Spanish Immigration to the United States Author(S): R

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Spanish Immigration to the United States Author(s): R. A. Gomez Reviewed work(s): Source: The Americas, Vol. 19, No. 1 (Jul., 1962), pp. 59-78 Published by: Academy of American Franciscan History Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/979406 . Accessed: 04/12/2012 23:37

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This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SPANISHIMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES*

IN our preoccupationwith the Spaniardsof earliercenturies and their subsequentirnpact on the historyof the United States,we havetended to overlookthe Spanishimmigrants of moderndecades. The presenceof largenumbers of Spanishfamily names in the United States,pariicularly in New York City and in westernstates, has ob- scuredthe fact thatvery few Spaniardshave come to the UnitedStates directlyfrom Spain.1It is the purposeof this paperto investigatethe dataon modernmovements of Spaniardsto the Americasin general, with specialemphasis on the UnitedStates, and to considerthe pattern of Spanishsettlement in the United Statesthat resultedfrom these movements. The emigrationof greatnumbers of Spaniardsfrom Spain during the lastdecades of the nineteenthcentury and the firstdecades of the twen- tieth centurywas significantenough to place Spainamong the most activemigratory peoples of Europe,ranking behind the UnitedKing- dom and Italy and rankingclosely with Austria-Hungaryand Ger- many.2So greatwas the exodusthat much Spanish literature has been concernedwith the subject:official reports, university studies, gener- ally distributedbooks, and occasional treatment in regionalnovels.3 The tenorof someof this writingis sufficientlysoul-searching in its nature to placeit in the generalcategory of the introspectivewriting of the " generationof 98." By the turnof the twentiethcentury enough atten- tion hadbeen focused on the problemthat legislationwas soon passed attemptingto preventunnecessary emigration and to lessensome of the evilsof it.

# The authoris indebtedto the AmericanPhilosophical Society for a travel grant which greatlyfacilitated research in the United Statesand Spain. This paperis intended as a frameworkfor a book on the subject. 1 The terms " Spaniard" and " Spanish,"when used hereafterin this paper,refer to Spaniardswho have come directly from Spain or who have come after only reason- able transitorymovement through other countries. 2 League of Nations, InternationalLabor Office, MigrationIn Its VariousForms (Geneva,1926), pp. 7-9. Preparedfor the InternationalEconomic Conference, 1927. 3 Some representativetitles: Vicente Borregon Ribes, La emigracionespcmola a America (Vigo, 1952);Ramon Bullon Fernandez,El problemade la emigracion.Los crgmenesde ella (Barcelona,1914); Jose Casaisy Santalo, Emigracionespannola y particularmentegallega a Ultramar(Madrid, 1915); Domingo Villar Grangel,La emigracio'ngallega (Santiago,1901); Eduardo Vincenti, Estudio sobre emigracio'n(Madrids 1908); and special publicationsof the Consejo Superiorde Emigracionsuch as Lor emigracionespzzola transoceanica, 1911-191S. 59

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions IN UNITEDSTATES 60 SPANISH sinceSpan- officialmachinery for emigration Eventoday there exists forty yearsago. althoughin far lessernumbers than iardsstill leave, SpanishInstitute of Emigra- the Ministryof Laboris foundthe Under throughoutthe countrywhere providedwith provincialoffices tion availablefor prospectiveemigrants. andassistance are made of information interestin the broaderproblems Spainhas long demonstratedan hasbeen an active member of the Intergovern- Europeanmigrations and Churchhas often for EuropeanMigrations.4 The mentalCommittee and moralproblems con- its concernfor the manyspiritual expressed in Spain,where the Church with emigrationto foreignplaces; nected this hasmeant close coordinanon isan exceptionally active institution, betweenthe Churchand official agencies. STATISTICSONSPANISH EMIGRATION left as to the numberof Spaniardswho It is impossibleto be precise Official arrivingin any particularcountry.5 Spainor as to the number officialsthemselves are not precisefor reasonsSpanish Spanishfigures by largenumbers who left pointedout: the difficultyrepresented have keepingrecords on only third- countryillegally; the practiceof the ports (in accordancewith the legal classpassengers leaving Spanish years, the lack of disiinction,for some definitionof "emigrant"); Spain;occasional and alienswho emigratedfrom betweenSpaniards to Africaand Euro- as to whetherfigures include emigrants confusion of tallyingimmigrants coming peancountries; and, finally, the problem of receivingcountries in the Americas backinto Spain. Also, the figures offermany complications. to placethe totalnumber 1882to 1947it is reasonablyadequate From 5 million.6However, during this ofSpanish emigrants at approximately 1961. See ABC, Madrid, was held in Madridin September, 4 The mostrecent meeting and 30, 1961. forSeptember 19, 23, In 1922 the Internaiional for any migratorymovement. 5 The problemis difficult and Immigration Methodsof CompilingEmigration LaborOice tried to assistwith Statistics. andfollowing paragraphs represent Spanishmigration presented in this from 6 The figureson (1) Spanishofficial figures those found in the followingsources: 1923 (but a comparisonof de Espanafrom 1891 through de la emigracione inmigracion statistical Estadistica nine volumesby the oilcial Spanish fromthe year 1882),published in Geograficoy covering as Direccion General del Insiituto agency known from 1891 to 1919 U. S. figures taken from estadisticode Espoma,1960. (2) Estadistico;also, Anuario and 1924. (3) Argeniinefigures of the Secretaryof Laborfor 1923 the AnnualReport estadisticodel movimientomigratorio Generalde Inmigracion,Resumeo Bureauof the from Direccion (4) Cubanfigures from U. S. RepublicaArgentina, 18S7-1924. Cuba, Censo de en la Resources,1907 and Republicof Census,Cuba. Population,History, 1943.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions R. A. GOMEZ 6t period,approximately 3.8 millionreturned to Spain. A useablefigure for net emigraiion,then, might be 1.2 million.The greatbulk of this emigrationtook place in thequarter-century from 1900 to 1924;roughly two-thirdsof all Spanishemigration from 1882to 1947 (approximately 700,000net) took placedunng that short period. A certainpattern of movementsto andfrom Spain from 1882 to 1947 is observableas follows: 1882-1898: Heavy net emigrationto Argentinaand Cuba 1899- 1900: Decline(Spanish-American War) 1901-1913: Heavy net emigration;beginning of substantialmovement to the U. S. 191+1918: Net immigration(World War I) 1919-1930: Heavynet emigrationbut virtualdisappearance of emigration to the U. S. after 1921 1931-1947: Decline;net immigration1931-1934 (depression);followed by CivilWar, World War II

