CONVERSION OF UPPER CASTES INTO LOWER CASTES: A PROCESS OF ASPRASHYEEKARAN (ENCOMPASSING UNTOUCHABILITY)

SHYAM LAL

Sanskritisation or the change over from lower to higher castes has been a subject of popular research in India, but not its reverse, Asprashyeekaran. This essay studies the downward mobility of population in India, where groups and individu­ als of upper castes or tribes broke their affiliation with the parent groups and culturally incorporated themselves, formally or legally, into the lower castes, acquiring altogether a new low caste identity. This is a phenomenon hardly reported by sociologists or social anthropologists. The conversion of upper castes into lower castes (asprashyeekaran) is the focus of this study.

Dr. Shyam Lal is Professor and Head of the Department of Sociology, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur.

All studies on social mobility are confined to upward mobility avail­ able to underprivileged groups, particularly the lower castes. This was the focus of many sociological studies in the fifties, sixties and seven­ ties of the this century (Srinivas, 1952; Cohn, 1955; Bailey, 1958; Kalia, 1959; Mahar, 1960; Chanana, 1961; Ratan, 1961; Gould 1961; Barnabas, 1961; and Patwardhan, 1973). The change in the social structure and mobility pattern of the scheduled castes (SCs) and the scheduled tribes (STs) in the various regions of India was reported by Shyam Lal (1973) and a few others. The Asprashyeekaran or the' downward mobility as it exists among the Hindus and non-Hindus, has not been studied by social scientists in general and sociologists and social anthropologists in particular. The converted Bhangis of different castes were found living in Bhangi bustees and the spatial segregation of castes was not reflected in the physical structure and layout of the bustees. It was possible for 164 Shyam Lal any person to change one's occupational status without a correspond­ ing change in the caste status. All the residents of the Bhangi bustees operated as a socially homogeneous group in their bustees. Such social situations were first observed in Jodhpur and then in Chittorgarh and other towns of Rajasthan (Lal, 1992a). In 'Desanskritisation and High Caste Converts into Bhangis' (Lal, 1992b), an attempt was made to assess the process of Bhangiisation in Rajasthan, according to which a high caste person accepts the mem­ bership of the Bhangi caste and thereby lowers his social as well as ritual position in the Hindu social order. The study illustrated the radical changes which came about in the lifestyles and values of the converts. After giving a detailed account of Bhangiisation, converts to Bhangi caste, motivating factors in Bhangiisation, process of Bhangi­ isation, socio-religious and cultural changes, it was concluded that the change of identity from an upper to lower caste status explains the course of social change in the history of Rajasthan (Lal, 1992c).

Objectives The broad objectives of the present study are: • To assess the process of Asprashyeekaran • To examine the motivating factors in Asprashyeekaran • To analyse changes in the converts due to Asprashyeekaran.

Asprashyeekaran M.N. Srinivas (1952, 1957) developed the concept of Sanskritisation. Reacting to this concept, scholars like D.N. Majumdar and others used the concept of desanskritisation. D.N. Majumdar, explaining de­ sanskritisation or deritualisation in his book Caste and Communication in an Indian village in 1958, stated that the members of high castes have been dropping rituals, abandoning their age old ways of life, adopting dress, diet and social customs which they did not subscribe to in a process which we may call desanskritisation. This process of desanskritisation (or deritualisation) is proceeding rapidly in all parts of India and that is how the voltage of caste prestige has been lowered and is on the decline. The term 'Desanskritisation' has been used here very broadly. In this paper, the concept of Asprashyeekaran has been propounded in place of Desanskritisation. Asprashyeekaran is a process by which a high or a low caste person or a tribal accepts the membership of an untouchable caste and thereby lowers his social as well as ritual Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 165 position. It involves imbibing the customs and beliefs and adopting the ways of life of a lower or an untouchable caste. The previous caste identity is lost over a period of time, say in a generation or two. D.N. Majumdar had explained 'Desanskritisation' in terms of aban­ doning age-old ways of life and rejecting abhorred social customs. However, this paper contends that the ideas of purity and impurity (as also emphasised by Dumont in his description of the characteristics of hierarchy in the caste system) should be given more importance in rejecting one way of life and accepting another. When a high caste person becomes a member of a lower caste, he/she keeps the pure and the impure separate and the idea of the 'superiority of the pure to the impure' is rejected. More importance is given to needs than to ritual­ istic purity. Asprashyeekaran is found functional for individual needs and desires. Since the principle of 'linear order of castes' is rejected, one does not mind being labelled Asprashya. The term, Asprashyeekaran, therefore, appears to be a more logical term in explaining the downward mobility of recent times. It was found during our field work, that the process of Asprashyeekaran is not confined to Hindu castes only, but it occurs among the non-Hindu groups too, such as Muslims. Bhangiisation was derived from the Bhangis of Rajasthan and not from the Bhangi caste in other regions. Similarly, Asprashyeekaran is not confined to the Bhangi caste but it also occurs among the other untouchable castes too such as Chamar, Bhalahi, Mahar, Bairwa, Pariah and others. The nature of this type of Asprashyeekaran is by no means uniform, as the untouchable castes into which the conversion has taken place vary, reflecting the diversity among the untouchable castes. Thus, there exist four models of Asprashyeekaran. These are: • Sociocultural model • Religion-ritual model • Historio-political model • Economic model.

