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The Iron Fist Vs. the Microchip
Journal of Strategic Security Volume 5 Number 2 Volume 5, No. 2: Summer Article 6 2012 The Iron Fist vs. the Microchip Elizabeth I. Bryant Georgetown University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss pp. 1-26 Recommended Citation Bryant, Elizabeth I.. "The Iron Fist vs. the Microchip." Journal of Strategic Security 5, no. 2 (2012) : 1-26. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.5.2.1 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol5/iss2/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Strategic Security by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Iron Fist vs. the Microchip Abstract This article focuses on how information and communication technology (ICT) influences the behavior of authoritarian regimes. Modern information and communication tools can challenge authoritarian rule, but the same technology can be used by savvy regimes to buttress their own interests. The relationship of technology and political power is more accurately conceived of as a contested space in which competitors vie for dominance and as a neutral tool that is blind to value judgments of good versus evil. A realist understanding of the nature and limits of technology is vital in order to truly evaluate how ICT impacts the relative strength of intransigent regimes fighting to stay in power and those on the disadvantaged side of power agitating for change. -
New Tahrir Square (Planting Democracy)
Hochshule Anhalt (FH) Anhalt University of Applied Sciences Master of Landscape Architecture Anhalt University of Applied Sciences (October, 2013) New Tahrir Square (Planting Democracy) 3URI$OH[DQGHU0.DGHU¿UVWH[DPLQHU%\,VVDP$EG(OODWLI 3URI(LQDU.UHW]OHUVHFRQGH[DPLQHU Master of Landscape Architecture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uthor: Issam Abd Ellatif !esis Title: New Tahrir Square (( PLANTING DEMOCRACY)) Keywords: Cairo, Tahrir, Planting democracy, revolution, February 2011. Abstract: Cairo give its tourists an unbelievable selection of attractions; it is a mixture of old and new as it include many former cities and their monuments.In fact the area of the city can be return to 4225 BC. cairo limited by the desert to the west and east,and the Nile delta to the north, the city is located on both banks and along 40km south to north of the river Nile. !e city centre is full of universities, governmental o#ces, institutions, commercial establishments, and countless hotels, creating a intensive pattern of constant activity. !e ever-busy Tahrir square is one of the major and largest public squares; the centre of the city. It's really di#cult task to come up with a proposal for Tahrir Square, the icon of the Egyptian revolution, which has not $nished yet. I develop proposals and for the tahrir square. Finally, I will present the design for the Egyptian Government, providing ideas, concepts and %at planes. I also propose solutions to current problems, by identifying potentials and taking advantages from them and by creating methods to pursuing these solutions. -
Questionnaire on Use of Legislation to Regulate Activities of Human Rights Defenders – Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders
Questionnaire on use of legislation to regulate activities of human rights defenders – Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights Defenders Response concerning Egypt by: Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies and Nazra for Feminist Studies (Egypt) Date of submission : 15/06/2012 1. a) Please indicate if your country has a specific legal framework, laws or regulations that aim to facilitate or protect the activities and work of human rights defenders. Please cite the names of such laws or regulations in full. - There is no such legal framework or specific laws that can facilitate the work of Human Rights defenders, although provisions of the constitutional declaration assert the free practice of the basic rights and the freedoms; this is a contradiction that will be elaborated in detail below. b) Please indicate how these laws and regulations are in line with the international human rights standards, including, but not limited to, the declaration on human rights defenders. As stated in response to question 1a, there are no specific laws or regulations that could protect the work of the HRDs. On the contrary, the NGO law, for example law number 84/2002, do not comply with the international human rights standards nor with the declaration on human rights defenders. The same applies for the laws regulating the right to freedom of assembly and the freedom of expression. c) Please also indicate what legal or administrative safeguards are put in place to prevent baseless legal action against and/or prosecution of human rights defenders for undertaking their legitimate work - There are no legal or administrative safeguards to prevent baseless legal actions(s) against human rights defenders for undertaking their work. -
In May 2011, Freedom House Issued a Press Release Announcing the Findings of a Survey Recording the State of Media Freedom Worldwide
