Turbulence & Phonology John J. Ohala* & Maria-Josep Solé
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Begus Gasper
Post-Nasal Devoicing and a Probabilistic Model of Phonological Typology Gašper Beguš [email protected] Abstract This paper addresses one of the most contested issues in phonology: the derivation of phonological typology. The phenomenon of post-nasal devoicing brings new insights into the standard typological discussion. This alternation — “unnatural” in the sense that it operates against a universal phonetic tendency — has been reported to exist both as a sound change and as synchronic phonological process. I bring together eight identified cases of post-nasal devoicing and point to common patterns among them. Based on these patterns, I argue that post-nasal devoicing does not derive from a single atypical sound change, but rather from a set of two or three separate sounds changes, each of which is natural and well- motivated. When these sound changes occur in combination, they give rise to apparent post-nasal devoicing. Evidence from both historical and dialectal data is brought to bear to create a model for explaining future instances of apparent unnatural alternations. By showing that sound change does not operate against universal phonetic tendency, I strengthen the empirical case for the generalization that any single instance of sound change is always phonetically motivated and natural, but that a combination of such sound changes can lead to unnatural alternations in a language’s synchronic grammar. Based on these findings, I propose a new probabilistic model for explaining phonological typology within the channel bias approach: on this model, unnatural alternations will always be rare, because the relative probability that a combination of sound changes will occur collectively is always smaller than the probability that a single sound change will occur. -
(1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in Later Publica- (1972 539
FINAL WEAKENING AND RELATED PHENOMENA1 Hans Henrich Hock University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 1: Final devoicing (FD) 1.1. In generative phonology, it is a generally accepted doctrine that, since word-final devoicing (WFD) is a very common and natural phenomenon, the ob- verse phenomenon, namely word-final voicin~ should not be found in natural language. Compare for instance Postal 1968 184 ('in the context----'~ the rules always devoice rather than voice'), Stampe 1969 443-5 (final devoicing comes about as the result of a failure t~ suppress the (innate) process of final devoicing), Vennemann 1972 240-1 (final voicing, defined as a process increasing the complexity of affected segment~ 'does not occur.')o 1.2 One of the standard examples for WFD is that of German, cf. Bund Bunde [bUnt] [bUndeJ. However Vennemann (1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in later publica- tions) and, following him, Hooper (1972 539) and Hyman (1975 142) have convincingly demonstrated that in Ger- man, this process applies not only word-finally, but also syllable-finally, as in radle [ra·t$le]3 'go by bike' (in some varieties of German). The standard view thus must be modified so as to recognize at least one other process, namely syllable-final devoicing (SFD). (For a different eA""Planation of this phenomenon compare section 2.3 below.) 2· Final voicing (or tenseness neutralization) 2 1 A more important argument against the stan- dard view, however, is that, as anyone with any train- ing in Indo-European linguistics can readily tell, there is at least one 5roup, namely Italic, where there is evidence for the allegedly impossible final voicing, cf PIE *siyet > OLat. -
Phonological Domains Within Blackfoot Towards a Family-Wide Comparison
Phonological domains within Blackfoot Towards a family-wide comparison Natalie Weber 52nd algonquian conference yale university October 23, 2020 Outline 1. Background 2. Two phonological domains in Blackfoot verbs 3. Preverbs are not a separate phonological domain 4. Parametric variation 2 / 59 Background 3 / 59 Consonant inventory Labial Coronal Dorsal Glottal Stops p pː t tː k kː ʔ <’> Assibilants ts tːs ks Pre-assibilants ˢt ˢtː Fricatives s sː x <h> Nasals m mː n nː Glides w j <y> (w) Long consonants written with doubled letters. (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 4 / 59 Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ /a+o/ ! [ɔː] Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ ! /a+o/ [ɔː] (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Contrastive mid vowels Some [ɛː] and [ɔː] are morpheme-internal, in overlapping environments with other long vowels JɔːníːtK JaːníːtK aoníít aaníít [ao–n/i–i]–t–Ø [aan–ii]–t–Ø [hole–by.needle/ti–ti1]–2sg.imp–imp [say–ai]–2sg.imp–imp ‘pierce it!’ ‘say (s.t.)!’ (Weber 2020) 6 / 59 Syntax within the stem Intransitive (bi-morphemic) vs. syntactically transitive (trimorphemic). Transitive V is object agreement (Quinn 2006; Rhodes 1994) p [ root –v0 –V0 ] Stem type Gloss ikinn –ssi AI ‘he is warm’ ikinn –ii II ‘it is warm’ itap –ip/i –thm TA ‘take him there’ itap –ip/ht –oo TI ‘take it there’ itap –ip/ht –aki AI(+O) ‘take (s.t.) there’ (Déchaine and Weber 2015, 2018; Weber 2020) 7 / 59 Syntax within the verbal complex Template p [ person–(preverb)*– [ –(med)–v–V ] –I0–C0 ] CP vP root vP CP ◦ Minimal verbal complex: stem plus suffixes (I0,C0). -