Process of Asprashyeekaran An upper caste person, who converts himself/herself to an untouchable caste and changes his/her identity has to be formally incorporated and admitted into that new untouchable caste. Normally, under the tradi­ tional setup, the untouchables place a great premium on the purity of blood and they ex-communicate an untouchable having matrimo- 166 Shyam Lal nial relations with persons of other castes. But under extraordinary circumstances, it appears that they have their own cultural devices and procedures to incorporate or convert non-members to their castes. The process adopted by the Chamars, Balahis, Mahars and the Bairwas while converting upper caste persons into their own castes is discussed below.

Process of Conversion to the Chamar Caste About forty years ago, Gunarthi (1950) described how outsiders were admitted to Chamar caste in Rajasthan. Under the traditional setup some ceremony was usually performed to seal admission of the out­ siders to the Chamar caste. The high caste members who intended to become a Chamar had to sleep under a cot. In the presence of the caste gathering, the five Panchas of the caste (Chamar) sat on the cot and took a bath one by one. After this ceremony was performed the newcomer became a member of the Chamar caste.

Process of Conversion to the Balahi Caste Russell and Hiralal (1916) give a detailed description of the Balahi rites of admission. The head and face of the neophyte are shaved clean, and he is made to lie on the ground under a string-cot; a number of Balahis sit on this and wash themselves, letting the water drip from the bodies on to the man below until he is well drenched, he then gives a feast to the caste-fellows, and is considered to have become a Balahi. Like Russell and Hiralal, Fuchs (1966) refers to the occurrence of conversion of high castes people in the Balahi caste in Madhya Pradesh. The usual applicants are persons who have lost all their relatives and caste fellows in a village and consequently have associated with the Balahis; or they have been expelled from their own caste and, for certain reasons, are unable to gain readmission. Instead of remaining outcastes forever they prefer to join the Balahi community. Others may have fallen in love with a Balahi woman, or a girl or woman of a higher caste may have been seduced by a Balahi. In the latter case the woman is never taken back by her community and is therefore obliged to join the Balahis. Such cases are relatively frequent. Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 167

Process of Conversion to the Mahar Caste Some idea of conversion and change of identity and admission of higher castes persons among the Mahars may also be obtained from the following description given by Russell and Hiralal, 1916: When an outsider is to be received into the community all the hair on his face is shaved, being wetted with the urine of a boy belonging to the group to which he seeks admission.

Process of Conversion to Bairwa Caste The Bairwas also adopted a procedure basically similar to Bhangis, while converting upper caste persons. However, they do not have a Pindi Panchana ceremony as organised and performed by the Bhangis. Instead, the Bairwas have evolved a separate centralised sociopolitical organisation of their own, called Chorasi Panchayat (caste meeting body) which deals with the breach of caste norms. It is this body which deals with caste conversion, change of identity and admission of a non-Bairwa into the Bairwa caste fold. The sarpanch of the organisa­ tion conducts the proceedings. At least one person from each of the (84) villages is expected to attend the meeting and the non-Bairwa who intends to become a Bairwa has to throw a feast to the people.

