicatine the often considerable differences in attitude between the two critics and outlining such common ground as they share with each ot~r and the "piactitioners of th e movement treated in thi s study. The thesis then moves to an analysis of single novels, where necessary relating these works to their authors' other wri tings. The novels chosen for analysis are Wilhelm von Polenz' Der BUttnerbauer, Adolf Bartels' Die Dithmarscher, "Gusta,v Frenssen's JBrn' Uhl, Ludwig Ganghofer's Der hohe Schein and Hermann LBns's Der Wehrwolf. These analyses confirm the existence or' that common ground between the authors outlined in the introduction - their veneration of rural life and their suspicion of urban culture and values, their anti- intellectual bias, nationalist or racialist sympathies and their belie~ that contempo~ ills may be cured or ameliorated qy a return to the pre-industrial, nature-based values of the rural community. -
Guide to Early Modern Legal and Political Thought With
A Short Guide to Early Modern Legal and Political Thought with Special Reference to Germany © 2003 by Constantin Fasolt. All rights reserved The purpose of this short bibliography is to give readers unfamiliar with the field of early modern European legal and political thought a means of orientation. It is divided into five sections. The first lists bibliographies, dictionaries, handbooks, research tools, and the like. The second lists narrative surveys and introductions to legal and political thought. The third lists the main collections of civil and canon law. It also makes reference to some early modern editions, because those include the standard medieval and early modern glosses on which students of law would have relied for information. The fourth section section is meant for readers seeking frames of reference. It includes a few essays and articles selected mainly for their brevity, clarity of exposition, or distinctive perspective on basic issues. The last section lists works that have made a major contribution to our understanding of the field, or represent a particular approach to it particularly clearly, or both. Since early modern legal and political thought is difficult to understand without reference to the preceding history of law, I have not restricted myself to works dealing exclusively with the early modern period. In order to include as many different authors as possible I have with a few exceptions mentioned no more than one title per author per section. I have also tried not to discriminate on the basis of age, national origin, faith, or sex, but I find that I have privileged recent writings in English by men. -
A Moral Persuasion: the Nazi-Looted Art Recoveries of the Max Stern Art Restitution Project, 2002-2013
A MORAL PERSUASION: THE NAZI-LOOTED ART RECOVERIES OF THE MAX STERN ART RESTITUTION PROJECT, 2002-2013 by Sara J. Angel A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of PhD Graduate Department Art University of Toronto © Copyright by Sara J. Angel 2017 PhD Abstract A Moral Persuasion: The Nazi-Looted Art Recoveries of the Max Stern Art Restitution Project, 2002-2013 Sara J. Angel Department of Art University of Toronto Year of convocation: 2017 In 1937, under Gestapo orders, the Nazis forced the Düsseldorf-born Jewish art dealer Max Stern to sell over 200 of his family’s paintings at Lempertz, a Cologne-based auction house. Stern kept this fact a secret for the rest of his life despite escaping from Europe to Montreal, Canada, where he settled and became one of the country’s leading art dealers by the mid-twentieth century. A decade after Stern’s death in 1987, his heirs (McGill University, Concordia University, and The Hebrew University of Jerusalem) discovered the details of what he had lost, and how in the post-war years Stern travelled to Germany in an attempt to reclaim his art. To honour the memory of Max Stern, they founded the Montreal- based Max Stern Art Restitution Project in 2002, dedicated to regaining ownership of his art and to the study of Holocaust-era plunder and recovery. This dissertation presents the histories and circumstances of the first twelve paintings claimed by the organization in the context of the broader history of Nazi-looted art between 1933-2012. Organized into thematic chapters, the dissertation documents how, by following a carefully devised approach of moral persuasion that combines practices like publicity, provenance studies, law enforcement, and legal precedents, the Max Stern Art Restitution Project set international precedents in the return of cultural property. -
Whole Dissertation Hajkova 3
Abstract This dissertation explores the prisoner society in Terezín (Theresienstadt) ghetto, a transit ghetto in the Protectorate Bohemia and Moravia. Nazis deported here over 140, 000 Czech, German, Austrian, Dutch, Danish, Slovak, and Hungarian Jews. It was the only ghetto to last until the end of Second World War. A microhistorical approach reveals the dynamics of the inmate community, shedding light on broader issues of ethnicity, stratification, gender, and the political dimension of the “little people” shortly before they were killed. Rather than relegating Terezín to a footnote in narratives of the Holocaust or the Second World War, my work connects it to Central European, gender, and modern Jewish histories. A history of victims but also a study of an enforced Central European society in extremis, instead of defining them by the view of the perpetrators, this dissertation studies Terezín as an autarkic society. This approach is possible because the SS largely kept out of the ghetto. Terezín represents the largest sustained transnational encounter in the history of Central Europe, albeit an enforced one. Although the Nazis deported all the inmates on the basis of their alleged Jewishness, Terezín did not produce a common sense of Jewishness: the inmates were shaped by the countries they had considered home. Ethnicity defined culturally was a particularly salient means of differentiation. The dynamics connected to ethnic categorization and class formation allow a deeper understanding of cultural and national processes in Central and Western Europe in the twentieth century. The society in Terezín was simultaneously interconnected and stratified. There were no stark contradictions between the wealthy and majority of extremely poor prisoners.