Using 'North Wind and the Sun' Texts to Sample Phoneme Inventories
Blowing in the wind: Using ‘North Wind and the Sun’ texts to sample phoneme inventories Louise Baird ARC Centre of Excellence for the Dynamics of Language, The Australian National University [email protected] Nicholas Evans ARC Centre of Excellence for the Dynamics of Language, The Australian National University [email protected] Simon J. Greenhill ARC Centre of Excellence for the Dynamics of Language, The Australian National University & Department of Linguistic and Cultural Evolution, Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History [email protected] Language documentation faces a persistent and pervasive problem: How much material is enough to represent a language fully? How much text would we need to sample the full phoneme inventory of a language? In the phonetic/phonemic domain, what proportion of the phoneme inventory can we expect to sample in a text of a given length? Answering these questions in a quantifiable way is tricky, but asking them is necessary. The cumulative col- lection of Illustrative Texts published in the Illustration series in this journal over more than four decades (mostly renditions of the ‘North Wind and the Sun’) gives us an ideal dataset for pursuing these questions. Here we investigate a tractable subset of the above questions, namely: What proportion of a language’s phoneme inventory do these texts enable us to recover, in the minimal sense of having at least one allophone of each phoneme? We find that, even with this low bar, only three languages (Modern Greek, Shipibo and the Treger dialect of Breton) attest all phonemes in these texts. -
University of Groningen Phonological Grammar and Frequency Sloos
University of Groningen Phonological grammar and frequency Sloos, Marjoleine IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 2013 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Sloos, M. (2013). Phonological grammar and frequency: an integrated approach. s.n. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to 10 maximum. Download date: 28-09-2021 Summary Phonological grammar and frequency: an integrated approach Language consists of two internal components: the mental lexicon, all memorized morphemes, and the grammar, a set of language rules. In phonology, these two parts are almost always studied independently, viz. usage-based phonology typically investigates the lexicon and generative phonology usually focuses on the grammar. During the last decades, the call for a combined model has gradually become stronger (Ernestus & Baayen (2011), Pierrehumbert (2002), Smolensky & Legendre (2006), van de Weijer (2012)). -
University of California Santa Cruz Minimal Reduplication
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ MINIMAL REDUPLICATION A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in LINGUISTICS by Jesse Saba Kirchner June 2010 The Dissertation of Jesse Saba Kirchner is approved: Professor Armin Mester, Chair Professor Jaye Padgett Professor Junko Ito Tyrus Miller Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Jesse Saba Kirchner 2010 Some rights reserved: see Appendix E. Contents Abstract vi Dedication viii Acknowledgments ix 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Structureofthethesis ...... ....... ....... ....... ........ 2 1.2 Overviewofthetheory...... ....... ....... ....... .. ....... 2 1.2.1 GoalsofMR ..................................... 3 1.2.2 Assumptionsandpredictions. ....... 7 1.3 MorphologicalReduplication . .......... 10 1.3.1 Fixedsize..................................... ... 11 1.3.2 Phonologicalopacity. ...... 17 1.3.3 Prominentmaterialpreferentiallycopied . ............ 22 1.3.4 Localityofreduplication. ........ 24 1.3.5 Iconicity ..................................... ... 24 1.4 Syntacticreduplication. .......... 26 2 Morphological reduplication 30 2.1 Casestudy:Kwak’wala ...... ....... ....... ....... .. ....... 31 2.2 Data............................................ ... 33 2.2.1 Phonology ..................................... .. 33 2.2.2 Morphophonology ............................... ... 40 2.2.3 -mut’ .......................................... 40 2.3 Analysis........................................ ..... 48 2.3.1 Lengtheningandreduplication. -
A Long Way from New York City: Socially Stratified Contact-Induced Phonological Convergence in Ganluo Ersu (Sichuan, China) Katia Chirkova, James Stanford, Dehe Wang
