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European Stability Initiative the Country Haydar Aliyev Built
European Stability Initiative The country Haydar Aliyev built June 2011 Soviet Azerbaijan Soviet Baku, year unknown. Photo: DerWolF / Wikipedia After the dissolution of the Russian empire in 1917 and during the ensuing civil war Azerbaijan became an independent state the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (ADR). Throughout its brief existence from 1918 to 1920, the young state found itself at war with neighbouring Armenia and under assault. In 1920, the Bolsheviks took control in Azerbaijan. The Soviet Union was created in 1922. Initially part of the so-called "Transcaucasian Federation" within the Soviet Union, Azerbaijan gained the status of a full-right Union republic in 1936. Soviet rule in Azerbaijan lasted for nearly seven decades until, on 30 August 1991, Azerbaijan declared independence from the crumbling Soviet Union, following the example of several other Soviet republics. Azerbaijanis' identity has long been complex. In Tsarist Russia, Muslim inhabitants of the Caucasus were often referred to as 'Tatars' or simply 'Muslims'. By the end of the 19th century a growing number of Azerbaijanis defined themselves as 'Turks' or 'Azerbaijani Turks.' Although their language is very similar to Anatolian Turkish, Azerbaijanis have never lived under Ottoman rule. Unlike the majority of (Sunni) Turks, most practice Shia Islam, something they share with more than twenty million ethnic Azeris living south of the Araks river in the northwest of Iran. In 1916 62 percent of Muslims in Azerbaijan were Shiite and 38 percent were Sunni. In the 1920's the Soviet authorities pursued a policy of korenizatsiya, or nativization. It consisted of promoting natives to positions of responsibility in the government and the communist party and instituting the equality of Russian and local languages in the public sphere. -
A Comparative Foreign Policy Analysis of Weak States: the Case of the Caucasus States Yasar Sari Charlottesville, Virginia B.A
A Comparative Foreign Policy Analysis of Weak States: The Case of the Caucasus States Yasar Sari Charlottesville, Virginia B.A., Istanbul University, 1993 M.A., Old Dominion University, 1997 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The Woodrow Wilson Department of Politics University of Virginia December 2008 Abstract Keywords: Caucasus states, Russia, foreign policy analysis, weak state The key features of foreign policy formulation and execution in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia are selected in an attempt to reveal the sources of foreign policy-behavior of new, post- Soviet (and in effect post-imperial) states during the 1990s. More specifically, this is a comparative study of the foreign policies of the Caucasus states as new states toward the Russian Federation as the ex-imperial center. The purpose of the dissertation is to verify the relative significance of internal factors and level of external assistance in shaping the foreign policy of weak states. Therefore, the key theoretical contribution of the dissertation is to understand foreign policy change in weak states during their early years of independence. The newly independent Caucasus states are weak states. The most urgent problems facing these newly independent states following their independence were domestic ones. The time period covered is between 1991 and 1999, which in turn is divided into two sub-periods: 1991- 1995, the period of confusion and 1995 to 1999, the period of consolidation. This dissertation centers upon the explanation of two factors: the level of domestic strain of weak states and their relations to the external world. -
Security First Approach: Causes of Security Prioritization and Implications of This Prioritization on Democracy in the Cases of Singapore and Azerbaijan
SECURITY FIRST APPROACH: CAUSES OF SECURITY PRIORITIZATION AND IMPLICATIONS OF THIS PRIORITIZATION ON DEMOCRACY IN THE CASES OF SINGAPORE AND AZERBAIJAN A Master’s Thesis by NUR ALKIŞ Department of International Relations Bilkent University Ankara December 2009 SECURITY FIRST APPROACH: CAUSES OF SECURITY PRIORITIZATION AND IMPLICATIONS OF THIS PRIORITIZATION ON DEMOCRACY IN THE CASES OF SINGAPORE AND AZERBAIJAN The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences of Bilkent University by NUR ALKIŞ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BİLKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA December 2009 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ersel Aydınlı Supervisor I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. Assist. Prof. Dr. Pınar İpek Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. Assist. Prof. Dr. Aylin Güney Examining Committee Member Approval of the Institute of Economics and Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Erdal Erel Director ABSTRACT THE SECURITY FIRST APPROACH: CAUSES OF SECURITY PRIORITIZATION AND IMPLICATIONS OF THIS PRIORITIZATION ON DEMOCRACY IN THE CASES OF SINGAPORE AND AZERBAIJAN Nur AlkıĢ M.A. -
AZERBAIJAN: ISLAM in a POST-SOVIET REPUBLIC by Anar Valiyev*