SPANISHMOVEMENT TO LATIN AMERICA Quitenaturally, Spaniards flocked to LatinAmerica in exceptionally greatnumbers, especially to Argentinaand Cuba. Cuba was, of course, a Spanishcolony until the end of the Spanish-AmericanWar and it served,therefore, as an outletfor Spaniardswishing to go to familiar surroundingsin the westernhemisphere. Furthermore, inducements were beingextended to agriculturalworkers.7 Argentina was a much greaterattraciion, having made a determinedbid for immigrants.8 Argentina,indeed, in the recordsof internationalmigraiion, ranks secondonly to the UnitedStates in termsof immigration,both gross andnet.9 To a muchlesser extent stood Brazil, Mexico, and Uruguay as attractionsfor Spaniardswishing to emigrateto LaiinAmerica. Argentinahas accounted for as muchSpanish emigration as all other countriescombined (and more, if the entiremovement from the 1850's is considered).A comparisonof Spanishand Argentine reports indicates that approximatelyhalf of the entirenumber of Spaniardsemigraiing from1882 to 1947is clearlyattributable to Argentina'spowerful attraction-about600,000 net, with the possibiligrof a higherfigure approach-

7 On the attractionsof Cuba,see ConsejoSuperior de Emigracion(Spain), Emigra- cion transoceanica, 1911-19lS, pp. 135-136. Also, J. M. Alvarez Acevedo, La colonict espznola en la economia cubana (Habana,1936), passim. 9 In Anuario Estadistico Interamericano, 1942, immigrationtotals from 1820 to 1924 are given as follows: U. S. A.-33,188,000; Argentina-5,486,000; Canada-4,520,000; Brazil-3,855,000. All of these are gross figures,not accountingfor departures. 8 Indeed, the preambleof Argentina'sConstitution of 1852-1853 extended equality of treatmentfor aliens.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions IN UNITEDSTATES 62 SPANISH Cuba,probably Another25 per cent or so went to ing60 per cent.l° Spainto the Americas net. The remainingemigrants from about300,000 amongBrazil, Mexico, the (perhaps15 per cent) wouldbe distributed UnitedStates, Uruguay, and others. of Spainhave furnished all but a small Threegreat geographical areas from the the Cantabrianand Atlanticcoasts percentageof emigrants: with special near Franceto Galicianear Portugal, Basqueprovinces of Valenciaand Murcia; on Galicia;the Mediterraneancoast emphasis corner. Someatteniion must also andAndalusia in the southwestern as well. The great centraltableland begiven to the CanaryIslands centerof few emigrants;Catalonia, with its contributedcomparatively contributoras its impor- in Barcelona,has not beenas great a population as a representativeperiod, suggests.Taking the years1910-1915 tance asfollows (the figuresrepresent- twentymost active provinces were the emigrants): ingthe grossnumber of transoceanic 11. Barcelona 15,682 1. Coruna 61,560 12,230 53,106 12. Valencia 2. Pontevedra Santander 11,837 Orense 52,745 13. 3. 14. Alicante 10,911 4. Lugo 51,883 10,770 47,652 15. Granada 5. Oviedo 16. Malaga 8,676 6. Almeria 36,722 8,512 30,270 17. Burgos 7. Canarias 18. Murcia 7,978 8. Leon 29,415 7,735 20,969 19. Logrono 9. Salamanca Vizcaya 7,709 10. Zamora 19,087 20. Total for all 49 provinces:602,0811l geography,two great in the largestpossible terms of Spanish Speaking are represented:a northerly-to- currentsof migratorymovement northern Cantabrianand Atlantic provinces, adding westerlyflow from Logrono,Santan- northernpart of Old Castile(Burgos, Leonand the Andalusia,the Levantine a southerly-to-westerlyflow out of der);and the traditionalregional terms, coast,and the CanaryIslands. Employing orderwould be as follows: the 36.4% Orense,Pontevedra) 219,294 1. Galicia (Coruna,Lugo, 69,471 11.5 2. Leon (Leon,Salamanca, Zamora) 9.3 Granada,Malaga) 56,168 3. Andalusia (Almeria, 47,652 7.9 4. Asturias(Oviedo) 31,119 5.2 5. Levant(Valencia, Alicante, Murcia) one million, from 1857place the numberat about 10Estimates for the longer period Espana, 1960, p. 48. as does Anuario estadistico de 1911-191S, (Spain), Emigracion transoceanica, 11Consejo Superior de Emigracion passim.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions R. A. GOMEZ 63 6. CanaryIslands 30,270 5.0 7. OldCastile (Santander, Burgos, Logrono) 28,084 4.7 8. Catalonia(Barcelona) 15,682 2.6 (Vizcayaomitted from this grouping) It is to be notedthat Galicia stands clearly in frontas the mostsubstan- tial contributorto Spanishemigraiion. If we speakof the regional groupsin largerterms, nearly jcwo-thirds (63.1 per cent) are northern provinces(Galicia, Leon, Asturias,Old Castile,and Cataloniarepre- sentingthe regionalgroupings of these); of these, the northeastern regionsdominate (55.8 per cent) in the picture(Galicia, Leon, As- turias);and Galicia, by itself,accounts for 36.4per cent. Thesepatterns may be safely employedas representativeof the Spanishemigratory

* * . experlence m general. Specialattention, then, should be paidto the massivemovement of Spaniardsfrom Galicia to Americancountries. This movementwas so spectacularthat much of the Spanishliterature on emigraiionis focused on it. Mostof the Golllegoswent to Argentinaand settledin Buenos Airesand vicinity. In 1953one estimatestated that therewere over 700,000Golllegos in BuenosAires, thus making it quiteeasily the largest &aliciancity of the world.l2In addiiionto BuenosAires, large groups of Golllegosare to be foundin Caracas,Havana, and Montevideo. The CentroGolllego is a widelyknown mutual benefit organization in Latin Americancities. The Gallegoscame from all vocationalgroups with especiallylarge numbersof agriculturallaborers, sailors, fishermen, waiters, and small shopkeepers.In manycities of LatinAmerica they becamemiddle-class merchantsand their children have moved into professional classifications. Calicians,among the Spanishstereotypes, have long been known for their shrewdnessand have been said to possessmore of the qualiiies necessaryfor successfulbusinessmen than most other Spanards.13 THEMOTIVATIONS FOREMIGRATION The reasonsfor Spanishemigration offer no new sourcefor the contemplationof internationalmigrations. Largely, the motivations