Motivating Factors in Asprashyeekaran The basic question in the functioning of the caste system in India is: Was there any possibility of changing from higher to lower caste in the past? Was any such case ever reported in ancient, medieval or British periods? Has any scholar cited any example of lowering the status of a higher caste? This paper reiterates that it had happened in the past and it is happening even today in Hindu society. A few instances of Asprashyeekaran of high castes in ancient and medieval India are cited here while paying greater attention to the period immediately before and after the establishment of the British rule. The Asprashyeekaran of high castes appears to be a complex problem. Racial invasions and Muslim rulers in different periods left their imprint on the caste system. Hence, the Asprashyeekaran of higher castes in India should be studied from a historical perspective. Ketkar (1909: 108) while analysing the caste system and the social life of people in India during the third century found that a person could not go into a higher caste, but could move down from a high station. He could lose his caste status and could mingle with persons of lower 168 Shyam Lal castes. He further maintained that there are many castes who suffered in status 'on account of their mixing with low castes or of neglect of sacred rites'. Ketkar's statement points out that Asprashyeekaran is not a recent phenomenon in India. On the contrary, it was present during all the ages of Indian history. I What, then, are the causes of this downward mobility in Indian society? One important factor responsible for social degradation was outcast- ing. It affected individuals as well as groups. Breach of established social norms and usages was considered a social crime. Anyone who violated the approved societal norms was regarded guilty and forcibly declared an outcaste. Thus, the position of the outcastes was lowered and they were also prohibited from following their traditional occupa­ tions. Though only a small fraction of high caste people were thus degraded, the degradation to a lower caste often changed customs as well as the general culture. Dubois (1953), refers to the occurrence of social degradation of high castes and has pointed out how high castes were eventually merged into lower castes. Dubois states: The Pariahs were most probably composed in the first instance of all the disreputable individuals of different classes of society, who, on account of various offenses, had forfeited their right to associate with respectable men. They formed a class apart.... (1953: 53). The early period of Rajasthan history, for instance, records in­ stances of social degradation. The medieval period saw the fall of a section of a dominant caste of Rajputs in the Marwar state. Those Rajputs who were engaged in making the arrows for Bhils and Meenas were labelled outcaste and called 'Tirgars'. In course of time, the Tirgars assumed a new lower caste designation and the original caste name 'Rajput' disappeared. Munshi Hardayal Singh also noted the social degradation of Inda Rajputs in Marwar states as early as 1891. In about 1406, Mandor, the then capital of Marwar, was conquered by Jallalludeen Khilji from Padiyar Rajputs. The Muslim rulers harassed and tortured the Rajputs and some years later, the Inda Rajputs, another sect of Padiyar Rajput, recaptured it from Khilji. Later on, Mandor was given in dowry to Rao Chundaji to whom they gave their daughters in marriage. This resulted Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 169 in a lowering of their social position. Since then, some Padiyars merged with the lower castes. II Another important factor that leads to downward mobility and social degradation in the Hindu society is the principle of ceremonial purity. As Ketkar pointed out: A caste is ... degraded by giving up .. . the traditional rules of purity surrounding dominant castes and by irregular conduct from their standard (1909: 21). Many Brahmin castes in Western India degraded themselves be­ cause of the use of meat and wine. Ketkar reported: In Western India, some castes are degraded by the use of wine and meat and even by that of tobacco. Many Brahmin castes in certain localities have lost their status by using meat, which is used in those localities only by non-Brahmins Many castes have been lowered in social scale by the customs of polygamy (1909:21). Describing this trend of a downward social mobility in the Rajpu- tana princely states, Gunarthi wrote: Many twice-born castes had fallen from high station on account of their neglect of sacred rites and rituals and deeds and merged among the Chamars and adopted the traditional occupation of this caste. Because of this age-old process, gotras of different higher castes are also found among the Chamars (1950: 261). The Bhakti cults of medieval India are also significant because they challenged the idea of inequality based on caste. A few sects founded by lower caste saints recruited followers from several higher castes in their early evangelical phase. Referring to the influence of Lalgir (one of the medieval saints of Bikaner state), on high caste Hindus, Sheering wrote in 1881: Nearly fifty years ago a Chamar, named Lalgir founded a relig­ ious sect ... to which high officials, Rajpoots and others . . . attached themselves (1974: 62). Louis Dumount has also held that people converting to Bhakti sects in the past centuries have formed new castes (cf. Kolenda, 1984: 116). 170 Shyam Lal