Media in North Africa: the Case of Egypt 10 Lourdes Pullicino In May 2011, Freedom House issued a press release announcing the findings of a survey recording the state of media freedom worldwide. It reported that the number of people worldwide with access to free and independent media had declined to its lowest level in over a decade.1 The survey recorded a substantial deterioration in the Middle East and North Africa region. In this region, Egypt suffered the greatest set-back, slipping into the Not Free category in 2010 as a result of a severe crackdown preceding the November 2010 parliamentary elections. In Tunisia, traditional media were also censored and tightly controlled by government while internet restriction increased extensively in 2009 and 2010 as Tunisians sought to use it as an alternative field for public debate.2 Furthermore Libya was included in the report as one of the world’s worst ten countries where independent media are considered either non-existent or barely able to operate and where dissent is crushed through imprisonment, torture and other forms of repression.3 The United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Arab Knowledge Report published in 2009 corroborates these findings and view the prospects of a dynamic, free space for freedom of thought and expression in Arab states as particularly dismal. 1 Freedom House, (2011): World Freedom Report, Press Release dated May 2, 2011. The report assessed 196 countries and territories during 2010 and found that only one in six people live in countries with a press that is designated Free. The Freedom of the Press index assesses the degree of print, broadcast and internet freedom in every country, analyzing the events and developments of each calendar year. -
1 During the Opening Months of 2011, the World Witnessed a Series Of
FREEDOM HOUSE Freedom on the Net 2012 1 EGYPT 2011 2012 Partly Partly POPULATION: 82 million INTERNET FREEDOM STATUS Free Free INTERNET PENETRATION 2011: 36 percent Obstacles to Access (0-25) 12 14 WEB 2.0 APPLICATIONS BLOCKED: Yes NOTABLE POLITICAL CENSORSHIP: No Limits on Content (0-35) 14 12 BLOGGERS/ ICT USERS ARRESTED: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 28 33 PRESS FREEDOM STATUS: Partly Free Total (0-100) 54 59 * 0=most free, 100=least free NTRODUCTION I During the opening months of 2011, the world witnessed a series of demonstrations that soon toppled Hosni Mubarak’s 30-year presidency. The Egyptian revolution received widespread media coverage during the Arab Spring not only because of Egypt’s position as a main political hub in the Middle East and North Africa, but also because activists were using different forms of media to communicate the events of the movement to the world. While the Egyptian government employed numerous tactics to suppress the uprising’s roots online—including by shutting down internet connectivity, cutting off mobile communications, imprisoning dissenters, blocking media websites, confiscating newspapers, and disrupting satellite signals in a desperate measure to limit media coverage—online dissidents were able to evade government pressure and spread their cause through social- networking websites. This led many to label the Egyptian revolution the Facebook or Twitter Revolution. Since the introduction of the internet in 1993, the Egyptian government has invested in internet infrastructure as part of its strategy to boost the economy and create job opportunities. The Telecommunication Act was passed in 2003 to liberalize the private sector while keeping government supervision and control over information and communication technologies (ICTs) in place. -
Palgrave Studies in Young People and Politics
Palgrave Studies in Young People and Politics Series Editors James Sloam Department of Politics and International Relations Royal Holloway, University of London Egham, UK Constance Flanagan School of Human Ecology University of Wisconsin–Madison Madison, WI, USA Bronwyn Hayward School of Social and Political Sciences University of Canterbury Christchurch, New Zealand Over the past few decades, many democracies have experienced low or falling voter turnout and a sharp decline in the members of mainstream political parties. These trends are most striking amongst young people, who have become alienated from mainstream electoral politics in many countries across the world. Young people are today faced by a particu- larly tough environment. From worsening levels of child poverty, to large increases in youth unemployment, to cuts in youth services and educa- tion budgets, public policy responses to the fnancial crisis have placed a disproportionate burden on the young. This book series will provide an in-depth investigation of the changing nature of youth civic and political engagement. We particularly welcome contributions looking at: • Youth political participation: for example, voting, demonstrations, and consumer politics • The engagement of young people in civic and political institutions, such as political parties, NGOs and new social movements • The infuence of technology, the news media and social media on young people’s politics • How democratic innovations, such as social institutions, electoral reform, civic education, can rejuvenate democracy • The civic and political development of young people during their transition from childhood to adulthood (political socialisation) • Young people’s diverse civic and political identities, as defned by issues of gender, class and ethnicity • Key themes in public policy affecting younger citizens—e.g. -
Archiving a Revolution in the Digital Age, Archiving As an Act of Resistance