12 Faro de Vigo. Numero especialconmemoroltivo del centenario,18S3-19S3. Two contributorsto this issuewrite aboutGalicia in Argentina:Antonio Lozano,pp. 92-93; SalvadorLorenzana, pp. 172-173. 13 General Franco, Spain'sChief of State, is a Galician. It is sometimessaid that his native shrewdnesshas providedhim with the necessaryqualities to achievesuccess militarilyand politically. Recently, in ABC (Madrid), in the special twenty-fifth anniversaryissue honoringFranco's accession to power, October 1, 1961,Jose Maria Pemanof the SpanishRoyal Academy,referred to this prudenciagalleg.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 64 SPANISHIN UNITEDSTATES appearto be centeredon economicpressures or desires.Some doubt existsas to whetheror not so much emigrationwas justifiedby the existingeconomic conditions. An old popularsong daangfrom before the turnof the centuryspeaks for one pointof view: A las Indias van los hombres, a las Indias por ganar: las Indiasaqui las tienen si quisierantrabajar.14 CertainlySpaniards were " west-minded" and naturallyso. Long beforethe Germans,Russians, Austrians, Poles, and even the Italians formedvery widely distributeddesires for a westwardmovement, the Spaniardshad akeady established a sort of nationalhighway to it. And even thoughthe independencemovement in Latin Americalargely erasedthe colonialsystem, Spaniards were likely to lookto the Americas quiteas naturally as the frontiersmen of earlyNorth America considered the westernlands beyond the mountains. The situationin agriculturalareas represented an almostconstant pressurefor emigration.In the first place,the seasonalcharacter of agriculturalemployment aroused desires to seekemployment elsewhere for partof the year. Thusarose the fantasticgolondrinol movement by meansof whichthousands of Spaniardsannually attempted to gainthe advantagesof workingin two growingseasons: one in the spring- summerof Spainand another in the spring-summerof SouthAmerica, mainlyArgentina, where the warmseason extended from November to April.l5The golondrinarswere not, properlyspeaking, emigrants, but they were so recordedin the officialrecords of embarkation.The Italiansengaged in this swallow-likemovement between Italy and Argentinato an even greaterdegree than the Spaniards.A lesserbut still significanttemporary emigration to the Americaswas also to be found in other than annualagricultural movements. Many were the Spaniardswho emigratedto Argentina,Cuba, or the UnitedStates only long enoughto gain sufficientsavings at generalskilled labor or mer- cantileactivity, after which one livedin Spainat a ratherhigher level than before the venture. Indeed,there were Spaniardswho " com- muted" betweenSpain and somewherein the Americasover a long periodof years,usually maintaining a principal household in Spain. Anotherpressure to emigrate,with an agriculturalbase, resulted

14 Quotedby J. M. de Peredain " A Las Indias" a short story in the volumeentitled tscenas_ montanescls. , 15 See MarkJefferson, Peopling the Argentine Pclmpcl(New York, 1926), pp. 182ff.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions R. A. GOMEZ 65 frompopulation pressure on the land. In southernSpain, in the sugar- caneand fruit regions of Andalusiaand the Levannnecoast, population pressurewas that of an excessivesupply of laboron largeplantaiions. In Galicia,in the north,the pressurewas largelyof anotherkind: the minifundio,or excessivelydivided land into plots too smallfor sub- sistence.16So scrupulouslywere lands dividedamong children that therewere parcelsof landno largerthan the few squarefeet necessary to surrounda tree. In the caseswhere, as someiimesin the interiorof Galicia,lands were kept largerby primogeniture,the resultwould be the same-theother sons would have to moveon, eitherto landsavailable throughtheir wives or out of the areaentirely. Since Galician families tend to run very large,the problemof pressureon the landwas often acute. Not alwaysprimarily economic in nature,but very strongin effect, was the attractionprovided by the lettersfrom relativesand friends akeadyin residencein the Americas.Once a sewlementof Spaniards was establishedthere was a naturalfollow-up of relativesand friends fromthe old country.It mightbe pointedout thatmost Spaniards were literateand thus encountered no difficultyin communicatingwith their friends.In Cuba,for example,in 1907,it was reportedthat as manyas 74 per cent of the " foreignwhites " were literate;nearly all of these wereSpaniards.l7 In additionto appealsfrom abroad, the Spaniardswho returnedto theircities and villagesafter some years' absence, perhaps with savingssufficient to markthem as amongthe moreaffluent of their communities,were appealing advertisements for the Americas. It appearsthat the militarydraft laws were to someundeterminable extentinfluennal in causingemigration. Since emigration statistics show thatmales in the age groupfrom 15 to 55 constitutedthe bulkof emigrants(outnumbering females by aboutthree to one),18it is obvious that thousandsof prospectivedraftees were among them. Indeed, reportsof portinspectors cited the desireto avoidmilitary service as a commoninducement to emigrate.19 It is saidthat many Spaniards emigrated solely out of the desirefor adventure,although it is likelythat this number is not sipficant. Gali-