In such a movement, the direction of change will be towards a social degradation model rather than the Sanskritisation model. III The political system of British India witnessed downward mobility for some strategically situated individuals and groups. A secondary source of downward mobility in that system was the king or any other acknowledged political head of the region. The king had the power to promote and demote castes inhabiting his kingdom. For instance, Ballan Sen, the king of Bengal, in the twelfth century enjoyed the power of elevating and degrading the rank of castes in his kingdom. In Vallabh Charita, it was pointed out, that Ballal Sen demoted the Sonar Banias to the status of an unclean caste (O'Malley, 1913: 452). The power to promote or demote castes stemmed from the fact that pre-British Indian kings, Hindu or Muslim stood at the apex of the caste system. The ranking of castes within the kingdom had the king's consent and an individual who had been termed an outcaste by his caste council for an offence had always the right of appeal to the king. The latter had the power to examine the evidence and confirm or alter the verdict. Degradation to a low caste was one of the five severe punishments to be imposed. In the year 1820, W. Hamilton mentioned that a century ago, members of the best families were degraded to a low caste by which they lost both liberty and caste. Similar incidents have been reported by writers from other parts of India during the last few centuries. In 1883, S.C. Bose traced the demotion of a Brahmin of Santipur of eighteenth century Nadia, who had sexual relations with a girl of low caste. They appealed to the Raja and afterwards to the Nawab, for restoration of caste, but in vain. (cf. O'Malley, 1913:453). IV Another important aspect of degradation is what is loosely called the economic dimension. More precisely, this refers to the 'occupational demand' in trade or government or social organisation. The occupation determines the social position of individuals and groups. Briggs noted this almost seventy years ago. He wrote: The Jatiya, for example, is of a higher physical type than some other sub-castes and of lighter complexion. The explanation in this case may be that some occupational demand drew jats into Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 171

this lower form of work, or more likely that pressure or penalty resulted in their degradation (1920: 18). V A great deal of downward mobility and social degradation occurred because of illicit relations of Chamar women with persons of high castes. As a result of his historical research, Briggs has described the case of Jats, who were degraded in Uttar Pradesh in the sixteenth century. The Jats' degradation may be explained partly by the illicit relations of Chamar women with men of higher castes and partly by certain social and religious customs that prevailed extensively. Some Jatiyas claim to be the descendants of Jats. Many persons of this sub-caste resemble these taller and fairer complexioned neighbours.

VI Subjugation of tribe after tribe has been a recurring phenomena in India. Indian history illustrates the process of rising and falling of tribes and classes under foreign and local waves of invasions. Foreign invasions and local waves of conquest are significant in social degradation in another way. There is first of all the process of social degradation when a caste or section of a caste lost political power. It also lost the traditional symbols of higher status, namely customs, rituals and lifestyles of higher caste. In her study of Tanjore village in Tamil Nadu, Gough (1960) reports the extinction of a royal family in 1855 and the subsequent downward mobility of its courtier families. Now for a brief analysis of the case of Chamars of Uttar Pradesh. Briggs reports that there were no Chamars in Gorakhpur District in the sixteenth century. The question is, how did the Chamars emerge? Briggs suggests that 'There are good reasons for believing that this caste has received large recruitment from above'. The census of Marwar Report for 1891 says that in Marwar, the erstwhile princely state, the Rajput Malis were comparatively large in number. The Rajputs bravely fought and defended their kingdom against the Muslim invaders but were defeated and punished severely by the triumphant conqueror. In desperation, some of the Rajputs left their traditional caste and converted themselves voluntarily into the Mali caste to save themselves from Muslim atrocities. This process of conversion into the Mali caste occurred gradually but it intensified in the twelfth century when Prithvi Raj Chauhan, the last Hindu king of 172 Shyam Lal