AZERBAIJAN: ISLAM IN A POST-SOVIET REPUBLIC By Anar Valiyev* The collapse of the Soviet Union and the demise of Communist ideas paved the way for an Islamic revival in Azerbaijan. Being one of the most secular Muslim republics of the Soviet Union, Azerbaijan is facing a dilemma concerning how to address contemporary religious issues. A suppression of religious activities and organizations could lead to internal opposition and radicalization. In contrast, freedom of religious activities could allow the neighboring state of Iran to export an Islamist revolution and encourage the development of a radical brand of local Islamism. The high percentage of poor people, as well as the presence of over 700,000 refugees in the country, create a dangerous breeding ground for radical organizations to recruit members and sympathizers for future struggles. For centuries, religion was an integral and places of worship were restored; dozens of binding part of public life in Azerbaijan. religious organizations were registered; new Since antiquity, almost all wars, reforms, and religious schools (madrasas) opened; and political processes occurred under the banner many young Azerbaijanis are attending of religion. Zoroastrianism, Christianity, and Muslim religious universities in Saudi Islam enriched the history of Azerbaijan and Arabia, Egypt, Iran, Turkey, and Pakistan. have had a huge impact on the formation of Islam permeates Azerbaijani social life. It the identity of the Azerbaijani nation. Today, is now common to encounter young people Azerbaijan is experiencing a religious observing the Muslim traditions or young revival. Ideological disorientation, the search women dressing in accordance to Islamic for national and cultural identity, and the traditions. -
The Kennan Institute 38
KENNAN INSTITUTE 30 Year Report KENNAN INSTITUTE KENNAN INSTITUTE KENNAN INSTITUTE 30 Year Report Kennan Institute Staff Blair A. Ruble, Director Margaret Paxson, Senior Associate Nancy Popson, Senior Associate F. Joseph Dresen, Program Associate Jennifer Giglio, Program Associate Atiq Sarwari, Program Associate Summer Brown, Program Specialist Edita Krunkaityte, Program Assistant Erin Trouth, Program Assistant Kennan Moscow Project Galina Levina, Program Manager Ekaterina Alekseeva, Program Manager and Editor Irina Petrova, Office Manager Pavel Korolev, Program Officer Anna Toker, Accountant Murad Pateev, Technical Support Kennan Kyiv Project Yaroslav Pylynskyi, Project Manager Nataliya Samozvanova, Office Manager WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS Lee H. Hamilton, Director BOARD OF TRUSTEES Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chair; David A. Metzner, Vice Chair. Public Members: James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; John W. Carlin, Archivist of the United States; Bruce Cole, Chair, National Endowment for the Humanities; Roderick R. Paige, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education; Colin L. Powell, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; Lawrence M. Small, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Tommy G. Thompson, Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Private Citizen Members: Joseph A. Cari, Jr., Carol Cartwright, Donald E. Garcia, Bruce S. Gelb, Daniel L. Lamaute, Tamala L. Longaberger, Thomas R. Reedy WILSON COUNCIL Bruce S. Gelb, President. Elias F. Aburdene, Jennifer Acker, Charles S. Ackerman, B.B. Andersen, Russell Anmuth, Cyrus A. Ansary, Lawrence E. Bathgate II, Theresa Behrendt, John Beinecke, Joseph C. Bell, Steven Alan Bennett, Rudy Boschwitz, A. Oakley Brooks, Donald A. Brown, Melva Bucksbaum, Richard I. Burnham, Nicola L. Caiola, Mark Chandler, Peter B. Clark, Melvin Cohen, William T. -
Integration in Energy and Transport Amongst Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey
The London School of Economics and Political Science Integration in Energy and Transport Amongst Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey Alexandros Petersen A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, August 16, 2012. 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 84,608 words. 2 Abstract A limited process of integration has been occurring amongst the countries of Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Turkey. From the mid-1990s to 2008, integration amongst the three countries has occurred in the energy and transport sectors, but not in other sectors, such as security, politics or trade beyond energy and transport. In the energy sector, this integration can be explained through neo-liberal institutionalist theory. Integration in the transport sector occurs due to a mixture of elements from the neo-liberal institutionalist, security communities and neo-functionalist theories of integration. -
LAND, PETROLEUM, and MORAL TRANSFORMATION in POST-SOVIET AZERBAIJAN a Dissertati