16Vicente Borregon Ribes, La emigracionespanola a Ame'rica(Vigo, 1952), pp. 155-156. 17 U. S. Bureauof the Census,Cuba, p. 206. 18 United Nations. Departmentof Social Affairs. PopulationDivision, Senc mnd Age of InternationalMigrants: Statistics for 1918-1947(New York, 1953),pp. 261ff. 19Direccion General del InstitutoGeografico y Estadistico, Estadistica de la emigracion de Espoma,1891-1895.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 66 SPANISHIN UNITEDSTATES ciansare apparently constrained to cite thismoiivaiion by pointingout thatthey haveoccupied one of the finisterresof the worldand that, as mariners,taking to the seais naturalto them.20It maywell be thatthe numberso motivatedmay be oumumberedin Spanishexperience by " reluctantemigrancs " who were compelledto emigratewith husband, father,or elderbrother.21 A mostsignificant force in encouragingemigraiion might be described as externalto Spain,family, or friends:the inducementsextended by Americanrepublics, by agriculturalinterest groups, and even by steamshipcompanies. Argentina, Brazil, and Cuba extended inducements in- volvingland and/or employment; sugar planters in Cubaand Hawaii 22 and the PanamaCanal enterprise were acive recruiters.Agents were frequentlysent to Spainto recruitsuch workersand perhapsto con- tractfor theirservices before embarkation. Specialattention should perhaps be givento steamshipcompanies and t. zelr* actlvltles * * . m. stlmu* atmg * emlgratlon. * * , s he lterature* ot r emlgratlon* @ and immigrationis filled with usuallycondemnatory descripaons of theirroles.23 Some steamship companies apparently drummed up busi- nesswithout any particularconcern for the welfareof the prospective passengers,even perhaps deceiving them as to theirdestination in some cases. Or, at the very least,this chargemay be laid to the agentsem- ployedby suchcompanies. There were, of course,perfectly legitimate and honorableenterprises of this kind,performing an adequateservice withoutany skullduggery involved. Unscrupulous agents there were in good number,however, who cheatedmany emigrants;some, it was charged,were closelyallied with localpolitical chieftains.24 Whatever the extentof thesepractices, it is a recognizableeconomic advantage for a steamshipcompany, otherwise facing the possibilijcyof returningwith empty holds,to returnwith humancargo underthird-class steerage arrangements-thebest kind of cargo,since it frequentlyrequired no handlingwhatever. It was even possibleto havethe passengerscarry on the cotsand other furnishings necessary to theirpassages.25 With respectto economicmotivations, there has existedfor some timea debateon the true economiceffects of massiveemigration: one

20 SalvadorLorenzana in Faro de Vigo. Numero Especial, pp. 172-173. 21The author'sfather always maintainedthat he was reluctantto leave Spain and that he was trickedinto leavingby his older brother. 22 See later paragraphson the Andalusianmigration to Hawaii. 23 RamonBullon Fernandez, El problema de la emigracion (Barcelona,1914), pp. 32ff. 24 J. Casaisy Santalo,Emigracion espomola,p. 9. 25 J. M. de Pereda," A Las Indias,"Escenas montcmesas,has a descriptionof this.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions R. A. GOMEZ 67 schoolof thoughtholds that emigrationresults in a loss of skilledor poteniiallyskilled manpower which is necessaryto a nation'seconomic healthand growth; the otherline of thoughtholds that massive emigration carriesaway an economicliability in the form of unemployable populationand, in addition,may be the meansfor the introductionof new incomefrom externalsources. In the case of Spain,there is im- pressiveevidence that new incomein the formof savingsearned abroad, and then introducedinto the Spanisheconomy, by meansof money orderssent back for the mostpart, has been a significantfactor.26

EMIGRATIONPROCEDURES Spainhas been admirably supplied with sea portsfor the transportation of emigrants.Indeed, such ready outlet to the sea may itselfhave beena veryimportant spur to emigration.A glanceat the mapof Spain will confirmthat thereare majorsea portslocated very conveniently to all partsof the country-almostas if spacedby designfor easyoutlet. Beginningin the north and movingaround the coast of Spainin a counter-clockwisedirection, we findBilbao, Santander, Gijon, Coruna, Vigo, Cadiz,Malaga, Almer1a, Alicante, Valencia, and Barcelona. The Galicianports of Corunaand Vigo havebeen the busiestem- barkationcenters, carrying half or moreof all the passengersinvolved.27 Theseports have serviced, in addinonto Galicia,neighboring Leon and Asturias.The secondbusiest group of portsare in Andalusia-Almerla, Cadiz,and Malaga,which haveserved southern Spain. Barcelonahas beenimportant as the embarkanonpoint for passengersfrom Catalonia, Aragon,Navarre, and the BalearicIslands. Two other groupsare worthyof mention:the Cantabrianports of Bilbao,Gij6n, and Santan- der (servingthat areaand someneighboring areas to the south) and the portsof Palmaand Tenerife on the CanaryIslands. Until 1907 there was no substantiallegislation on emigranonpro- cedure. There existeda scatteredseries of laws, royal decrees,and ministerialrules that pertained to the subject.28Central to all thesewas the establishedprinciple of freeemigration to whichSpanish policy had adheredfor manydecades. Probably the basiclaw was best expressed by the Royal Orderof 1888 which placedthe responsibilityon the

26 Vicente BorregonRibes, Emigracio'nespanola, discusses this. 27 All ofiicial Spanishreports give details on ports of embarkation;see especially ConsejoSuperior de Emigracion,Nuestra emigracio'n por los puertosespanoles en 1917. 28EduardoVincenti, Estudio sobre emigracion (Madrid, 1908), pp. 26ff. gives a good survey of law applicableuntil 1907.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 68 SPANISHIN UNITED STATES governorsof the maritimeprovinces and port inspectors. A prospective wouldhave to contactthe officialdomof themaritime province emigrant of throughwhich he proposedto leave. The law provideda delay daysto followa requestfor clearance.These requirements, plus fifteen most theordinary hurdles in contactinggovernmental officials, worked advantageof residentsof maritimeprovinces. If one wereto seek tothe the departurefrom a foreignport, the law requiredgoing through governorof one'sown provinceof residenceand also the Spanishconsul inthe foreignport-a procedurethat sometimesproved as convenient tO be asleaving from a Spanishport. Emigration,therefore, if it were accomplished,had to be well plannedand mightinvolve con- legally to siderabletravel in Spainitself. In addition,all this hadto be geared thepossibility of securingpassage on a steamship.Also thereexisted problem,in manycases, of eithersecuring clearance from, or buying the up one'sway out of, militaryservice. The law providedfor buying one'sservice in the militaryat the rateof 2,000pesetas. For a large numberof prospectiveemigrants, the aforementioned only complicationsmeant acting through agents of emigrationwho not couldhandle the officialcomplications but alsocould establish contact withsteamship lines. Usually,in fact,the agentswere actively engaged inthe interestof a certainsteamship company. emigrationwas very common.29One form of this cen- Clandestine con- teredon departurefrom a foreignport. Gibraltarand Bordeaux, to the southand north respectively, were very extensivelyused venient since for that purpose.Agents were very importantto this procedure onehad to makepassage connections through a distantport in a foreign as a country. The emigrant,choosing this route, simplyleft Spain of the temporaryvisitor and boardedship under the generaldirection and withoutbothering to clearthrough any officialdom.This agent, these was occasionallybegun as a contractarrangement, the agentsin often beingpaid so muchper head. Agriculturalworkers negotiations of the thousandstook this routetO the Americas.By this method by where emigrationone could avoidcomplications at home or succeed the legalroute had failed him; and, in addition,he mighthave employ- mentpromised him. the clandestinechannels, the emigrantmight be takinga In using He greatrisk, especially when involvedwith an unscrupulousagent. of a mightfind himselfstranded in a foreignport, eitherthe victim