Delhi, bravely defended his kingdom against the Mughals and was eventually defeated by Mohammad Quari, the Muslim invader. After the defeat of Chauhan, the Rajputs who were captured by the Muslim armies during the wars were, forcibly converted into Muslims. After they embraced the Islamic religion, they were called Gauri Pathans. Some other Rajputs took shelter in other lower castes to conceal their Rajput status. In accepting the membership of different castes accord­ ing to their convenience, the Rajputs saved their lives but lost their caste rank in social structure and assumed the occupation of the adopted castes. Many Rajputs merged with the Mali castes. The census officials have also traced the emergence and the development of Rajput Mali caste through the downfall of the Rajputs after the death of Prithvi Raj Chauhan (see Marwar, 1891: 83-85; Angris, 1991: 65-66). In 1313, a meeting of the members of Rajput Malis was held at Pushkar in Ajmer under the presidentship of Mahadev. The meeting unanimously passed 22 reforms for their caste, such as a ban on the eating of meat, drinking of wine and killing of animals and widow remarriage (Marwar, 1891: 83-85). The Rajputs were not only converted into the Mali caste but were also converted into untouchable castes such as Chamars and Bhangis (Marwar, 1891:583). Like Briggs, Gunarthi also traces the origin of a new sub-Chamar caste in Rajasthan in the fifteenth century. In Rajasthan, there was a thikana known as Nimad. Gunarthi comments that in 1412 Maharana Ratan Singh attacked Nimad but was badly defeated. During the struggle, some of the soldiers were captured and were forced to weave the cloth for the natives of Nimad. Weaving was the traditional occupation of a low caste known as Balahi. Later on, they were called by the degraded terms, Nimad Balahi. Similar descriptions have been reported from other parts of India relating to the early period. Shastri cites an example from the history of Bengal where how, as a result of loss of political power, the Buddhists of Bengal were eventually demoted into the low social status. According to Shastri: The people of Bengal, who after the downfall of the Hindu rule did not accept either Brahmanism or Islam, but stuck to their old mode of worship, became the untouchables of today. History is not without such examples (cf. Prasad, 1957: 46). Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 173

The Chamars, Balahis, Bhambis and Meghwals of Rajasthan are briefly discussed here. In Rajasthan, from the early period, the tradi­ tional Chamars admitted the outsiders into their fold. Gunarthi writes that for Rajasthan region, the Chamars are grouped into two main categories, A dak and Sadak. The term Adak was used for the traditional Chamars in general, whereas the term Sadak was used particularly for those converted Chamars who were recruited in the Chamar castes from higher castes. This conversion is elaborated in Singh's descrip­ tion of how members of the Brahmin, Rajput, Jat and Charon castes in Rajasthan were lowered. Singh says:

.. .In times past, when Marwar was troubled by foreign invaders, a large number of Rajputs, Jats and Charans joined the Bhambi caste and thus, in course of time, there arose five subdivisions among the Bhambis as follows: i) The Adu or unmixed Bhambis. ii) The Maru Bhambis comprising Rajputs, iii) The Bamnia Bhambis comprising Paliwal Brahmins, iv) The Jata Bhambis including Jats — 1,128 males and 1,029 females have separately retained themselves under this head, v) The Charnia Bhambis including Charans (1990: 197; see Vyas and Gehlot, 1992).