A long way from New York City: Socially stratified contact-induced phonological convergence in Ganluo Ersu (Sichuan, China) Katia Chirkova, James Stanford, Dehe Wang To cite this version: Katia Chirkova, James Stanford, Dehe Wang. A long way from New York City: Socially stratified contact-induced phonological convergence in Ganluo Ersu (Sichuan, China). Language Variation and Change, Cambridge University Press (CUP), In press. hal-01684078 HAL Id: hal-01684078 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01684078 Submitted on 15 Jan 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. A long way from New York City: Socially stratified contact-induced phonological convergence in Ganluo Ersu (Sichuan, China) Authors: 1. Katia Chirkova (CNRS, France) 2. James N. Stanford (Dartmouth College, USA) 3. Dehe Wang (Xichang College, China) Corresponding author: James N. Stanford 6220 Reed Hall Dartmouth College Hanover, NH 03784 Ph. (603)646-0099 [email protected] 1 ABSTRACT Labov’s classic study, The Social Stratification of English in New York City (1966), paved the way for generations of researchers to examine sociolinguistic patterns in many different communities (Bell, Sharma, & Britain, 2016). This research paradigm has traditionally tended to focus on Western industrialized communities and large world languages and dialects, leaving many unanswered questions about lesser- studied indigenous minority communities. -
The Role of Morphology in Generative Phonology, Autosegmental Phonology and Prosodic Morphology
Chapter 20: The role of morphology in Generative Phonology, Autosegmental Phonology and Prosodic Morphology 1 Introduction The role of morphology in the rule-based phonology of the 1970’s and 1980’s, from classic GENERATIVE PHONOLOGY (Chomsky and Halle 1968) through AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY (e.g., Goldsmith 1976) and PROSODIC MORPHOLOGY (e.g., McCarthy & Prince 1999, Steriade 1988), is that it produces the inputs on which phonology operates. Classic Generative, Autosegmental, and Prosodic Morphology approaches to phonology differ in the nature of the phonological rules and representations they posit, but converge in one key assumption: all implicitly or explicitly assume an item-based morphological approach to word formation, in which root and affix morphemes exist as lexical entries with underlying phonological representations. The morphological component of grammar selects the morphemes whose underlying phonological representations constitute the inputs on which phonological rules operate. On this view of morphology, the phonologist is assigned the task of identifying a set of general rules for a given language that operate correctly on the inputs provided by the morphology of that language to produce grammatical outputs. This assignment is challenging for a variety of reasons, sketched below; as a group, these reasons helped prompt the evolution from classic Generative Phonology to its Autosegmental and Prosodic descendants, and have since led to even more dramatic modifications in the way that morphology and phonology interact (see Chapter XXX). First, not all phonological rules apply uniformly across all morphological contexts. For example, Turkish palatal vowel harmony requires suffix vowels to agree with the preceding stem vowels (paşa ‘pasha’, paşa-lar ‘pasha-PL’; meze ‘appetizer’, meze-ler ‘appetizer-PL’) but does not apply within roots (elma ‘apple’, anne ‘mother’). -
Assibilation Or Analogy?: Reconsideration of Korean Noun Stem-Endings*
Assibilation or analogy?: Reconsideration of Korean noun stem-endings* Ponghyung Lee (Daejeon University) This paper discusses two approaches to the nominal stem-endings in Korean inflection including loanwords: one is the assibilation approach, represented by H. Kim (2001) and the other is the analogy approach, represented by Albright (2002 et sequel) and Y. Kang (2003b). I contend that the assibilation approach is deficient in handling its underapplication to the non-nominal categories such as verb. More specifically, the assibilation approach is unable to clearly explain why spirantization (s-assibilation) applies neither to derivative nouns nor to non-nominal items in its entirety. By contrast, the analogy approach is able to overcome difficulties involved with the assibilation position. What is crucial to the analogy approach is that the nominal bases end with t rather than s. Evidence of t-ending bases is garnered from the base selection criteria, disparities between t-ending and s-ending inputs in loanwords. Unconventionally, I dare to contend that normative rules via orthography intervene as part of paradigm extension, alongside semantic conditioning and token/type frequency. Keywords: inflection, assibilation, analogy, base, affrication, spirantization, paradigm extension, orthography, token/type frequency 1. Introduction When it comes to Korean nominal inflection, two observations have captivated our attention. First, multiple-paradigms arise, as explored in previous literature (K. Ko 1989, Kenstowicz 1996, Y. Kang 2003b, Albright 2008 and many others).1 (1) Multiple-paradigms of /pʰatʰ/ ‘red bean’ unmarked nom2 acc dat/loc a. pʰat pʰaʧʰ-i pʰatʰ-ɨl pʰatʰ-e b. pʰat pʰaʧʰ-i pʰaʧʰ-ɨl pʰatʰ-e c. -
Final Pre-Print. Version 7.0