is quite candid about the subject. 29 Consejo Superior, Emigracion, 1911-191S,

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions R. A. GOMEZ 69 deceptionor the victimof havinga longertime to awaitpassage than his financialposition allowed. Even today the offices of theSpanish Institute of Emigrationdisplay colored posters warning against placing one's self in the handsof agentswho conductclandestine emigration procedure. The precisenumber of clandestineemigrants can never be determined. A comparisonof figurespublished by Spainand receiving countries for the sameyears indicates, however, that clandestineemigration in some yearsmay have approached 40 percent of all departures;Spanish figures for 1911-1915 indicate at least25 percent.30 Whetherlegal or clandestine,the emigrationprocedure frequently broughtabout distress. At manypoints along the way hardshipsmight be encountered.It mightstart at homewith the diiculty of raisingthe moneynecessary to makeall the arrangements;this mightrequire sub- mittingto usuriousrates for loans,perhaps as highas 30 per cent,31or otherwisesuffering financially. Frequently an unnecessarilyhigh com- missionwould be paidfor the servicesof variouspeople involved-perhaps even an occasionalpublic official.Later, in the port, awaiting transportation,there were the preyingsharpsters of all kinds. Upon embarkingthe emigrantmight find the third-classpassage overcrowded, unsanitary,and poorly fed. The journeymight take weeks (as for examplethe Andalusianswho went to Hawaii) with fatalitiesalong the way. Uponarrival there might be unemploymentand for manythe lonelinessof separationfrom one's home and friends. The Churchhas long been distressedby not only the possibilitiesof the miseriesaforementioned but alsoby the fact thatreligious devotion appearsto declineamong the newly-arrivedin foreignplaces. There- fore the Churchhas tried to preventas muchunjustified emigration as possibleand also to holdforeign communities of Spaniardsmore closely to theirold religioushabits. A veryprominent efort for a timewas the organizationof the Associationof SanRafael, s-everal chapters of which were in evidenceby 1913.32Through this organizationattempts were madeto remedythe adversereligious, moral, and economiceflTects of emigration,particularly in someof the ports. With the passageof a comprehensiveemigration law in 1907,new administrativemachinery was provided:a SuperiorCouncil of Emi- gration,local juntas, and machineryfor tighterinspection in the ports 30Ibid., p. 227. 31Consejo Superior, Nuestra emigraciotn, p. 468. 32EncicZopediauniversaZ ilustrada (Barcelona), XIX, 985.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 70 SPANISHIN UNITEDSTATES of embarkation,including medical care.33 Clandestine emigration was attackednot only by the tightermachinery but alsoby the attemptto oSermore accessible assistance in all the provinces.Clandestine emigrationwas not haltedby theseapproaches, however.

MODERNSPANISH IMMIGRATION IN THE UNITED STATES If it were not for the presenceof very largenumbers of Spanish- speakingpeople of Mexicanand PuertoRican origin, Spanish family namesin the UnitedStates would be as scarceas Turkishnames and wouldbe muchscarcer than Finnish names.34 Although Spain is num- beredamong the most migratorynations, only a comparativelysmall numberof Spaniardscame directly to the UnitedStates. In the nineteenthcentury the numberof Spaniardswho cameto the United Stateswas quite insignificant,only approximately42,000 re- portedby oicial U. S. figuresfrom 1820to 1900,an averageof about 500per year.35 This wasnegligible when compared to the considerable numbersof otherEuropeans coming during the sameperiod. In much of the reportingof thattime, Spain usually appeared in the " all others" category.The censusof 1900shows only 7,050Spaniards among the foreign-bornout of a totalof 10.3million foreign-born of all origins.36 They werelargely resident in fourmaritime states: New York,Louisi- ana,California, and Florida (in thatorder of significance). The overwhelmingmajority of the Spaniardswho cameto the United Statesdid so in the quarter-centuryfrom 1900through 1924, particu- larlybeginning in 1903and with especially large numbers in 1917,1920, and 1921.37Indeed, 30 per cent of themarrived in the lastthree years mentioned.Thus, Spanish immigration actually concentrates, and then falls to negligiblenumbers, in the shortspace of five yearsbefore the passageof the firstquota legislation in 1921. Somewhatover 174,000 Spanishimmigrants came in the years1900 through 1924; over 52,000 of thesecame in the years1917, 1920, and 1921;in 1922,as a resultof the QuotaLaw of 1921,the numberdropped to 665.