WHAT CAN THE LOCAL TELL US ABOUT GLOBALIZATION? LAND, PETROLEUM, AND MORAL TRANSFORMATION IN POST-SOVIET AZERBAIJAN A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Sara Rafail qizi Rzayeva May 2014 2014 Sara Rafail qizi Rzayeva WHAT CAN THE LOCAL TELL US ABOUT GLOBALIZATION? LAND, PETROLEUM AND MORAL TRANSFORMATION IN POST-SOVIET AZERBAIJAN Sara Rafail qizi Rzayeva, Ph.D. Cornell University 2014 This dissertation asks how rural populations accepted and adjusted to Azerbaijan’s neoliberal restructuring under IMF guidance from a mainly agricultural Soviet economy to an urban-based petroleum exporter of the world. The answers draw a history of changing land-use patterns, livelihood strategies, and mind-sets in rural Azerbaijan, illuminating ideological aspects of what Michael Woods called “rural globalization”—of how rural places are remade with globalization. This work will show how breaking the rural resistance to the IMF-designed restructuring of post-Soviet Azerbaijan has depended on igniting hopes in the bounties of the market system, the individualization and disintegration of rural communities through land reforms, and rural migration. The spread of hopes in the market system as the just distributor of resources and as a road to prosperity through organized government efforts was a crucial first step and involved a redefinition of prosperity from long-term communal goal to immediate personal goal. Land reforms, held in hopes of self-sufficient prosperity, individualized and disintegrated rural communities, diminishing their ability to stand up against the land manipulations and enclosures that followed. -
In Central Asia After Afghanistan
The New “Great Game” in Central Asia after Afghanistan Alec Rasizade* The term ‘Great Game’ was originally coined by R.Kipling to label the 19th century Anglo-Russian rivalry for hegemony in Central Asia. After the demise of the USSR, this buzzword has been liberally exercised by analysts and observers of the region to describe the great powers’ various endeavors to fill the strategic void, and ranging from their military ventures to mere competition for its energy resources and pipelines. After the Afghanistan war, writers have discovered that the age-old ‘Great Game’ is entering a new and more dangerous phase. They warn that the intrigue continues today, with new powers skirmishing over the ‘fabulous’ oil and gas wealth of the Caspian Basin, with new intimations of Islamist violence, and no one willing to openly concede defeat. But only a few scholars try to explain what specifically is the real Central Asia today. The shaping of national frontiers in Turkestan In his 1920 “Letter to the Communists of Turkestan” (as the Russian part of Central Asia was known at that time), V.I.Lenin asked them to investigate how many national republics would be established there and what they should be named.1 82 years ago, the idea of sovereign ethnic- based states was alien and exotic for the local Muslim population. The concepts on ethnic division of Turkestan were as vague then as they are now in the contemporary multi-ethnic Afghanistan. The Bolsheviks applied to V.Bartold, the renowned scholar on Central Asia, with Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol.1, No.2, Summer 2002 125 the question how they should divide the region. -
Post-Soviet Azerbaijan: Transition to Sultanistic Semiauthoritarianism? an Attempt at Conceptualization
Post-Soviet Azerbaijan: Transition to Sultanistic Semiauthoritarianism? An Attempt at Conceptualization FARID GULIYEV Abstract: The hybrid regimes comprise the majority of contemporary political constellations. However, the hybrid regime paradigm does not account for the diversity among these regimes. Drawing on the case of post-Soviet Azerbaijan, the present study establishes a new conceptual framework—the sultanistic semi- authoritarian model that amalgamates two theories: semiauthoritarianism and sul- tanism. This article argues that sultanistic semiauthoritarianism can be consid- ered as one of the most serviceable conceptual frameworks to deal with the case of post-Soviet Azerbaijan’s political regime. Key words: Azerbaijan, democratization, hybrid regime, semiauthoritarianism, sultanistic, transition here have always been ambiguous political regimes: neither fully democratic T nor clear-cut authoritarian. These political systems can persistently resist mov- ing toward either democracy or authoritarianism. They live as if they were frozen in a certain temporal sequence of political change. Contemporary political science has a distinct subfield of democratic transitology, which claims to explain differ- ent trajectories of political change. However, even the most advanced fivefold cat- egorization of modern political regime types1 developed by such distinguished scholars of the transition school as Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan (1996) has a seri- ous discrepancy when it comes to uncertain political systems. As a partial solution of the problem of incomplete transitions, they have introduced a new category of sultanism to be used in reference to extremely patrimonial regimes that coalesce around a highly personalistic and dynastic-prone ruler who exercises power at his own unrestricted discretion. Farid Guliyev holds a master’s degree in political science from Central European Univer- sity, Budapest, Hungary.