ESSAYS Archiving a Revolution in the Digital Age, Archiving as an Act of Resistance Lara Baladi 010_03 / 28 July 2016 Click the image above to enter Vox Populi: Tahrir Archives, a project by Lara Baladi * Archiving a Revolution in the Digital Age, Archiving as an Act of Resistance From the very first day of the 2011 uprisings in Egypt that toppled president Mubarak, archiving played a central role. During the 18 days of the revolution in Tahrir square, photographing was an act of seeing and recording. Almost simultaneously, because a photograph is intrinsically an archival document, this act of resistance turned into act of archiving history as it unfolded. In the square, revolting was archiving. From the media tent, at the centre of the square, protesters continuously uploaded footage and testimonies, thus reaching out to the rest of the world for solidarity. Artist and activist 1 of 17 h'p://www.ibraaz.org/essays/163 Tarek Hefny[1] created the website Thawra Media,[2] one of the first to host and disseminate as it happened documentation of the uprising. A media revolution also took place in Tahrir when the physical and the virtual space collapsed into one. Tahrir revealed the reality of the streets but also the reality of the virtual world. Friday of Victory, Tahrir Square, Cairo, Egypt, February 2011. Photo Lara Baladi. It was another normal day in September 1996 – a symphony of honking cars, people everywhere, dusty and hot. In the mid-1990s, at the height of the 'Made in China' invasion, I was searching for props in the Mouski, a vast open-air market in the heart of medieval Cairo. -
The Anti-Sexual Harassment Movement in Egypt
Arab Women, Red Lines: The Anti-Sexual Harassment Movement in Egypt by Sophia Sepulveda April 2015 Undergraduate Thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors in Middle East Studies at Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island Thesis Advisor: Dr. Sa’ed Atshan, Post-doctoral Fellow in International Studies, Brown University Second Reader: Dr. Sherine Hamdy, Faculty Fellow and Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Brown University Contents Acknowledgements 3 Abstract 4 Introduction: 5 Historicizing the Phenomenon in Egypt 7 Chronology 8 Manifestation of Harassment in Egypt 18 Chapter Overviews 23 A Note on Theories 25 Methods and Positionality 25 Chapter One: Tracing the Rise of the Anti-Sexual Harassment Movement in Egypt 30 The International Approach 31 The Contextual Approach Legal Definition of Sexual Harassment in Egypt 34 The National Reaction 37 Chapter Two: Theorizing the Anti-Sexual Harassment Movement in Egypt 49 Problems with RMT 51 New Social Movement Theory and the Egyptian Context 52 Collective Identity of the A-SH Movement 55 The State’s Inevitable Involvement 57 Understanding Movement Impact on Society 60 The Role of Mass Media 61 Innovations in Local Artistic Expression 65 Challenges Within the Authoritarian Context 68 Conclusion: Threats of Foreign Involvement Inappropriate Solutions 76 Perceptions and Risks of Foreign Involvement 79 Sources of Funding 81 Funding of the A-SH Movement 82 Concluding Thoughts 85 References: 88 2 Acknowledgements I would like to thank the friends, family, colleagues and advisors who have provided me with tremendous support throughout the thesis-writing process. First, I would like to acknowledge my advisor Sa’ed Atshan, without whom this project would have been impossible. -
Reporters Without Borders Two-Year-Jail-14-12-2011,41301.Html
1/5/12 Print : Maikel Nabil Sanad’s two-year jail term “insults spirit of Egyptian revol… Reporters Without Borders http://www.rsf.org/egypte-maikel-nabil-sanad-s- two-year-jail-14-12-2011,41301.html Middle East/North Africa - Egypt Outrage Maikel Nabil Sanad’s two-year jail term “insults spirit of Egyptian revolution” 14 December 2011 Reporters Without Borders roundly condemns the two-year jail sentence that the supreme military court of appeals in Cairo imposed today on Maikel Nabil Sanad, a blogger who has been held since March on a charge of insulting the military in a blog entry. The court had been due to pass sentence tomorrow, but brought the hearing forward with the apparent aim of taking advantage of the ongoing elections to reduce media coverage of the case. The court also fined Sanad 200 Egyptian pounds (30 dollars) and ordered him to pay another 200 Egyptian pounds in defence costs. Citing administrative delays, the court did not identify the exact charges on which he was convicted. “We are appalled by this sentence, which is an insult to the spirit of the Egyptian revolution, and we are outraged by the military court’s cowardice in using the elections to sentence Sanad surreptitiously,” Reporters Without Borders said. “On top of everything, Sanad will have to pay the fees of lawyers who did absolutely nothing to defend him during this unfair political trial. We urge the authorities to overturn this verdict and free Sanad at once, especially as his physical condition is worsening by the day.” Aged 26, Sanad has been on hunger strike for more than 100 days. -
Egypt: a Repression Made in France Executive Summary