33sibliotecaIegislativa dela Gacetade Madrid,Ley y reglamento provisional para Zaaplicacio'n de lczley de emigracio'nde 1907 (Madrid,1908). 34Mexicans and Puerto Ricans are not subject to quotas. 35Annuczl Report of the Secretary of Labor, 1923,appends a detailed chart for the years1820-1923. 36see table on cc Foreign-born Population byCountry of sirth inHistorical Statistics of t1oeU.S., p.66. 37 aMnnualReport of the Secretary of Labor, 1923and 1924.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions R. A. GOMEZ 71 The figuresso farmentioned are those representing gross immigraiion. Accounthas to be takenof the numbersof Spaniardswho returnedto Spainafter their arrival in the UnitedStates. Official U. S. figuresindi- cate that from 1908 through1940, approximately72,000 Spaniards returnedto Spainfrom the UnitedStates.38 Not all of theseare actually chargeableto the periodfrom 1900 through1924, of course,but it is only realisticto view the returneesin termsof the full flow sincea high percentageof them,certainly, are chargeableto the period. This ex- perienceof emigrationof Spaniardsfrom the UnitedStates is a signifi- cant 41 per cent, if takenas a ratio of 72,000 to the grossnumber 174,000; and,even if consideredas the emigratoryeffect over a longer period,the percentagewould be very high. Many returnedduring World War I or in the slumpyears immediately following that con- flict;an extremelylarge number returned after the firstimpact of the greatdepression of the 1930's. The net immigrationof Spaniardsto the UnitedStates, then, from 1900 through1924 (but usingthe 1908-1940 figuresfor the returnees) wouldapproximate 102,000. Certainly110,000 would be a reasonably safefigure to employ,allowing for variouscontributions to the uncer- taintyof the officialrecords. This smallnumber of Spaniardsformed the foundationof the impactof modernSpanish formed the foundation of the impactof modernSpanish immigration to the UnitedStates. The ImmigrationActs of 1921 and 1924 cut of Spanishimmigration almostto the vanishingpoint.39 The QuotaLaw of 1921, whichgeared the numberof immigrantsfrom European countries to a ratioof three percent of the numberof eachcountry in the UnitedStates as of 1910, provideda Spanishquota of 912. The Act of 1924, however,which wasaimed at reducingseverely the influxof southernand eastern Euro- peans,based on two per cent of 1890 numbers,brought the Spanish quotadown sharply to only 131per year. This quotawas revised up- wardto 252 in 1929. A few thousandSpaniards have come to the UnitedStates since 1924 in additionto the smallquotas provided. Some came as non-quotaim- migrantsin accordancewith provisionsallowing relatives to join resi- dentsin the UnitedStates. A very smallnumber have been admitted throughprivate bills passed in the Congress.

38No figuresavailable before 1908. 39Charles Gordon and Harry N. Rosenfeld, ImmigrationLaw and Procedure (Albany,1959) gives a good brief surveyof U. S. immigraiionlegislaiion, pp. S ff.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 72 SPANISHIN UNITEDSTATES Spaniardsfor a few yearsbenefited through special legislation. Acts passedin 1954, 1955, and 1956 providedfor the admissioninto the UnitedStates of a totalof 1,135sheepherders, a labor specialty in criti- cally shortsupply at the time.40Although the Acts did not singleout Spaniardsspecifically, the effectwas to admitSpanish and French Bas- quesfor the mostpart. The numbersadmitted, however, were chargeableto nationalquotas and the result was to mortgagethe Spanishquotas entirelythrough 1960 and partiallyfor a few yearsthereafter. This speciallegislation was not renewedin 1957due to the recommendation of the Committeeof the Judiciaryof the Houseof Representativesin a reportdelivered in February,1957.41 The reportcharged that the provisionsof the threebills had been subject to abuses.It was chargedthat somesheepherders brought over were actuallyengaged in otherkinds of work;some were not filingalien address cards; some were violating the provisionsof the SelectiveService Act; and some,it was charged, were broughtover in the firstplace who were not sheepherdersat all. Sincethose admitted under the specialbills were consideredpermanent residents,and not temporaryworkers, some outrage had been expressed at the abuses. The followingtable will serveto showthe generalpattern of settle- mentand migration of Spaniardsin the UnitedStates:

States in Order of Number of U. S. Residents Indicating Spain as Country of Origin 1860-1950 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 La. La. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. Cal. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N.Y. N. Y. La. La. Haw. Fla. Cal. Cal. Cal. Cal. Cal. Cal. Cal. Cal. Fla. N. Y. Fla. N. J. Fla. N. J. Fla. Cal. Haw. Pa. Fla. N.J. Fla. La. Ida. N. J. Pa. Pa. Pa. Tex. Haw. Haw. Haw. Ohio Ariz. W.Va. Ohio Ohio Ida. Ida. W. Va. W. Va. Mich. Ohio Mich. Ida. Conn. La. Nev. Mich. Nev. Conn. Ida. Nev. W. Va. Nev. Ill. Ill. Ill. Tex. Conn. Conn. Mass. Ariz. Tex. Tex. Tex.42 Sinceonly stateshave been included that show any significantnumber of Spaniardsat the timeof eachcensus, the firstservice the tableper-

40 85th Congress,1st Session,House Report67 (1957). 41 Ibid.

42 Compiledfrom U. S. Bureauof the Census. censusof 19SO.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions R. A. GOMEZ 73 formsis to showthe lightdistribuiion geographically until the censusof 1920. In addition,the followingobservations, in chronologicalorder, appearslgmecant:* * 1. Until 1890 the Spaniardsin the United Stateswere largely centeredin two naturalsettings: New YorkCity, the majorport of entryfor mostshipping lines, and the centersof the old Spanish colonialinfluence in Californiaand Louisiana. 2. With the censusof 1890 we find recordedthe first modern settlementof Spaniardsin Florida,a centerof concentrationthat is stillimportant tody. To someextent Florida had been a Spanish interestfrom colonialdays but had not furnishedan attraction similarto thatNew Orleansprovided for Louisiana. 3. The censusof 1900 bringsinto the picturethe beginningof oneof themost spectacular movements of Spaniardsinto the United States-Andalusiansugar workers who went to Hawaiiin very largenumbers. Hawaii appears significantly in the censusesof 1890 through1940, althougha movementto Californiabegan shortly aftertheir arrival and continued until most had gone to the main- landby 1920. The Californiaflow was so strongthat California out-rankedNew Yorkas a " Spanishstate ' in the censusof 1910. 4. In the yearsfrom 1900 to 1910, a new patternis introducedin the mountainWest andSouthwest. Spaniards began turning up in the greatgrazing lands, particularly in Idaho. 5. Finally,the censusesof 1920 and1930, andcontinued with little changein 1940 and 1950, showa movementgreatly influenced by the expansionof heavy industryfollowing World War I. The New York contingentexpands out into New Jerseyand Con- necticut;appreciable numbers are discovered in suchindustrial states as Illinois,Michigan, Ohio, and Pennsylvania; in West Virginiaare foundAsturian coal miners and metalworkers. The censusof 1950 sets forththe followingstates with appreciable numbersof residentswho claimedSpain as countryof origin. New York 14,705 Michigan 890 California 10,890 Connecticut 886 New Jersey 3,382 Nevada 815 Florida 3,183 West Virginia 712 Pennsylvania 1,790 Illinois 714 Ohio 1,141 Massachusetts 659 Idaho 985 Texas 604