Final pre-print. Version 7.0. German, and conversely for /ts/, but seventy years after Trubetzkoy (1939) dis- cussed it, there is still no unanimity among phonologists. Phonologists studying Clicks, Concurrency, and Khoisan German range from those who admit no affricates at all, to those admit every phonetic affricate as a phonological affricate – see Wiese (2000) for a brief re- view. This article, on the other hand, is concerned with the word LINEAR, which is Julian Bradfield part of the usual understanding of SEGMENT. I claim that the restriction to lin- earity is an undue restriction on the definitions of segment (and hence phoneme), University of Edinburgh and that in some languages, entities traditionally viewed as single segments should be viewed as clusters. The difference is that the clusters are concurrent, rather than sequential. To put the thesis in a sentence, sometimes a co-articulated Abstract: I propose that the notions of segment and phoneme be en- segment really is better seen as two articulated co-segments. riched to allow, even in classical theories, some concurrent clustering. The notion of concurrent units is already commonplace in certain situations; My main application is the Khoisan language !Xóõ, where by treating clicks as phonemes concurrent with phonemic accompaniments, the in- languages with lexical tone are viewed as placing tones atop segmental units, ventory size is radically reduced, so solving the problems of many un- whether vowels, syllables or words, and sign languages often compose articu- supported contrasts. I show also how phonological processes of !Xóõ lations from each hand – though there one can argue about whether the com- can be described more elegantly in this setting, and provide support position belongs in the ‘phonology’. -
Kelantan and Sarawak Malay Dialects: Parallel Dialect Text Collection and Alignment Using Hybrid Distance-Statistical-Based Phrase Alignment Algorithm
Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education Vol.12 No.3 (2021), 2163-2171 Research Article Kelantan and Sarawak Malay Dialects: Parallel Dialect Text Collection and Alignment Using Hybrid Distance-Statistical-Based Phrase Alignment Algorithm Khaw, Jasmina Yen Min1, Tan, Tien-Ping2, Ranaivo-Malancon, Bali3 1Faculty of Information Communication and Technology, Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman, Kampar, Malaysia 2School of Computer Sciences, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang, Malaysia 3Faculty of Computer Science and Information Technology, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak, Malaysia [email protected] Article History: Received: 10 November 2020; Revised: 12 January 2021; Accepted: 27 January 2021; Published online: 05 April 2021 Abstract: Parallel texts corpora are essential resources especially in translation and multilingual information retrieval. However, the publicly available parallel text corpora are limited to certain types and domains. Besides, Malay dialects are not standardized in term of writing. The existing alignment algorithms that is used to analayze the writing will require a large training data to obtain a good result. The paper describes our methodology in acquiring a parallel text corpus of Standard Malay and Malay dialects, particularly Kelantan Malay and Sarawak Malay. Second, we propose a hybrid of distance-based and statistical-based alignment algorithm to align words and phrases of the parallel text. The proposed approach has a better precision and recall than the state-of-the-art GIZA++. In the paper, the alignment -
Exceptions to Rhotacism Kyle Gorman University of Pennsylvania Counterexamples to a Grammatical Rule Are of Interest Only If
Proceedings of CLS 48 (2012), 279-293 © Chicago Linguistic Society 2014. All rights reserved. 279 Exceptions to rhotacism* Kyle Gorman University of Pennsylvania Counterexamples to a grammatical rule are of interest only if they lead to the construction of a new grammar of even greater generality or if they show some underlying principle is fallacious or misformulated. (Chomsky & Halle 1968:ix) 1 Introduction With sporadic exceptions (Saussure 1877), intervocalic s merges with r in Old Latin. (1) The sound change: s > r = V V Earlier intervocalic s is found in archaic inscriptions (e.g., Lases for later Lares ‘local deities’; Baldi 2002:213f.) and implicated by comparative reconstruction (e.g., Latin flōrale ‘floral’ vs. Vestinian flusare; Watkins 1970). This change was actuated no later than the 4th century BCE, as indicated by Cicero’s comment that L. Papirius Crassus, consul in 336 BCE and dictator in 339 BCE, was the first of his line to spell his cōgnōmen as Papirius rather than the ancestral Papisius. Numerous s-r alternations in Classical Latin derive from this sound change. For instance, many nouns have nominative and vocative singulars ending in s, but an intervocalic r in the singular obliques and throughout the plural. (2) Paradigm of ‘honor’: nom. gen. dat. acc. abl. voc. sg. honōs honōris honōrī honōrem honōre honōs pl. honōrēs honōrum honōribus honōrēs honōribus honōrēs These s-r alternations—and their ultimate demise in late Latin (see §5)—are widely cited as examples of non-derived environment blocking and of intraparadig- matic leveling. Nearly all discussions of these alternations assume that the underly- ing representation of ‘honor’ is /hono:s/, so that the oblique r is the intervocalic allophone of /s/ (e.g., Albright 2005:19, Foley 1965:62, Gruber 2006:142, Hes- lin 1987:134, Kenstowicz 1996:377, Kiparsky In press, Klausenburger 1976:314, Matthews 1972:19, Roberts 2012:88, Touratier 1975:264, Watkins 1970:526).