Egypt: A Repression Made in France Exports of Weapons and Surveillance Technologies June 2018 / N° 716a Cover photo: Sherpa MIDS, photographed in Cairo on April 15, 2016. Table of contents Executive Summary 5 Introduction: The Establishment of a “partenariat privilégié” (Special Partnership) with the Egyptian Security Forces 8 Chapter 1: the consolidation in Egypt of a dictatorship of the security forces since 2013 imposed through unprecedented repression and grave human rights violations 11 1. The establishment of a highly repressive security apparatus that proliferates human rights violations 11 1.1. Strengthened military power 11 1.2. Increasingly powerful intelligence services 12 1.3 Repression of the opposition, civil society and all dissident voices 13 1.4. Repression giving rise to ongoing grave human rights violations 15 Use of lethal force against demonstrators 15 Mass arbitrary arrests 17 Enforced disappearances 17 Torture, abuse and death in prisons 17 Extrajudicial executions 18 Resurgence of the death penalty 18 The countless abuses of the antiterrorist campaign in the Sinai 18 2. At the heart of the repressive measures: widespread surveillance of the population 19 2.1. Digital arms race 19 2.2. From targeted surveillance to mass interception of communications 20 2.3. A totalitarian plan to monitor digital activities 21 2.4. Collecting personal data 23 2.5. Monitoring social networks 23 2.6. Intruding into personal data and monitoring private communications 24 2.7. Surveillance at the origin of grave and repeated human rights violations 25 Fabrication of evidence for use against suspected dissidents 25 Targets of surveillance: opponents, human rights defenders, and LGBTI people 25 Chapter 2: The enormous increase in French exports of surveillance technologies to Egypt: an unconditional partnership in the name of the «fight against terrorism» 27 1. -
Master Thesis
MEASURES BY THE EGYPTIAN GOVERNMENT TO COUNTER THE EXPLOITATION OF (SOCIAL) MEDIA - FACEBOOK AND AL JAZEERA Master Thesis Name: Rajko Smaak Student number: S1441582 Study: Master Crisis and Security Management Date: January 13, 2016 The Hague, The Netherlands Master Thesis: Measures by the Egyptian government to counter the exploitation of (social) media II Leiden University CAPSTONE PROJECT ‘FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION VERSUS FREEDOM FROM INTIMIDATION MEASURES BY THE EGYPTIAN GOVERNMENT TO COUNTER THE EXPLOITATION OF (SOCIAL) MEDIA - FACEBOOK AND AL JAZEERA BY Rajko Smaak S1441582 MASTER THESIS Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Crisis and Security Management at Leiden University, The Hague Campus. January 13, 2016 Leiden, The Netherlands Adviser: Prof. em. Alex P. Schmid Second reader: Dhr. Prof. dr. Edwin Bakker Master Thesis: Measures by the Egyptian government to counter the exploitation of (social) media III Leiden University Master Thesis: Measures by the Egyptian government to counter the exploitation of (social) media IV Leiden University Abstract During the Arab uprisings in 2011, social media played a key role in ousting various regimes in the Middle East and North Africa region. Particularly, social media channel Facebook and TV broadcast Al Jazeera played a major role in ousting Hosni Mubarak, former president of Egypt. Social media channels eases the ability for people to express, formulate, send and perceive messages on political issues. However, some countries demonstrate to react in various forms of direct and indirect control of these media outlets. Whether initiated through regulations or punitive and repressive measures such as imprisonment and censorship of media channels. -
UCLA Historical Journal
UCLA UCLA Historical Journal Title The Iranian Legacy in the 2011 Egyptian Revolution: Military Endurance and US Foreign Policy Priorities Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1k70q34v Journal UCLA Historical Journal, 24(1) ISSN 0276-864X Author Alimagham, Pouya Publication Date 2013 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Iranian Legacy in the 2011 Egyptian Revolution: Military Endurance and U.S. Foreign Policy Priorities Pouya Alimagham University of Michigan Introduction In the latter half of the twentieth century, militaries have been a major source for change in the Middle East. In 1952, radical nationalist military officers staged the overthrow of the Egyptian monarchy and proclaimed a republic. A year later, the Iranian military, in collusion with the American CIA and the British MI-6, toppled Iran’s democratically-elected government. In the same decade, Iraqi military officers, following on the heels of their Egyptian counterparts, ousted the monarchy in Iraq and, likewise, established a republic. Militaries were indeed a force for radical change and often became the final arbiters of power. However, they also frequently served as stalwart defenders of the status quo. During the 14-month protest movement that evolved into the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the military tried desperately to fend off the protest movement, to the extent that it established a military government two months before the revolution’s triumph and fought until the military’s virtual collapse on 11 February 1979. The Turkish military has, perhaps, the longest track record of intervening in bids to maintain the prevailing order; it has staged four coups in the last half of the twentieth cen- tury (1960, 1971, 1980, 1997).1 The Algerian military, by far the most dominant institution in the country, feared an imminent Islamist victory and canceled the second round of parliamentary elections in early 1992.