Total: all states 45,565 43

43 Ibid.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 74 SPANISHIN UNITEDSTATES New YorkCity Are. Closeto half (41 per cent) of all thoseSpan- iardswho claimedSpain as countryof originin 1950lived in the area of New YorkCity-that is, in New YorkCity itselfand nearby Con- necticutand New Jerseycommunities. This urbansettlement is char- acteristicof the laterwaves of immigrationin general.The 1950census shows Spaniardsstill largelyurban with only California,Idaho, and Nevadaindicating any appreciablerural settlement. Spaniardsin New York gatheredat first in a numberof tenement districts,especially in Brooklyn.These clusters were fairlycompact in their Spanishidentity with close associationssocially and with wide subscriptionto mutualbenefit societies.44 Laborers, restaurant workers, cigarsalesmen, seamen, and small shopkeepers they were for the most part,with very largerepresentation from Galicia. The nextgeneration moved out into the generalflow of Americanlife and most of the settlementshad lost their compactness by thelate 1920's and early 1930's. Today Spaniardsare to be foundscattered in all partsof the greater New York areawith some specialconcentrations in northernNew Jerseyand GreenwichVillage. On any fine day one can find groups of themin thevicinity of ColumbusCircle. New Yorkfurnishes a very widely distributedSpanish language newspaper, La Prensa,which is especiallyevident today due to the greatercirculation brought about by the arrivalof a very considerablecommunity of PuertoRicans. In New YorkCity may be foundoffices of the CasaGalicia and the Centro VascoAmericano, among other more broadly defined organizations. Collifornior.Ranking next to New York is a largeconcentration of Spaniardsin California-about24 per cent of the 1950total. Theseare foundlargely in the Los Angelesand San Francisco areas although appreciablenumbers are settled in the richagricultural valleys. The SanFrancisco area has a sizeablegroup from all partsof Spain. There is a specialquality of Spanishrepresentation, however, in that there are many Andalusians,most of whom came from Hawaii (see followingsection). San Franciscoalso has a distinctiveBasque touch; in the areaof Broadwayand Columbus Avenue are a numberof Basque restaurantsand hotels. The Union Espanolade California,the Union EspanolaBenefica, a Basqueclub, and others, provide social and mutual benefitprograms. Spanish picnics are held fairlyfrequently under the sponsorshipof one or moreof suchorganizations.

44 See Prudenciode Pereda'snovel, Windmillsin Brooklyn (New York, 1960) for a delightful descriptionof a fictional Spanishgroup based on the author'syouth in Brooklyn.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions R. A. GOMEZ 75 In the Los Angelesarea the emphasisis moreon northernSpaniards who havebeen attracted to the heavyindustry such as thosein Fontana, the locaiionof a Kaisersteel mill. The Sociedadde BeneficenciaMutua is prominentin the areawith an officein Los Angeles.An organizaiion of greatsignificance to Spanishcultural interests is alsolocated in Los Angeles:the Del Amo Foundaiion.The Foundation,founded by Dr. GregorioDel Amo, is engagedin maintainingcultural exchange pro- gramsbetween Spain and southernCalifornia; its secretaryis Eugenio Cabrerowho came to the United States from the province of Santander.45 TheAndalusza-Haivolii-Collifornia Migroltion. One of themost numer- ous groupsof Spaniardsin the UnitedStates came from the sugarand fruitplantations of Andalussato workin Hawaii.46Although a number hadarrived earlier, most came in six shiploadsin the years1907, 1911, 1912, and 1913. This migrationis one of the morespectacular clandestine emigrationsfrom Spain, for Spanishrecords carry no ofiRcialenu- merationof it. The shipssailed from Gibraltarafter contactswere madethrough agents for the HawaiianSugar Planters Association. For the most part,the recruiiingtook placein the provincesof Almerla, Cadiz,Granada, and Malaga in Andalussaalthough some were contacted in Murcia.All togetherin the six shiploadsinvolved were transported 7,735workers. The longjourneys took their toll in livesand sickness.47 The inducementswere however, great: free transportation, free housing andguaranteed employment at a wagestipulated in advance. Shortlyafter the firstmovements to Hawaii,the sugarworkers be- cameinterested in movingon to the mainland,to the city of SanFran- ciscoand viciniJcy. Many went to workas laborersin the taskof clean- ing up the city afterthe earthquakeand fire of 1906. World War I attractedmore of themand by 1920 mostof the originalworkers had madethe move, settling in thecity or in otherBay cities such as Leandro, Hayward,and Crockett. Many settled in nearbyagricultural communities such as MountainView and Sunnyvalewhere they owned, or workedon, fruitacreage. 45Mr. Cabrero contributed thesection on spain in F. J. srownand J. s. Roucek, Our Racial and National Minorities (NewYork, 1937), pp. 388-394. 46see GeorgeF. Schnack,Subjective Factors in the Migration of Spanish from Hawaii to California, unpublishedM. A. thesis,Stanford university, 1940; also, Hearing on Immigration into Hawaii Before Committee on Immigration, U. S. Senate,67th congress,1st session. 47 In sullonFernandez, Emigracio'n, Appendix, p. 76, there is a reprintof a news storythat appeared in Noticiero universal (sarcelona)March 7 1912;it statesthat fortychildren and three adults died on the Willisden enroute to Hawaii.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 76 SPANISHIN UNITEDSTATES