It would thus be logical to say that in the case of Chamars, who seem to have been recruited in medieval times from several higher castes like Rajputs, Brahmins, Jats and Charans, cultural differences exist between sub-caste groups in different parts of the country. In fact, the Chamars like Jata Bhambis, Bamnia Bhambis and Charnia Bham­ bis in Rajasthan do not inter-marry within these sub-castes. These groups are more conscious of maintaining their old traditions and customs. Not only this, there is also considerable diversity in the dress habits between different Chamar groups. Sardar (1914:238) mentions that Meghwal admitted people of higher castes into their caste. Like Singh and Sardar, Mead and Macgregor, (1912) draw attention to the same fact that Bhangis of Bombay are an admixture of outcastes. In other words, the sociopolitical system favoured.downward mo­ bility. (See Table 1 for an analysis of castes which were given low status in different periods in some Indian states). TABLE 1 CASTES WHICH WERE GIVEN LOW STATUS IN DIFFERENT PERIODS IN RAJASTHAN, UTTAR PRADESH, BENGAL AND TAMIL NADU

* Caste has not been specified by the author. ** Occupation has not been mentioned. ** States have not been specified Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 175

VII The last important factor that led to the downwards (and also upward) mobility in Hindu society is the benefit of reservation. Poor economic conditions and craze for power and status lead to the process of Asprashyeekaran of those economically poor upper castes through aspiration for reservation benefits. These castes, in order to avail them­ selves of the facilities of reservation, must adopt one of the categories of SC/ST and other backward classes notified by the Constitution of free India. This has been successfully done by the higher caste people. Some of the higher castes have been adopting the lower castes since the British period in order to enjoy the fruits of reservations. For instance, in 1974, Saraswathi described an incident from the Madras state:

The Britishers adopted the policy of political concession for the minority communities, backward classes and depressed classes there was a competition among the upper castes to adopt, the names of the lower castes so as to qualify themselves for the benefits of the British reservations. This was done by the Viswa Brahmin caste, one of the non-brahmin upper castes of Madras State, who had tried to join the lower castes for the sake of getting reservation benefits from Britishers, (cf. Guru: 1986).

Even today the higher castes are willing to take the status of lower castes for the sake of getting reservation benefits given by the Consti­ tution to the above mentioned cases. According to the reports of the Commissioner for SCs and STs, there are a number of instances where high caste people secured false certificates by unscrupulous means in the support of their claims of belonging to SC and ST groups for entry into services under the Central Government, State Government and public sector undertakings. Thus, reservations as a practical necessity to remove the economic backwardness compel the higher castes to undergo the process of asprashyeekaran.

Asprashyeekaran: Socio-religious and Cultural Changes The converted Chamars, Bairwas and Bhangis of Rajasthan today do not claim to be the descendants of upper castes, though in reality they are converts from castes of Hindus and non-Hindus. Over the generations, the converted families have succeeded in completely obliterating their upper caste ancestry and have created a new social identity for themselves as the descendants of traditional Chamars, Bairwas and Bhangis. 176 Shyam Lal

The conversion of upper castes to the Chamar, Bairwa and Bhangi caste was both an individual and group process. The conversion of individuals/groups made the transition from the upper strata to the low stratum and the accompanying positional changes, somewhat easier for upper caste members. Some major adjustments were required, but whatever the individual convert lost by way of social intercourse with upper castes was eventually gained among the Chamars, Bairwas and Bhangis. Converts to the Chamar, Bairwa and Bhangi castes are usually characterised as Chamar, Bairwa and Bhangi and no specific term is used for them. They are not looked down upon by the traditional Chamars, Bairwas and Bhangis. This did not give rise to any kind of differentiation in the adjustment of the converts. After their conversion to Chamar, Bairwa and Bhangi castes in different regions, they con­ tinue to enjoy an equal status among the members of Chamar, Bairwa and Bhangi groups as the whole.

The Trend A caste has its own self-image and identity on the basis of which it considers itself historically as well as socioculturally and nominalisti- cally distinct from other castes and tenaciously sticks to and justifies this identity in spite of various changes taking place in its life. There exists a vast body of data on cultural dynamics among the untouchable castes and various aspects of cultural and social changes and factors responsible for them. However, such studies generally do not seem to discuss the change of the identity of a caste. It may be noted that this change of identity from upper caste to lower caste status throws significant light on the course of Indian history. At the same, at the macrocosmic level, it has a significant bearing on the understanding of some aspects of Indian civilisation where the process of fission and fusion of the various castes and cultural groups has been making an impact on the homogeneity of the population. This phe­ nomenon deserves the serious attention of sociologists and cultural historians alike.

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The Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol 57, Issue 2, April 1996