Once these settlementshad been established,later contingentsof Andalusianscame directlyfrom Spainto Californiato join relatives andfriends. Floridol.Florida has long beena centerfor Spaniards,particularly in Tampaand vicinity. This movementhas been influenced by the prox- imityof Cubaand the cigarindustry. The tGrbGrquerosof Spain-almost all of whomwere Asturiansoriginally-migrated to Cubain consider- ablenumbers during the latterhalf of the nineteenthcentury. Eventu- ally someof the cigar-makersestablished themselves in Key West; in 1886,following labor difficulties, a numberof establishmentsmoved to Tampawith thousandsof employees.The concentrationof Spaniards in this vicinityhas remainedstrong since that time with a population from 3,000to 5,000. YborCity, a districteast of Tampa'sbusiness sec- tion, has been the centerof the Spanishcommunicy, featuring such organizationsas CentroAsturiano and Centro Espanol.48 MountGlinWest. In the mountainousrange country of the western United Statesare to be found appreciablenumbers of Spaniardsen- gagedin sheepand cattle ranching along with some engaged in servicing industriesin the townsand cities of the area. This clusteringof Span- iardsis especiallycharacterized by a concentrationof Basquesin the sheepcountry of the northernRocky Mountains,centering chiefly in Idahoand Nevadawith some distributionin neighboringCalifornia, Oregon,and Washington.13asque sheepherders, and to some extent Spaniardsfrom other Spanish sheepherding provinces, began coming to the UnitedStates about 1910. In someways this has constituted one of the most distinctiveof Spanishmigranons. Spain is one of the nations that has been continuouslyengaged in sheep-raisingfor hundredsof yearsback into antiquity. It is carriedout in its mostspectacular fashion in the mountainsof northernSpain-the Basque provinces, Santander and Navarre:a regionof incrediblysteep pasturelands of greengrass, roundedof into pinnaclesby deep valleys. To see a herd of sheep underthe careof a Spanishshepherd in the mountainsof Idahois one of the mostancient of old-worldscenes, transferred to anAmerican setting. Boise,as the urbancommunity in the centerof the Idaho-Nevada sheepranges, has becomethe Basquecapital of the United States,as somehave described it. Thereis a sort of Boise-SanFrancisco axis in

48 In SouthernFolklore Quarterly,in the volumes for 1937, 1938, 1939, and 1941, appeara numberof articleson the Spaniardsin Tampa,written by RalphSteele Boggs and others.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions R. A. GOMEZ 77 BasquelandU. S. A. with SanFrancisco serving as a greatrecreational capitalfor Basquesin manystates. IndustriollMidivest. In the heart of the industrialempire of the UnitedStates-in the midwestalong with Pennsylvaniaand West Vir- ginia-a few thousandsof Spaniardshave settledin the employment patternspresented by heavyindustry. In 1950 therewere 5,157 Span- iardsresident in the industrialstates of Illinois,Michigan, Ohio, Penn- sylvania,and West Virginia.The mostcompact group consisted of a concentrationof Asturiancoal minerswho settledin West Virginia decadesago in such numbersas to rankthat stateas sixthor seventh " Spanishstate " in the censusesof 1920, 1930, and 1940. In addition to these,there were also metalworkers in otherWest Virginialocations, such as Clarksburg.In the steel citiesof Ohio and Pennsylvaniacan be foundGalicians and Vizcayans; in the rubberfactories of Ohio are othersof the sameregions. Assimiloltion.The descendantsof Spanishimmigrants have, of course, movedinto the generalcourses of Americanlife and, exceptfor an occasionalgathering such as a Spanishpicnic, they are roughlycross- sectionalof the citizenryof the UnitedStates. The numberof Spaniards who cameas immigrants,and who stayedpermanently, had dwindled to 45,456 accordingto the censusof 1950,49largely by virtueof the deaths of the earlierarrivals. This numberwill undoubtedlydiminish very speedilyto a very smallnumber by 1970. Thus, the alienSpaniards comingin suchtiny quotasin the lastforty yearswill be unableto keep alivethe Spanishidentity in the UnitedStates. Spaniardshave demonstrateda decidedtendency to cling to their Spanishroots, as indicatedby the high percentageof themthat have remainedaliens. In the tsventy-yearperiod from 1923 through1942, only 20,722 Spaniardsbecame naturalized citizens of the UnitedStates.50 A few monthslater, in early1943, therewere still 39,670 Spanishaliens accordingto the alienregistration (which had just begun its now annual enumeration).5lThis figureapproximated 70 per cent of all Spaniards then in the United Stateswho claimedSpain as countryof origin; further,it approximated35 per cent of the wholenet numberof immi- grantsto the UnitedStates from Spainin moderndecades. With the comingof WorldWar II, andto someextent in the late 1930's, many

49 HistoricalStatistics of the U. S., p. 66. 50 See Annual Report of the lmmigrationand NaturalizationService, 19SO. 51 Ibid.

This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.52.78 on Tue, 4 Dec 2012 23:37:58 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 78 SPANISHIN UNITEDSTATES thousandsof Spaniardsdid become citizens, however, and in 1960there wereonly 17,526registered Spanish aliens.52

CONCLUDINGOBSERVATIONS Speakingmost broadly,the foregoingparagraphs furnish a foundation uponwhich to builda numberof generalizationsabout the numeri- cal andsocial impact of Spanishimmigration to the UnitedStates. In spiteof the prevalenceof Spanishfamily names in someparts of the United States,a smallnumber of Spaniardscame directlyto the UnitedStates. The net number(arrivals less departures)in the period from1900 through 1924, the periodwhich brought most of them,would probablynumber less than 110,000. For the mostpart they camein the few yearsbefore the passageof the ImmigrationAct of 1924and their numbershave been negligible since that Act. Spanishimmigration to the UnitedStates has been but a very small partof Spanishimmigration as a whole. MostSpanish migrants went to LatinAmerica, particularly to Argentinaand Cubawith somesmaller numbersto Brazil,Mexico, and Uruguay. Spanishimmigrants to the UnitedStates are perhaps ten percent or lessof the total. The settlementof Spaniardsin the UnitedStates has resulted in five majorregional concentrations: the New York City area,California, Florida(particularly Tampa), the MountainWest, and a scattered patternin the industrialmidwest. There are vast areasof the United Stateswhere few would be found, particularlythe grain-producing plainsstates, the ruralmidwest, and most of the south. The settlement patternhas been largely urban with substantialrural settlement only in Californiaand the rangecountry of Idahoand Nevada. There are very few Spanishcommunities in any compactsense today; Tampa, Boise, andGary (WestVirginia) offer some aspects of this. R. A. GOMEZ Universityof Arizona, Tucson,Arizona

52 Courtesyof Departmentof Justice, Immigrationand NaturalizationService, by letter.

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